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M’Pungu between Charles Darwin and Wolfgang Köhler: the changing human perceptions of great apes M 'Pungu在查尔斯·达尔文和沃尔夫冈Köhler之间:人类对类人猿认知的变化
4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2023.2262247
Gary Bruce
ABSTRACTThis article, a contribution to the growing field of animal-human history, traces scientific understanding of the great apes over the course of two centuries, with an emphasis on the period from 1850 to 1920. It sets the changing perceptions of apes within the context of intellectual developments, including the revolution sparked by Darwin and continued by a number of lesser-known scientists who studied apes. The important economic and societal advances required to arrange for the transportation of apes from Africa to Europe and their subsequent captivity there are also discussed. The path-breaking studies of apes by the German behavioral scientist Wolfgang Köhler in the 1910s, which laid the foundation for the work of later scientists like Jane Goodall, were based on a gradual shift in the perception of animal intelligence in the broader scientific world, followed by nearly a century of German primate research, observations of gorillas in Germany’s sophisticated zoos, and public funding for the study of primates.KEYWORDS: Animal historyGermanyDarwinian revolution AcknowledgementI am grateful to Dr. Alan Maricic for his research assistance on this article, and to the journal’s anonymous referees for their insightful comments.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Paola Cavalieri and Peter Singer, ed., The Great Ape Project: Equality Beyond Humanity (New York: St. Martin’s, 1994).2 As is the case with any work on the “silent” in history who have not left their own sources behind, be they women of the lower classes or the environment, it is nevertheless possible to provide analysis of the relationship between the voiced and the unvoiced based on the documents at our disposal. See the thoughtful article, Erica Fudge, “A Left-Handed Blow. Writing the History of Animals,” in Nigel Rothfels, ed., Representing Animals (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003), 3–183 Cyrus Ingerson Scofield and Doris Rikkers, The Scofield Study Bible: King James Version (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), Genesis 9:2, 17.4 Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World: Changing Attitudes in England, 1500–1800 (London: Allen Lane, 1983), 31.5 Thomas, Man and the Natural World, 31.6 It has been one of the singular contributions of animal history to de-center the human being as the driver of History. See for example Erica Fudge, Animal (London: Reaktion Books, 2004), 12–14; and Erica Fudge, Quick Cattle and Dying Wishes: People and their Animals in Early Modern England (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2018), 