Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.1525/msem.2022.38.1.198
A. Colorado
{"title":"Review: De olfato: aproximaciones a los olores en la historia de México, edited by Élodie Dupey García y Guadalupe Pinzón Ríos","authors":"A. Colorado","doi":"10.1525/msem.2022.38.1.198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2022.38.1.198","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84286531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-23DOI: 10.1525/msem.2021.37.3.451
Kathleen Bruhn
Abstract:Pre-electoral coalitions form across a variety of political contexts. Prevailing explanations suggest that ideological proximity between coalition partners and the size of the contribution that parties make explain the character of coalitions. These expectations hold only partially true in the case of Mexico. Rather, as this article suggests, parties also evaluate the degree to which they consider prospective coalition partners reliable and trustworthy. Some otherwise viable coalitions fail to form because of lack of trust or form despite ideological disparities, when a party's contribution to defeating a common enemy is considered.Abstract:Las coaliciones preelectorales se forman en una variedad de contextos políticos. Las teorías más aceptadas sobre las coaliciones sugieren que la proximidad ideológica entre los componentes de la coalición, así como el tamaño de los partidos a los que representan, explican el carácter de dichas coaliciones. Sin embargo, estas teorías son sólo parcialmente ciertas en el caso de México. En este artículo, sugiero que los partidos políticos también evalúan el grado en que los posibles participantes de una coalición son considerados dignos de confianza. De ese modo, algunas coaliciones, que de otro modo serían viables, no se forman debido a la falta de confianza, mientras que otras se forman a pesar de las disparidades ideológicas cuando se considera la importancia de la contribución de un partido aliado para poder derrotar a un enemigo común.
{"title":"When Opposites Attract: Electoral Coalitions and Alliance Politics in Mexico","authors":"Kathleen Bruhn","doi":"10.1525/msem.2021.37.3.451","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.3.451","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Pre-electoral coalitions form across a variety of political contexts. Prevailing explanations suggest that ideological proximity between coalition partners and the size of the contribution that parties make explain the character of coalitions. These expectations hold only partially true in the case of Mexico. Rather, as this article suggests, parties also evaluate the degree to which they consider prospective coalition partners reliable and trustworthy. Some otherwise viable coalitions fail to form because of lack of trust or form despite ideological disparities, when a party's contribution to defeating a common enemy is considered.Abstract:Las coaliciones preelectorales se forman en una variedad de contextos políticos. Las teorías más aceptadas sobre las coaliciones sugieren que la proximidad ideológica entre los componentes de la coalición, así como el tamaño de los partidos a los que representan, explican el carácter de dichas coaliciones. Sin embargo, estas teorías son sólo parcialmente ciertas en el caso de México. En este artículo, sugiero que los partidos políticos también evalúan el grado en que los posibles participantes de una coalición son considerados dignos de confianza. De ese modo, algunas coaliciones, que de otro modo serían viables, no se forman debido a la falta de confianza, mientras que otras se forman a pesar de las disparidades ideológicas cuando se considera la importancia de la contribución de un partido aliado para poder derrotar a un enemigo común.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"37 1","pages":"451 - 475"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47474576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.197
Jaddiel Díaz Frene
Durante el porfiriato, la sociedad mexicana vivió una época de revoluciones tecnológicas que modificaron las formas de percibir el tiempo, la distancia y los sonidos. Uno de estos inventos fue el fonógrafo, creado por Thomas Alva Edison en 1877. Los usos sociales y culturales de las máquinas parlantes en el país incluyeron los más diversos rubros, desde la renta ambulante hasta la firma de contratos para trasformar el servicio de correos. Si bien los hombres tuvieron un papel protagónico en esta historia sonora, las mujeres porfirianas no fueron relegadas a un papel secundario de meras consumidoras domésticas de los aparatos. Mediante un examen de fotografías, diarios y peticiones gubernamentales, en este artículo muestro cómo, durante los días de la revolución eléctrica, las mexicanas también participaron en los procesos de grabación y comercialización de los fonogramas y los aparatos reproductores. Primero, abordo los casos de dos relevantes cantantes que lograron grabar sus voces en diferentes formatos, la soprano Ángela Peralta y la tiple Esperanza Iris. Después, documento las prácticas y las experiencias de las comerciantes que rentaron fonógrafos en las calles o los colocaron en sus negocios para atraer a clientes. El ensayo abre las puertas a una nueva historia de la relación entre las mujeres y las tecnologías acústicas en México, a la vez planteando preguntas y temas para investigaciones en otros países en América Latina.
