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They knew they were pilgrims: Plymouth Colony and the contest for American liberty 他们知道自己是朝圣者:普利茅斯殖民地和争取美国自由的斗争
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146873
Christine Arnold-Lourie
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引用次数: 0
An environmental history of the Civil War 内战的环境史
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146878
Timothy H. Silver
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引用次数: 1
Political godmother: Nackey Scripps Loeb and the newspaper that shook the Republican Party 政治教母:Nackey Scripps Loeb和震撼共和党的报纸
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146880
June Melby Benowitz
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引用次数: 0
“19 kids found in filth”: how the Chicago Keystone Kids’ case became emblematic of deviant motherhood and the crack cocaine crisis, 1985-2004 “19个孩子在污秽中被发现”:芝加哥Keystone kids案如何成为变态母亲和快克可卡因危机的象征,1985-2004
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2145738
M. McCoy
ABSTRACT “Does society have the right to force pregnant drug addicts to abort their fetuses?” This was the question that Professor George Schendler from Southern Illinois University at Carbondale posed in his 1991 journal article. Schendler was not the only person to suggest criminalizing the behavior of pregnant people to prevent what were colloquially known as “crack babies.” This article analyzes how discursive narratives of an immediate and long-term crisis, framed through the diseased body of an innocent yet simultaneously dangerous infant, erroneously predicted the onslaught of dependent Black and Brown children who would supposedly cripple American society. By focusing on the infamous 1994 “Keystone Kids” case in Chicago, IL, I argue that the steps taken to eliminate “crack babies” instead criminalized Black and Brown women’s pregnancies and separated children from their parents.
摘要:“社会有权利强迫怀孕的吸毒成瘾者打掉胎儿吗?”这是南伊利诺伊大学卡本代尔分校的George Schendler教授在1991年的期刊文章中提出的问题。申德勒并不是唯一一个建议将孕妇的行为定为犯罪的人,以防止俗称的“吸毒婴儿”。这篇文章分析了通过一个无辜而又危险的婴儿患病的身体来描述当前和长期危机的话语叙述是如何错误地预测了依赖黑人和棕色孩子的冲击,这些孩子可能会削弱美国社会。通过关注1994年伊利诺斯州芝加哥臭名昭著的“基石孩子”案,我认为,消除“可卡因婴儿”的措施反而将黑人和棕色人种妇女的怀孕定为犯罪,并将孩子与父母分开。
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引用次数: 0
Experiencing conquest: emotion, minority panic, and conspiracy in late Tudor Ireland1 经历征服:都铎后期的情感、少数民族恐慌和阴谋1
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2145739
W. Palmer
ABSTRACT The Tudor reconquest of Ireland involved many of life’s most intense experiences, including death, combat, disease, deprivation, injury, hostage taking, and loss of position. During the conquest, English officials and Irish lords each developed their own pattern of what William Reddy has called emotional regimes, whereby different groups develop emotional responses that help them make sense of their worlds and how to respond to problems. The first, embraced largely by English officials, involved bold promises of success and decisive action in controlling Ireland. The second, embraced largely by Irish lords, involved disguising emotions in favor of delay, agreement, and promises of loyalty. Each strategy arose from particular circumstances. The English, holding superior military power and fearful of Irish and foreign conspiracies, adopted a strategy of confrontation which justified the violence necessary in controlling Ireland and minimized the suffering that would result. Irish lords, by contrast, could rarely win pitched battles. Conspicuous resistance to English authority, therefore, was risky. But, when it did happen, English officials became convinced of the duplicity of the Irish. Each side believed that their counterpart was engaged in a deliberate conspiracy to mislead them.