16.7 Erica Fudge, Brutal Reasoning: Animals, Rationality, and Humanity in Early Modern England (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006), 2.8 Harriet Ritvo, The Platypus and the Mermaid and Other Figments of the Classifying Imagination (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), 15.9 The extent to which Descartes’ claim that animals do not experience pain has been misrepresented continues to
Weinland,“欧罗巴的大猩猩弯曲”,《动物花园》4 (1863):220;Don Cousins,“圈养大猩猩的过去和现在”,《动物花园》42(1972):251。第一个在德国展出的山地大猩猩是1964年在汉诺威动物园。参见Cousins, 258.53 Cousins,“圈养大猩猩的过去和现在”,264.54 Haikal, Master Pongo, 80.55同上,82.56 Strehlow,“Beiträge, M 'pungu,”72.57 Haikal, Master Pongo, 83-8458 Strehlow,“Beiträge, M 'pungu,”72-73。伦敦动物园直到1887年才有了自己的大猩猩,1938年才有了第一只山地大猩猩。当他于1877年11月去世时,科学家们首先归咎于北方的气候,认为M 'Pungu在伦敦逗留期间和前一年夏天的“温暖潮湿的气候”情况更好。请注意,这些都是简短的更新,没有作者署名托马斯·特雷尔:《对奥唐猩猩解剖的观察》,《沃纳里亚自然历史学会回忆录III》(1821),第1-49页,https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/item/172098#page/15/mode/1up;W.J. Broderip,《观察一只雄性黑猩猩的习性等》,现生活在伦敦动物学会的动物园,《伦敦和爱丁堡哲学杂志》和《科学杂志》8 (1836):161-168;威廉·弗罗利克,《黑猩猩的比较解剖学研究》(阿姆斯特丹:J. m . ller出版社,1841)。当然,不仅仅是欧洲学术界在研究灵长类动物。在美国,托马斯·萨维奇和杰弗里斯·怀曼也发表了他们对伦敦黑猩猩杰夫的观察。见托马斯·萨维奇和杰弗里斯·怀曼,“观察尼日,杰夫的穴居人的外在特征和习性及其组织”,《波士顿自然历史杂志》4 (1843):362-376,https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/item/27851#page/415/mode/1up.61 Harro Strehlow, Beiträge zur Menschenaffenhaltung in berlin Aquarium inden Linden。2Weitere Gorillas,《Bongo(1987): 106.62》参见Erica Fudge,《当一头奶牛是什么感觉?》历史和动物研究,”在琳达·卡洛夫,编辑,牛津动物研究手册(纽约:牛津大学出版社,2014),258-278.63罗伯特·哈特曼,大猩猩:zoologisch - zotomische Untersuchungen(莱比锡:Veit, 1880)哈特曼,大猩猩,115,https://www.biodiversitylibrary.org/item/206573#page/123/mode/1up(访问于2022年1月7日)Hartmann, Der Gorilla, 126.66同上,140.67 Bruce, Through the Lion Gate, 44-96.68 Anonymous, 29.11.1877 Nature XVII, 89。尸检在他的胃里发现了一些人造物品——手套的纽扣、铁丝和大头针Haikal, Pongo大师,96.70同上,106.71 Theodor Bischoff, Über die Verschiedenheit in der Schädelbildung des Gorilla, Shimpanse and orango - outang, vorz<s:1> glich nach Geschlecht und Alter, nebst eine Bemerkung ber die darwin Theorie(慕尼黑:学术研究,1867),74,https://books.google.ca/books?id=4EUAAAAAQAAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false.72同上,74.73同上,77 - 78.74同上,78.75同上76 Carl Vogt, Vorlesungen, ber den Menschen, seine Stellung in der Schöpfung und in der Geschichte der Erde (Giessen: Ricker, 1863), 284.77 Strehlow,“Beiträge, Teil II,”107.78 Falkenstein,“M 'pungu,”557.79见上文注释77霍斯特·格莱斯,罗本,格纳斯和泰格施兰根手下。:《动物纪事》1865-1965(韦德尔:《自然与Patria Verlag》,1967),58-59。考虑到猫咪在动物园里的体重基本保持不变,当时的动物园园长弗里德里希·格拉博夫斯基(Friedrich Grabowsky)得出的结论是,猫咪一到动物园就达到了正常尺寸。弗里德里希·格拉博夫斯基,《大猩猩的生物学特征》,《生物学报》第41期(1906):609.81 Gleiss, Unter Robben, Gnus und Tigerschlangen, 59.82同上,75.83同上,75。虽然都柏林动物园不是圈养大猩猩历史上的主要因素,但它确实拥有一只在1914年至1917年期间,仅次于猫咪的圈养时间最长的大猩猩。