{"title":"Fonógrafos imperiales y voces nacionales: mujeres mexicanas entre discos, cilindros y mostradores (México, 1877–1910)","authors":"Jaddiel Díaz Frene","doi":"10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.197","url":null,"abstract":"Durante el porfiriato, la sociedad mexicana vivió una época de revoluciones tecnológicas que modificaron las formas de percibir el tiempo, la distancia y los sonidos. Uno de estos inventos fue el fonógrafo, creado por Thomas Alva Edison en 1877. Los usos sociales y culturales de las máquinas parlantes en el país incluyeron los más diversos rubros, desde la renta ambulante hasta la firma de contratos para trasformar el servicio de correos. Si bien los hombres tuvieron un papel protagónico en esta historia sonora, las mujeres porfirianas no fueron relegadas a un papel secundario de meras consumidoras domésticas de los aparatos. Mediante un examen de fotografías, diarios y peticiones gubernamentales, en este artículo muestro cómo, durante los días de la revolución eléctrica, las mexicanas también participaron en los procesos de grabación y comercialización de los fonogramas y los aparatos reproductores. Primero, abordo los casos de dos relevantes cantantes que lograron grabar sus voces en diferentes formatos, la soprano Ángela Peralta y la tiple Esperanza Iris. Después, documento las prácticas y las experiencias de las comerciantes que rentaron fonógrafos en las calles o los colocaron en sus negocios para atraer a clientes. El ensayo abre las puertas a una nueva historia de la relación entre las mujeres y las tecnologías acústicas en México, a la vez planteando preguntas y temas para investigaciones en otros países en América Latina.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"11 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72394780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.232
K. Myers
Cultural analysts have noted similarities between Alfonso Cuarón’s Colonia Roma and José Emilio Pacheco’s Colonia Roma, depicted twenty years earlier in his best-selling novel Las batallas en el desierto (1981). But no one has examined how Pacheco’s work studies the emerging relationship between modernization and the racialization of space, which Cuarón’s film Roma later captured for a global audience. Pacheco’s depictions of a spatialized interaction between social classes in mid-twentieth-century Colonia Roma, I argue, offer an archeology of space, race, class, and modernity that attempts to counteract forces of social amnesia following a period of repression and censorship. Drawing on the critical practice of spatial studies, I look beyond the flat representation of space and study instead how a multidimensional spatialization depicted in this work reveals the legacy of Spanish colonial infrastructures of race and the emerging formulation of modernity. Indeed, Pacheco’s novel tells the story of repressed memories and unearths the infrastructures of a coloniality/modernity that continue to affect Mexico today.
{"title":"An Archeology of Mexican Modernity","authors":"K. Myers","doi":"10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.232","url":null,"abstract":"Cultural analysts have noted similarities between Alfonso Cuarón’s Colonia Roma and José Emilio Pacheco’s Colonia Roma, depicted twenty years earlier in his best-selling novel Las batallas en el desierto (1981). But no one has examined how Pacheco’s work studies the emerging relationship between modernization and the racialization of space, which Cuarón’s film Roma later captured for a global audience. Pacheco’s depictions of a spatialized interaction between social classes in mid-twentieth-century Colonia Roma, I argue, offer an archeology of space, race, class, and modernity that attempts to counteract forces of social amnesia following a period of repression and censorship. Drawing on the critical practice of spatial studies, I look beyond the flat representation of space and study instead how a multidimensional spatialization depicted in this work reveals the legacy of Spanish colonial infrastructures of race and the emerging formulation of modernity. Indeed, Pacheco’s novel tells the story of repressed memories and unearths the infrastructures of a coloniality/modernity that continue to affect Mexico today.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83666480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.263
A. Hijar
Workers’ unions and political projects in postrevolutionary Chihuahua, specifically the border city of Ciudad Juárez, have remained largely unexamined by historians. Existing research in this state has mainly focused on the role of political and economic elites. In this article, I examine the rise of a radical labor wing spearheaded by the communist-leaning Cámara Sindical Obrera in the political, social, and economic milieu on the border throughout the 1930s. This wing encouraged a sense of internationalism and mass direct action. Once the Cárdenas regime ended, workers experienced significant setbacks at both the national and local levels. Scholars examining workers’ movements during the same period have identified divisions within the labor movement as the main reason behind the demise of communist unions within organized labor. I argue that the gradual co-optation of the radical wing of the labor movement, beginning in the 1940s, had more to do with the violence perpetrated against these unions by emergent statewide elites than with fractures within the movement. I demonstrate that violence, arrests, and outright murder of key leaders weakened communist unions by altering their internal mechanisms designed to remain independent. In this difficult context, organized labor responded to the challenge with different degrees of success.
