Pub Date : 2023-08-25DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10126
Uchenna S. Ani, L. I. Ugbudian, Franklin I. Ezeonwuka, Ifeoma E. Ezedinachi, Christopher C. Uwakwe, J. Eke, Ifeanyi K. Ajaegbo
The existing literature portrays the declaration of the independence of Biafra as a unanimous decision of the people of Biafra. While many leaders and personalities in Biafra supported the secession and some other decisions taken by the Biafran High Command, some others had reservations on that. Unfortunately, the existing literature in the Nigerian-Biafra war has not captured these silent voices. This paper intends therefore to capture these voices that have been neglected in the historiography of the war and situate them in proper historical perspective. The paper relies more on oral history of the war granted by some Biafran leaders who were actively involved in the war; it was complimented with books, monographs and other materials on the Nigerian-Biafran war. Available facts will be analysed using qualitative research methodology.
{"title":"Unheard Minority Opinions in the Nigeria-Biafra War, 1967–1970","authors":"Uchenna S. Ani, L. I. Ugbudian, Franklin I. Ezeonwuka, Ifeoma E. Ezedinachi, Christopher C. Uwakwe, J. Eke, Ifeanyi K. Ajaegbo","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10126","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10126","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The existing literature portrays the declaration of the independence of Biafra as a unanimous decision of the people of Biafra. While many leaders and personalities in Biafra supported the secession and some other decisions taken by the Biafran High Command, some others had reservations on that. Unfortunately, the existing literature in the Nigerian-Biafra war has not captured these silent voices. This paper intends therefore to capture these voices that have been neglected in the historiography of the war and situate them in proper historical perspective. The paper relies more on oral history of the war granted by some Biafran leaders who were actively involved in the war; it was complimented with books, monographs and other materials on the Nigerian-Biafran war. Available facts will be analysed using qualitative research methodology.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44886991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-18DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10125
Sisay Tamrat Ayalew, D. G. Belay
This paper aims to explore the two contradictory debates about the educational philosophy of universities in the context of Ethiopia. It also explores how the understanding of the philosophy of university is shaped by environmental factors and exacerbates the marginalisation of youth. On the one hand, universities are perceived as places where knowledge, that can solve a certain problem. On the other hand, universities are places where knowledge is produced and disseminated irrespective of its immediate use value. This study found out that the understanding of the philosophy of education varies across time and place. In the Ethiopian context, there is neither a disinterested pursuit of knowledge nor the instrumentalist epistemology, nor a synthesis of the two. It disregards the value of knowledge altogether and overly simplified the philosophy of instrumentalist epistemology to extent of buying and selling certificates even in the absence of formal training.
{"title":"Questioning Ethiopia’s University Education Philosophy","authors":"Sisay Tamrat Ayalew, D. G. Belay","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10125","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This paper aims to explore the two contradictory debates about the educational philosophy of universities in the context of Ethiopia. It also explores how the understanding of the philosophy of university is shaped by environmental factors and exacerbates the marginalisation of youth. On the one hand, universities are perceived as places where knowledge, that can solve a certain problem. On the other hand, universities are places where knowledge is produced and disseminated irrespective of its immediate use value. This study found out that the understanding of the philosophy of education varies across time and place. In the Ethiopian context, there is neither a disinterested pursuit of knowledge nor the instrumentalist epistemology, nor a synthesis of the two. It disregards the value of knowledge altogether and overly simplified the philosophy of instrumentalist epistemology to extent of buying and selling certificates even in the absence of formal training.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45908207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-18DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10127
Zerrin Savaşan
This article aims to get a new brand start to the autonomy debate by examining environmental autonomy (ea) as a new concept under international law (il). In this respect, firstly, it focuses on establishing why such a notion is needed, where the idea comes from, so, on which basis the article’s analysis has been built. Secondly, to conceptualise ea in legal terms, it makes research on two sub-debates involving the principle of self-determination and nonhuman rights approach. Finally, it concludes that although there is no tangible certain legal basis to apply such a concept under current il other than the terms of indigenous rights; developments in recent decades show that, ea debate, testing the boundaries of law, might truly have the potential to the development of literature beyond the anthropocentric paradigms; but also underlines the need for further work on its potential legal framework under il.
{"title":"Environmental Autonomy","authors":"Zerrin Savaşan","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10127","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article aims to get a new brand start to the autonomy debate by examining environmental autonomy (ea) as a new concept under international law (il). In this respect, firstly, it focuses on establishing why such a notion is needed, where the idea comes from, so, on which basis the article’s analysis has been built. Secondly, to conceptualise ea in legal terms, it makes research on two sub-debates involving the principle of self-determination and nonhuman rights approach. Finally, it concludes that although there is no tangible certain legal basis to apply such a concept under current il other than the terms of indigenous rights; developments in recent decades show that, ea debate, testing the boundaries of law, might truly have the potential to the development of literature beyond the anthropocentric paradigms; but also underlines the need for further work on its potential legal framework under il.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45763208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-09DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10124
Gaopalelwe Mathiba
The persistence of intense conflicts over land belonging to indigenous communities is a pressing issue in South Africa. This would resonate even more with the lived experiences of mine communities that are often having to grapple with the collateral socio-economic hardships and impoverishment effects. Matters can get even worse when the State has weak legal and institutional frameworks to regulate the use and possession of such highly contested lands. This paper explores the principle of free, prior and informed consent (fpic); its relevance and significance to South African extractive sector; its possible bottlenecks and implementation challenges; and suggestions for practical interventions and policy advances to facilitate its incorporation into law and policy. Displacement is the limited context within which this exploration is undertaken. The paper argues that the fpic – as an envisaged future for the country’s extractive policy – is more desirable than a mere duty to consult as currently framed in the empowering legislation namely, the Minerals and Petroleum Resources Act (mprda).