Cousins,“圈养大猩猩的过去和现在”,256.84 Bernhard Blaszkiewitz,“Vom Spitzhörnchen zum orango - utan - Hundert Jahre Primatenhaltung in Zoologischen Gärten,”Bongo 13 (1987), 55.85 Joachim Oppermann,“Tod und Wiedergeburt。Über das Schicksal eiger Berliner Zootiere, " Bongo 24 (1994): 80-83.86 Strehlow, " Beiträge, Teil III " 100.87同上,102.88同上,109.89 Grzimek, " Die Gorillas außerhalb Afrikas, " 181。野外的大猩猩通常吃根、叶、芽和球茎。14.克莱门斯·迈尔-沃尔豪森:《德国动物园的历史:ältesten德国动物园》(柏林:链接出版社,2019)。20世纪50年代的一项调查揭示了大猩猩食物的巨大差异。大约三分之二的圈养大猩猩获得了动物蛋白,其中巴黎的大猩猩每天喂一份煎牛排,鹿特丹的大猩猩苏菲每周喂三个生鸡蛋,包括蛋壳。
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The success of the Dutch Revolt: an interpretation inspired by Norbert Elias 荷兰起义的成功:受诺伯特·埃利亚斯启发的解读
4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2023.2257548
Kees Boterbloem
ABSTRACTThis essay argues that the traditional historiography of the Dutch Revolt (1566–1609/1648) falls short in explaining its success, which became manifest by the 1590s. Whereas religious zeal, geographical conditions, and tax protests play an undeniable role in understanding the outbreak and persistence of the rebellion, the tenacity of the northern provinces of the Netherlands should be understood at least in part as a response to a degree of violence on the part of the Spanish-Habsburg authorities that offended early modern sensibilities of this urbanized region, thereby attesting to the continued relevance of various aspects of Norbert Elias’ civilizing process.KEYWORDS: Dutch RevoltNorbert Eliascivilizing process AcknowledgmentHerewith I would like to express my gratitude to the journal’s editor Adrian O’Connor and the two anonymous reviewers for their critique of an earlier version of this essay. Their remarks have made this into a much better piece.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 A good discussion remains Herbert H. Rowen, “The Dutch Revolt: What Kind of Revolution?” Renaissance Quarterly 3 (1990): 570–90. Rowen ignores to some degree the role of geography, but he looks more at the causes of its outbreak than of its success.2 As a monistic explanation, the issue of religion was already suggested by the American historian John Motley (1814–1877); see John Motley, History of the United Netherlands from the Death of William the Silent to the Twelve Year’s Truce, vol. 4 (New York: Harper and Brothers, c. 1860). For convincing criticism of this thesis, see Judith Pollmann, Catholic Identity and the Revolt of the Netherlands (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011). Pollmann suggests that instead moderation supported by leading lay people against Catholic or Calvinist fanaticism may have been crucial to Catholicism’s revival and survival in the southern Netherlands; as I suggest here below, this worked as well in the north, with Protestant moderates setting the tone. Moderate members of the elite on both sides of the frontlines were appalled by the violence of the zealots.3 Geoffrey Parker, “Why Did the Dutch Revolt Last Eighty Years?” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 26 (1976): 53–72, 55–7. Parker realized that, on its own, this explanation was too limited. Parker’s discussion remains outstanding, but he says little about the protests regarding paying taxes to aid Philip’s centralizing efforts (although he does raise the point about opposing any diminution of local privileges; see ibid., 61–2).4 Parker, “Why Did the Dutch Revolt,” 58–9.5 H. van Nierop, “Similar Problems, Different Outcomes: The Revolt of the Netherlands and the Wars of Religion in France,” in C.A. Davids and Jan Lucassen, eds., Miracle Mirrored: The Dutch Revolt in European Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 26–56: 51.6 Rowen, “Dutch Revolt,” 575, 588.7 Anton van der Lem, The Revolt i
摘要本文认为,荷兰起义(1566-1609/1648)的传统史学不足以解释它在1590年代取得的成功。虽然宗教热情、地理条件和税收抗议在理解叛乱的爆发和持续方面发挥了不可否认的作用,但荷兰北部省份的坚韧至少在一定程度上应该被理解为对西班牙-哈布斯堡当局的暴力行为的回应,这种暴力行为冒犯了这个城市化地区的早期现代情感,从而证明了诺伯特·埃利亚斯的文明化进程的各个方面仍然具有相关性。关键词:荷兰革命诺伯特·埃利亚斯文明进程致谢在此,我想对杂志的编辑阿德里安·奥康纳和两位匿名评论家对本文早期版本的评论表示感谢。他们的评论使这篇文章变得更好了。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1赫伯特·h·罗文的《荷兰起义:是一种什么样的革命?》文艺复兴季刊3(1990):570-90。在某种程度上,罗文忽略了地理的作用,但他更多地关注了其爆发的原因,而不是其成功的原因作为一种一元论的解释,宗教问题已经由美国历史学家约翰·莫特利(John Motley, 1814-1877)提出;见约翰·莫特利,《从沉默的威廉之死到十二年休战的联合荷兰史》,卷四(纽约:哈珀兄弟出版社,1860年左右)。对于这篇论文令人信服的批评,见朱迪思·波尔曼,天主教身份和荷兰的起义(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2011)。波尔曼认为,相反,由主要俗人支持的反对天主教或加尔文主义狂热的温和派可能对天主教在荷兰南部的复兴和生存至关重要;正如我下面所提到的,这在北方也很有效,新教温和派奠定了基调。前线两边的温和派精英都对狂热分子的暴力行为感到震惊杰弗里·帕克,《为什么荷兰起义持续了八十年?》皇家历史学会学报26(1976):53 - 72,55 - 7。帕克意识到,就其本身而言,这种解释太有限了。帕克的讨论仍然很精彩,但他几乎没有谈到为帮助菲利普的中央集权努力而纳税的抗议活动(尽管他确实提出了反对任何削弱地方特权的观点;3 .参见同上,61-2)H. van Nierop,“相似的问题,不同的结果:荷兰的起义和法国的宗教战争”,载于C.A. Davids和Jan Lucassen主编。,奇迹镜像:欧洲视角下的荷兰起义(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,1995),26-56;51.6罗文,“荷兰起义”575,588.7安东·范德莱姆,荷兰起义:八十年战争,1568-1648(芝加哥,伊利诺斯州:芝加哥大学出版社,2019),82-3。还有,简·克雷贝克克斯,“阿尔瓦的Tiende Penning甚至是我的?”范德莱姆,《反抗》,第40页。尽管在17世纪40年代的八十年战争结束时,压倒性的战争成本确实成为推动荷兰人渴望和平的一个因素(见帕克,“荷兰为何起义”,68)克雷贝克,《阿尔瓦的Tiende Penning》38.10然而,在其他省份,“西班牙的愤怒”不时爆发(最臭名昭著的是1576年在安特卫普;前一年,乌得勒支省(与荷兰接壤)的奥德沃特被洗劫,大量居民被屠杀事实上,许多人从这场冲突中获得了经济利益。参见Marjolein ' t Hart,荷兰独立战争:1570-1680年荷兰的战争与商业(伦敦:Routledge出版社,2014),82-4;罗杰·曼宁,《莫里斯王子的战争学院:英国剑客与荷兰人》,《战争与社会》第1期(2006):1 - 19,5 - 6;佩皮因·布兰登:《战争、资本与荷兰王国(1588-1795)》(莱顿:Brill, 2015), 1-3.12参见Parker,“为什么荷兰人会起义,”54.13流行或民间宗教的坚韧性甚至在今天也可以在荷兰新教徒和不可知论者或无神论者之间持续流行的原始天主教庆祝活动中得到认可,包括圣马丁节(11月11日)和圣尼古拉斯前夜(12月5日)。关于传统宗教的更多主题及其对16世纪中期开始的“忏悔化”的抵制,见彼得·伯克,早期现代欧洲流行文化,第三版(纽约:劳特利奇,2009 .14点基思·托马斯在《追求文明:近代早期英格兰的礼仪与文明》(马萨诸塞州沃尔瑟姆:布兰代斯大学出版社,2018年)中也做了同样的观察,93.15 Van Nierop,“类似的问题”,45,51。 除了诺伯特·埃利亚斯,《文明进程》,修订版(牛津:布莱克威尔出版社,2002[1939])外,还见托马斯,《追求文明》。“西班牙人”对于这支军队来说有点名不副实,这支军队除了西班牙军官和著名的骑士团的普通士兵外,还有许多来自其他地区的雇佣兵例如,见Elias, Civilizing Process, 47-52, 60-80, 130-48。参见约翰·赫伊津加:《17世纪的荷兰文明及其他论文》,P.