{"title":"There are no Communists Here","authors":"A. Hijar","doi":"10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.263","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.263","url":null,"abstract":"Workers’ unions and political projects in postrevolutionary Chihuahua, specifically the border city of Ciudad Juárez, have remained largely unexamined by historians. Existing research in this state has mainly focused on the role of political and economic elites. In this article, I examine the rise of a radical labor wing spearheaded by the communist-leaning Cámara Sindical Obrera in the political, social, and economic milieu on the border throughout the 1930s. This wing encouraged a sense of internationalism and mass direct action. Once the Cárdenas regime ended, workers experienced significant setbacks at both the national and local levels. Scholars examining workers’ movements during the same period have identified divisions within the labor movement as the main reason behind the demise of communist unions within organized labor. I argue that the gradual co-optation of the radical wing of the labor movement, beginning in the 1940s, had more to do with the violence perpetrated against these unions by emergent statewide elites than with fractures within the movement. I demonstrate that violence, arrests, and outright murder of key leaders weakened communist unions by altering their internal mechanisms designed to remain independent. In this difficult context, organized labor responded to the challenge with different degrees of success.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"115 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85413853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.176
Amber Workman
Abstract:Increasing literacy rates and engagement with reading as a cultural practice in Mexico has been the focus of many postrevolutionary programs, yet studies show that few Mexicans choose to read on a regular, voluntary basis. While the image of Mexicans as nonreaders is a common theme in contemporary Mexican literature and popular culture, few studies exist on the topic. This article analyzes representations of the nonreader in Rosa Beltrán’s novel Efectos secundarios (2011) and the relationship of these portrayals to citizenship, cultural policy and management, the cultural industry, and the effects of neoliberalism in twenty-first-century Mexico. While novels such as El último lector (Toscana 2004; The last reader) and advertising, such as that of the Gandhi bookstore chain, depict reading apathy as a personal failure on the part of Mexican citizens and a lack of volition to exercise what might be seen as a civic responsibility, Beltrán’s novel shows Mexican nonreaders as victims of a failed state marked by corruption, impunity, insecurity, and violence, which impede reading as a cultural practice. Because a reading public may be seen as vital for democracy, Beltrán’s novel invites critical engagement with key debates on reading and education policy, the politics of the Mexican publishing industry, and the effects of corruption and violence on the distribution of cultural goods.Abstract:En México, aumentar los índices de alfabetización y el interés en la lectura como una práctica cultural ha sido el objetivo de numerosos programas desde los tiempos posrevolucionarios. Aún así, según diversos estudios, pocos son los mexicanos que leen de manera regular y voluntaria. Aunque la imagen de los mexicanos como no lectores es una idea recurrente en la literatura contemporánea mexicana y la cultura popular, existen pocos estudios sobre esta temática. En este ensayo, analizo las representaciones de mexicanos no lectores en la novela Efectos secundarios de Rosa Beltrán (2011), incluyendo la relación de estas representaciones con ideas de ciudadanía, políticas, gestorías e industrias culturales y los efectos neoliberales en el México del siglo XXI. Mientras novelas como El último lector (Toscana 2004) y anuncios comerciales, como los de la librería Gandhi, representan la apatía por la lectura como una falla personal de los mexicanos y una falta de voluntad, y por no ejercer lo que podría ser visto como una responsabilidad cívica, la novela de Beltrán presenta a los mexicanos no lectores como víctimas de un estado fallido marcado por la corrupción, impunidad, inseguridad y violencia, impidiendo la lectura como una práctica cultural. Puesto que el público lector podría ser considerado como vital para la democracia, la novela de Beltrán invita a una discusión crítica sobre debates referentes a políticas educativas, políticas editoriales y los efectos de la corrupción y la violencia en la distribución de bienes culturales en el país.