摘要都铎王朝对爱尔兰的重新征服涉及许多人生中最激烈的经历,包括死亡、战斗、疾病、剥夺、伤害、劫持人质和失去位置。在征服期间,英国官员和爱尔兰领主各自发展了威廉·雷迪所说的情绪机制,不同的群体发展出情绪反应,帮助他们理解自己的世界以及如何应对问题。第一个主要受到英国官员的欢迎,包括对成功的大胆承诺和对控制爱尔兰的果断行动。第二种主要受到爱尔兰领主的欢迎,包括掩饰情绪,支持拖延、协议和忠诚承诺。每一种策略都源于特定的环境。英国人掌握着优越的军事力量,害怕爱尔兰和外国的阴谋,采取了对抗策略,为控制爱尔兰所需的暴力辩护,并将由此造成的痛苦降至最低。相比之下,爱尔兰领主很少能赢得激烈的战斗。因此,公然反抗英国权威是有风险的。但是,当它真的发生时,英国官员开始相信爱尔兰人的口是心非。双方都认为对方蓄意密谋误导他们。
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引用次数: 0
Virtue Politics and its limits: a review essay 美德政治及其局限:一篇评论文章
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146869
Hanan Yoran
James Hankins’s Virtue Politics is by far the richest and most comprehensive book ever written on the political thought of the Italian humanists. The book critically and insightfully examines numerous thinkers and works, many of which have received only sporadic attention in the context of humanist political thought. The book thus significantly broadens the scope of existing research. At the same time, building on and occasionally revising the author’s research from previous decades, it provides an original and precise conceptual definition of humanist political thought as a form of virtue politics. Hankins’s volume is sure to become the primary reference point for any research on the subject for at least the next few decades, and it will doubtless provide the theoretical framework for many such research initiatives. As one would expect, Hankins, in elaborating such an ambitious argument, critically engages the dominant interpretive currents: the republican interpretation within the field of the history of political thought and Kristeller’s paradigm for the intellectual history of Renaissance humanism. Virtue Politics thus deserves a careful and critical assessment, a reading that highlights not only its many virtues but also its limitations. In the book’s first chapter, Hankins reconstructs humanism as a comprehensive cultural reform program which the humanists and their adherents alike perceived to be an attempt at wide-ranging political and social reform. Such an understanding of Renaissance humanism is, of course, familiar. Hankins elaborates his version of this conception by employing the notion of paideuma, “an intentional form of elite culture that seeks power within a society with the aim of altering the moral attitudes and behaviors of society’s members, especially its leadership class.” Paideuma produces paideia or institutio: “a set of social technologies designed to alter minds and hearts, which constitute its soulcraft” (2). Hankins’s choice of the rather unfamiliar notion
詹姆斯·汉金斯的《美德政治》是迄今为止关于意大利人文主义者政治思想的最丰富、最全面的著作。这本书以批判和深刻的眼光审视了许多思想家和作品,其中许多在人文主义政治思想的背景下只得到了零星的关注。因此,这本书大大拓宽了现有研究的范围。同时,在作者几十年来的研究基础上,偶尔对其进行修订,为作为美德政治形式的人文主义政治思想提供了一个新颖而精确的概念定义。汉金斯的著作肯定会成为至少在未来几十年内对该主题进行任何研究的主要参考点,毫无疑问,它将为许多此类研究举措提供理论框架。正如人们所料,汉金斯在阐述这样一个雄心勃勃的论点时,批判性地参与了主流的解释潮流:政治思想史领域内的共和主义解释和克里斯特勒的文艺复兴人文主义思想史范式。因此,《美德政治》值得仔细和批判性的评估,这本书不仅突出了它的许多优点,而且也突出了其局限性。在本书的第一章中,汉金斯将人文主义重建为一项全面的文化改革计划,人文主义者及其追随者都认为这是一次广泛的政治和社会改革的尝试。这种对文艺复兴时期人文主义的理解当然是耳熟能详的。汉金斯通过运用paideuma的概念来阐述他对这一概念的看法,“paideuma是精英文化的一种有意形式,它在社会中寻求权力,目的是改变社会成员,特别是领导阶层的道德态度和行为。Paideuma产生了paideia或institutio:“一套旨在改变思想和心灵的社会技术,构成了它的灵魂工艺”(2)。汉金斯对这个相当陌生的概念的选择
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引用次数: 0
Military power and the Dutch Republic: war, trade and the balance of power, 1648-1813 军事力量与荷兰共和国:战争、贸易与权力平衡,1648-1813
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146886
Kees Boterbloem
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引用次数: 0
Faster: how a Jewish driver, an American heiress, and a legendary car beat Hitler’s best 更快:一位犹太司机、一位美国女继承人和一辆传奇汽车如何击败希特勒的最佳汽车
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146888
L. Siegelbaum
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引用次数: 0
Afghanistan rising: Islamic law and statecraft between the Ottoman and British Empires 阿富汗崛起:奥斯曼帝国与大英帝国之间的伊斯兰法律与治国之道
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2146881
T. Barfield
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引用次数: 1
Phi Alpha Theta Initiates Phi Alpha Theta会员
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2147640
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引用次数: 0
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