盖尔和J.W.休根霍尔兹编(纽约:哈珀和罗出版社,1969),第49 - 50,101页。我要感谢该杂志的一位匿名审稿人,他引用了huizinga。18见Elias, Civilizing Process, 49-182。关于伊莱亚斯观点的对应物,请参阅Jeroen Duindam的《权力神话:诺伯特·伊莱亚斯与近代早期欧洲法院》(阿姆斯特丹:阿姆斯特丹大学出版社,1995年)。关于伊拉斯谟人文主义与低地国家之间的复杂联系,见詹姆斯·d·特雷西,《低地国家的伊拉斯谟》(伯克利和洛杉矶:加州大学出版社,1966)明确地,关于弗洛伊德,伊莱亚斯,《文明进程》,160,410;论马克思,伊莱亚斯,《文明进程》,458、461、466;还有韦伯,伊莱亚斯,《文明过程》,第13页,第469,第472,第475页,但《文明过程》充满了诸如“超我”,“阶级”或“权力垄断”之类的术语。当然,这三位思想家的著作不胜枚举。关于伊莱亚斯与弗洛伊德、马克思、韦伯等人之间的联系,请参见F. d<s:1> pelteau和T. Savoia Landini主编的论文集《诺伯特·伊莱亚斯与社会理论》(纽约:Palgrave MacMillan出版社,2013年)。伊莱亚斯在法兰克福的论文导师是社会学家卡尔·曼海姆(Karl Mannheim, 1893-1947),他曾师从乔治·齐美尔(Georg Simmel, 1858-1918)和马克斯·韦伯的兄弟阿尔弗雷德(Alfred, 1868-1958)22 .伊莱亚斯,《文明进程》,11,333,336,340-4.21。尤其重要的是伊拉斯谟,《文明的发展》(伦敦:Wynkyn De Worde, 1532 [1530])有关这一过程的近期深刻概述,请参阅Maarten Prak和Jan Luiten van Zanden的《资本主义先驱:荷兰,1000-1800》(普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2023)。关于起义在这一发展中的意义,见同上,58-117.23。托马斯:《追求文明》,第14页的确,基思·托马斯把“文明”的出现与中世纪晚期意大利的“独立城邦”联系起来,这些城邦的政治自治和社会组织类似于荷兰的城镇。参见Thomas, In Pursuit of Civility, 12.26 Thomas, In Pursuit of Civility, 12.27 Van Nierop,“类似的问题”,44.28城镇居民的文明取代了高贵的礼节,这一过程在16世纪的英国也开始形成(参见Thomas, In P
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引用次数: 0
Music, youth and international links in post-war British fascism: the transformation of extremism 战后英国法西斯主义中的音乐、青年和国际联系:极端主义的转变
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2023.2221577
S. Woodbridge
toward the cause of Irish independence, the author makes a stronger case for the subsequent Harding and Coolidge presidential administrations. In fact, Carroll’s meticulous archival work finds that the American diplomatic establishment, later derided by Irish-American nationalists as Anglophilic and antagonistic, actually served as companions and even advocates for the Irish Free State. From the inaugural American tour by Irish President W.T. Cosgrave in 1924 to a reciprocal visit by American Secretary of State Kellogg several years later, Carroll argues that American recognition of Irish diplomatic autonomy loosened constraints within the British Commonwealth, allowing that some motivations came from points of friction within the Anglo-American “special relationship.” Coming as the worthy capstone for one of the preeminent scholars in his field, Carroll’s work has made two major contributions to our understanding of the transatlantic relationship between Ireland and the United States. Revisiting an older debate, his book offers a convincing case that American support played a crucial role as a midwife for independent Ireland. Furthermore, drawing evidence from a wide variety of materials from the press, organizational minutes and diplomatic records, the author has expanded the scope of this support, arguing for a sustained, diffuse support that went beyond the diasporic ethnicity with its appeals to American liberal idealism and US diplomatic interests.