{"title":"The Nonreader Citizen and the Nation in Rosa Beltrán’s Efectos secundarios (2011)","authors":"Amber Workman","doi":"10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.176","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.176","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Increasing literacy rates and engagement with reading as a cultural practice in Mexico has been the focus of many postrevolutionary programs, yet studies show that few Mexicans choose to read on a regular, voluntary basis. While the image of Mexicans as nonreaders is a common theme in contemporary Mexican literature and popular culture, few studies exist on the topic. This article analyzes representations of the nonreader in Rosa Beltrán’s novel Efectos secundarios (2011) and the relationship of these portrayals to citizenship, cultural policy and management, the cultural industry, and the effects of neoliberalism in twenty-first-century Mexico. While novels such as El último lector (Toscana 2004; The last reader) and advertising, such as that of the Gandhi bookstore chain, depict reading apathy as a personal failure on the part of Mexican citizens and a lack of volition to exercise what might be seen as a civic responsibility, Beltrán’s novel shows Mexican nonreaders as victims of a failed state marked by corruption, impunity, insecurity, and violence, which impede reading as a cultural practice. Because a reading public may be seen as vital for democracy, Beltrán’s novel invites critical engagement with key debates on reading and education policy, the politics of the Mexican publishing industry, and the effects of corruption and violence on the distribution of cultural goods.Abstract:En México, aumentar los índices de alfabetización y el interés en la lectura como una práctica cultural ha sido el objetivo de numerosos programas desde los tiempos posrevolucionarios. Aún así, según diversos estudios, pocos son los mexicanos que leen de manera regular y voluntaria. Aunque la imagen de los mexicanos como no lectores es una idea recurrente en la literatura contemporánea mexicana y la cultura popular, existen pocos estudios sobre esta temática. En este ensayo, analizo las representaciones de mexicanos no lectores en la novela Efectos secundarios de Rosa Beltrán (2011), incluyendo la relación de estas representaciones con ideas de ciudadanía, políticas, gestorías e industrias culturales y los efectos neoliberales en el México del siglo XXI. Mientras novelas como El último lector (Toscana 2004) y anuncios comerciales, como los de la librería Gandhi, representan la apatía por la lectura como una falla personal de los mexicanos y una falta de voluntad, y por no ejercer lo que podría ser visto como una responsabilidad cívica, la novela de Beltrán presenta a los mexicanos no lectores como víctimas de un estado fallido marcado por la corrupción, impunidad, inseguridad y violencia, impidiendo la lectura como una práctica cultural. Puesto que el público lector podría ser considerado como vital para la democracia, la novela de Beltrán invita a una discusión crítica sobre debates referentes a políticas educativas, políticas editoriales y los efectos de la corrupción y la violencia en la distribución de bienes culturales en el país.","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"37 1","pages":"176 - 196"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42528322","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.324
Matteo Cantarello
{"title":"Review: Los cárteles no existen: Narcotráfico y cultura en México, by Oswaldo Zavala","authors":"Matteo Cantarello","doi":"10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.324","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.324","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81186991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-01DOI: 10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.321
Laura J. Torres-Rodríguez
{"title":"Review: Strategic Occidentalism: On Mexican Fiction, the Neoliberal Book Market, and the Question of World Literature, by Ignacio M. Sánchez Prado","authors":"Laura J. Torres-Rodríguez","doi":"10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.321","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/msem.2021.37.2.321","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44006,"journal":{"name":"MEXICAN STUDIES-ESTUDIOS MEXICANOS","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79992513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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