Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146873
Christine Arnold-Lourie
{"title":"They knew they were pilgrims: Plymouth Colony and the contest for American liberty","authors":"Christine Arnold-Lourie","doi":"10.1080/00182370.2022.2146873","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2022.2146873","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44078,"journal":{"name":"HISTORIAN","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48490223","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146878
Timothy H. Silver
{"title":"An environmental history of the Civil War","authors":"Timothy H. Silver","doi":"10.1080/00182370.2022.2146878","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2022.2146878","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44078,"journal":{"name":"HISTORIAN","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45139380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146880
June Melby Benowitz
{"title":"Political godmother: Nackey Scripps Loeb and the newspaper that shook the Republican Party","authors":"June Melby Benowitz","doi":"10.1080/00182370.2022.2146880","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2022.2146880","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44078,"journal":{"name":"HISTORIAN","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46261307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2145738
M. McCoy
ABSTRACT “Does society have the right to force pregnant drug addicts to abort their fetuses?” This was the question that Professor George Schendler from Southern Illinois University at Carbondale posed in his 1991 journal article. Schendler was not the only person to suggest criminalizing the behavior of pregnant people to prevent what were colloquially known as “crack babies.” This article analyzes how discursive narratives of an immediate and long-term crisis, framed through the diseased body of an innocent yet simultaneously dangerous infant, erroneously predicted the onslaught of dependent Black and Brown children who would supposedly cripple American society. By focusing on the infamous 1994 “Keystone Kids” case in Chicago, IL, I argue that the steps taken to eliminate “crack babies” instead criminalized Black and Brown women’s pregnancies and separated children from their parents.
{"title":"“19 kids found in filth”: how the Chicago Keystone Kids’ case became emblematic of deviant motherhood and the crack cocaine crisis, 1985-2004","authors":"M. McCoy","doi":"10.1080/00182370.2022.2145738","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2022.2145738","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT “Does society have the right to force pregnant drug addicts to abort their fetuses?” This was the question that Professor George Schendler from Southern Illinois University at Carbondale posed in his 1991 journal article. Schendler was not the only person to suggest criminalizing the behavior of pregnant people to prevent what were colloquially known as “crack babies.” This article analyzes how discursive narratives of an immediate and long-term crisis, framed through the diseased body of an innocent yet simultaneously dangerous infant, erroneously predicted the onslaught of dependent Black and Brown children who would supposedly cripple American society. By focusing on the infamous 1994 “Keystone Kids” case in Chicago, IL, I argue that the steps taken to eliminate “crack babies” instead criminalized Black and Brown women’s pregnancies and separated children from their parents.","PeriodicalId":44078,"journal":{"name":"HISTORIAN","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45894052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2145739
W. Palmer
ABSTRACT The Tudor reconquest of Ireland involved many of life’s most intense experiences, including death, combat, disease, deprivation, injury, hostage taking, and loss of position. During the conquest, English officials and Irish lords each developed their own pattern of what William Reddy has called emotional regimes, whereby different groups develop emotional responses that help them make sense of their worlds and how to respond to problems. The first, embraced largely by English officials, involved bold promises of success and decisive action in controlling Ireland. The second, embraced largely by Irish lords, involved disguising emotions in favor of delay, agreement, and promises of loyalty. Each strategy arose from particular circumstances. The English, holding superior military power and fearful of Irish and foreign conspiracies, adopted a strategy of confrontation which justified the violence necessary in controlling Ireland and minimized the suffering that would result. Irish lords, by contrast, could rarely win pitched battles. Conspicuous resistance to English authority, therefore, was risky. But, when it did happen, English officials became convinced of the duplicity of the Irish. Each side believed that their counterpart was engaged in a deliberate conspiracy to mislead them.