对于爱尔兰独立事业,作者对后来的哈丁和柯立芝总统政府提出了更有力的理由。事实上,卡罗尔细致的档案工作发现,后来被爱尔兰裔美国民族主义者嘲笑为亲英和敌对的美国外交机构,实际上是爱尔兰自由邦的伙伴,甚至是倡导者。从1924年爱尔兰总统W.T.考斯格雷夫(W.T. Cosgrave)的首次访美,到几年后美国国务卿凯洛格(Kellogg)的访美,卡罗尔认为,美国对爱尔兰外交自治的承认放松了英联邦内部的约束,允许一些动机来自英美“特殊关系”内部的摩擦点。作为他所在领域的杰出学者之一,卡罗尔的作品为我们理解爱尔兰和美国之间的跨大西洋关系做出了两大贡献。他的书回顾了一场较早的辩论,提供了一个令人信服的案例,证明美国的支持对独立的爱尔兰起到了重要的助产作用。此外,作者从报刊、组织纪要和外交记录等各种各样的材料中汲取证据,扩大了这种支持的范围,论证了一种持续的、分散的支持,这种支持超越了流散的种族,它呼吁美国的自由理想主义和美国的外交利益。
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引用次数: 0
The Hanford plaintiffs: voices from the fight for atomic justice 汉福德原告:来自原子正义斗争的声音
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2023.2230821
Celia Oney
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引用次数: 0
Phi Alpha Theta Initiates Phi Alpha Theta发起
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2022.2233302
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引用次数: 0
Stonewall Jackson, Beresford Hope, and the meaning of the American Civil War in Britain Stonewall Jackson、Beresford Hope与美国内战在英国的意义
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2023.2230075
R. May
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引用次数: 0
Useful captives: the role of POWs in American military conflicts 有用的俘虏:战俘在美国军事冲突中的作用
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2023.2230057
A. Thompson
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引用次数: 0
Consuls and captives: Dutch-North African diplomacy in the early modern Mediterranean 执政官与俘虏:近代早期地中海的荷兰-北非外交
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2023.2230053
Tijl Vanneste
Erica Heinsen-Roach’s study fits in seamlessly with existing knowledge on European contact with North Africa, about which much has been written, in particular with regard to privateering and Chris‐ tian slavery. The initial scholarly focus was on the Christian states on the north side of the Mediter‐ ranean that had been the first ones to become in‐ volved in North Africa: Spain, Italy, and France. It was only later, when they actively engaged in the Mediterranean trade as well, that northern Euro‐ peans had to face North African privateers. In fact, these encounters stimulated, intensified, and inno‐ vated the corso in the Maghrib: becoming ac‐ quainted with northern European maritime knowledge and the use of Atlantic ships increased the corsairs’ effectiveness and expanded their area of operations. Also noticeable is the fact that Euro‐ peans started to participate in this lucrative busi‐ ness with ships sailing under the flag of Moroccan, Algerian, or Tunisian principalities.
Erica Heinsen Roach的研究与欧洲与北非接触的现有知识非常吻合,关于这些知识已经写了很多文章,尤其是关于私掠和克里斯时代的奴隶制。最初的学术重点是地中海北侧的基督教国家,这些国家是最早参与北非的国家:西班牙、意大利和法国。直到后来,当他们也积极参与地中海贸易时,北欧人才不得不面对北非私掠船。事实上,这些遭遇刺激、强化和革新了马格里布的海盗:熟悉北欧海事知识和使用大西洋船只提高了海盗的有效性,扩大了他们的行动范围。同样值得注意的是,欧洲国家开始参与这项利润丰厚的业务,船只悬挂摩洛哥、阿尔及利亚或突尼斯公国的国旗航行。
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引用次数: 0
John F. Kennedy and the politics of faith 约翰·肯尼迪和信仰政治
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2023.2230820
Mark J. Rozell
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引用次数: 0
Looking backward and forward: celebrating a century of Phi Alpha Theta. 2023 Phi Alpha Theta presidential address 回顾与展望:庆祝Phi Alpha Theta百年庆典。2023年Phi Alpha Theta会长演讲
IF 0.2 4区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/00182370.2023.2223507
Jacob M. Blosser
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引用次数: 0
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