{"title":"Experiencing conquest: emotion, minority panic, and conspiracy in late Tudor Ireland1","authors":"W. Palmer","doi":"10.1080/00182370.2022.2145739","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2022.2145739","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Tudor reconquest of Ireland involved many of life’s most intense experiences, including death, combat, disease, deprivation, injury, hostage taking, and loss of position. During the conquest, English officials and Irish lords each developed their own pattern of what William Reddy has called emotional regimes, whereby different groups develop emotional responses that help them make sense of their worlds and how to respond to problems. The first, embraced largely by English officials, involved bold promises of success and decisive action in controlling Ireland. The second, embraced largely by Irish lords, involved disguising emotions in favor of delay, agreement, and promises of loyalty. Each strategy arose from particular circumstances. The English, holding superior military power and fearful of Irish and foreign conspiracies, adopted a strategy of confrontation which justified the violence necessary in controlling Ireland and minimized the suffering that would result. Irish lords, by contrast, could rarely win pitched battles. Conspicuous resistance to English authority, therefore, was risky. But, when it did happen, English officials became convinced of the duplicity of the Irish. Each side believed that their counterpart was engaged in a deliberate conspiracy to mislead them.","PeriodicalId":44078,"journal":{"name":"HISTORIAN","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48940040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146869
Hanan Yoran
James Hankins’s Virtue Politics is by far the richest and most comprehensive book ever written on the political thought of the Italian humanists. The book critically and insightfully examines numerous thinkers and works, many of which have received only sporadic attention in the context of humanist political thought. The book thus significantly broadens the scope of existing research. At the same time, building on and occasionally revising the author’s research from previous decades, it provides an original and precise conceptual definition of humanist political thought as a form of virtue politics. Hankins’s volume is sure to become the primary reference point for any research on the subject for at least the next few decades, and it will doubtless provide the theoretical framework for many such research initiatives. As one would expect, Hankins, in elaborating such an ambitious argument, critically engages the dominant interpretive currents: the republican interpretation within the field of the history of political thought and Kristeller’s paradigm for the intellectual history of Renaissance humanism. Virtue Politics thus deserves a careful and critical assessment, a reading that highlights not only its many virtues but also its limitations. In the book’s first chapter, Hankins reconstructs humanism as a comprehensive cultural reform program which the humanists and their adherents alike perceived to be an attempt at wide-ranging political and social reform. Such an understanding of Renaissance humanism is, of course, familiar. Hankins elaborates his version of this conception by employing the notion of paideuma, “an intentional form of elite culture that seeks power within a society with the aim of altering the moral attitudes and behaviors of society’s members, especially its leadership class.” Paideuma produces paideia or institutio: “a set of social technologies designed to alter minds and hearts, which constitute its soulcraft” (2). Hankins’s choice of the rather unfamiliar notion
{"title":"Virtue Politics and its limits: a review essay","authors":"Hanan Yoran","doi":"10.1080/00182370.2022.2146869","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2022.2146869","url":null,"abstract":"James Hankins’s Virtue Politics is by far the richest and most comprehensive book ever written on the political thought of the Italian humanists. The book critically and insightfully examines numerous thinkers and works, many of which have received only sporadic attention in the context of humanist political thought. The book thus significantly broadens the scope of existing research. At the same time, building on and occasionally revising the author’s research from previous decades, it provides an original and precise conceptual definition of humanist political thought as a form of virtue politics. Hankins’s volume is sure to become the primary reference point for any research on the subject for at least the next few decades, and it will doubtless provide the theoretical framework for many such research initiatives. As one would expect, Hankins, in elaborating such an ambitious argument, critically engages the dominant interpretive currents: the republican interpretation within the field of the history of political thought and Kristeller’s paradigm for the intellectual history of Renaissance humanism. Virtue Politics thus deserves a careful and critical assessment, a reading that highlights not only its many virtues but also its limitations. In the book’s first chapter, Hankins reconstructs humanism as a comprehensive cultural reform program which the humanists and their adherents alike perceived to be an attempt at wide-ranging political and social reform. Such an understanding of Renaissance humanism is, of course, familiar. Hankins elaborates his version of this conception by employing the notion of paideuma, “an intentional form of elite culture that seeks power within a society with the aim of altering the moral attitudes and behaviors of society’s members, especially its leadership class.” Paideuma produces paideia or institutio: “a set of social technologies designed to alter minds and hearts, which constitute its soulcraft” (2). Hankins’s choice of the rather unfamiliar notion","PeriodicalId":44078,"journal":{"name":"HISTORIAN","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42413493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146886
Kees Boterbloem
{"title":"Military power and the Dutch Republic: war, trade and the balance of power, 1648-1813","authors":"Kees Boterbloem","doi":"10.1080/00182370.2022.2146886","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2022.2146886","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44078,"journal":{"name":"HISTORIAN","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42859107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146888
L. Siegelbaum
{"title":"Faster: how a Jewish driver, an American heiress, and a legendary car beat Hitler’s best","authors":"L. Siegelbaum","doi":"10.1080/00182370.2022.2146888","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2022.2146888","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44078,"journal":{"name":"HISTORIAN","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45484763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146881
T. Barfield
{"title":"Afghanistan rising: Islamic law and statecraft between the Ottoman and British Empires","authors":"T. Barfield","doi":"10.1080/00182370.2022.2146881","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00182370.2022.2146881","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44078,"journal":{"name":"HISTORIAN","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42011122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}