{"title":"The Incorporation of the fpic Principle in South African Policy on Mining-Induced Displacements","authors":"Gaopalelwe Mathiba","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10124","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10124","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The persistence of intense conflicts over land belonging to indigenous communities is a pressing issue in South Africa. This would resonate even more with the lived experiences of mine communities that are often having to grapple with the collateral socio-economic hardships and impoverishment effects. Matters can get even worse when the State has weak legal and institutional frameworks to regulate the use and possession of such highly contested lands. This paper explores the principle of free, prior and informed consent (fpic); its relevance and significance to South African extractive sector; its possible bottlenecks and implementation challenges; and suggestions for practical interventions and policy advances to facilitate its incorporation into law and policy. Displacement is the limited context within which this exploration is undertaken. The paper argues that the fpic – as an envisaged future for the country’s extractive policy – is more desirable than a mere duty to consult as currently framed in the empowering legislation namely, the Minerals and Petroleum Resources Act (mprda).","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41502294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-27DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10121
R. Islam
Since the settlement of Rohingya people in Cox’s Bazar, national and international ngo s have undertaken initiatives such as trust-building and community relationships for establishing social cohesion between the Rohingyas and host communities. However, cohabitation between the two communities is far-behind, and social conflict between the two communities has been a reality for the host society. By applying multiple approaches – perception survey among the local people, focus group discussion (fgd) among the Rohingyas and key informant interviews, this article finds that Rohingya settlement has resulted many challenges such as scarcity of resources, competition over livelihood options, price hikes, decaying of the physical environment, and security complexities. These challenges have been a source of generating conflict instead of building social cohesion in Cox’s Bazar. Survey results outline that local people are anxious about population growth, social unrest, illicit business and drugs, and potential political conflict. The fgd among the Rohingyas explores the uncertain future of the refugee, frustration over livelihood, health, and education for their children. Overall results highlight that social, economic, environmental and political changes in the post-settlement phase post-2017 have been a potential source of conflict. Analysis suggests that the conflict potential for the host society stemming from the Rohingya displaced population is significant enough that the host government and international organisations should consider actions, policies, and diplomatic actions to address the social tension and remedy the emergent problems in the area. Such measures include those that strengthen efforts at repatriation initiatives for the refugee population, and those that can ensure livelihood opportunities for them without compromising such opportunities for the host population.
{"title":"The State of Social Cohesion in the Post-Settlement of Rohingyas in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh","authors":"R. Islam","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10121","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Since the settlement of Rohingya people in Cox’s Bazar, national and international ngo s have undertaken initiatives such as trust-building and community relationships for establishing social cohesion between the Rohingyas and host communities. However, cohabitation between the two communities is far-behind, and social conflict between the two communities has been a reality for the host society. By applying multiple approaches – perception survey among the local people, focus group discussion (fgd) among the Rohingyas and key informant interviews, this article finds that Rohingya settlement has resulted many challenges such as scarcity of resources, competition over livelihood options, price hikes, decaying of the physical environment, and security complexities. These challenges have been a source of generating conflict instead of building social cohesion in Cox’s Bazar. Survey results outline that local people are anxious about population growth, social unrest, illicit business and drugs, and potential political conflict. The fgd among the Rohingyas explores the uncertain future of the refugee, frustration over livelihood, health, and education for their children. Overall results highlight that social, economic, environmental and political changes in the post-settlement phase post-2017 have been a potential source of conflict. Analysis suggests that the conflict potential for the host society stemming from the Rohingya displaced population is significant enough that the host government and international organisations should consider actions, policies, and diplomatic actions to address the social tension and remedy the emergent problems in the area. Such measures include those that strengthen efforts at repatriation initiatives for the refugee population, and those that can ensure livelihood opportunities for them without compromising such opportunities for the host population.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46556557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-27DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10122
Nsama Jonathan Simuziya
Purpose – This study aims to examine why harmful cultural practices or human rights violations seem to have persisted in African polities despite the existence of relevant national, regional, and international standard practices on human rights. Design/Method of Enquiry – The study adopted qualitative and quantitative research approaches. Qualitative methods were conducted through interviews involving 3 focus groups, 7 university professors, and 1 senior government official from the Ministry of Gender Equality. Other data sources were drawn from secondary information gathered from academic journals, books, and online publications. Quantitative data was used mainly for graphical illustrations as well as to justify the use of statistical information. The 3 countries under study (Namibia, Ethiopia, and Zambia) were selected because of their distinct historical trajectories. For instance, Ethiopia was never colonised by Western powers. Namibia was colonised by Germany and later, by the South African apartheid regime, while Zambia was colonised by Britain. In terms of population size, Ethiopia has around 123 million people; Namibia only has about 2.6 million people while Zambia has around 20 million people. These differences, i.e., the unique political histories and quirky demographic spread helped to gauge whether these dissimilarities provide any statistical significance on the overall study findings. Findings – The study finds that there is a complex relationship between laws governing human rights and traditional norms. However, this tension – far from being destructive – can in fact be beneficial to both universalists and culturalists by potentially generating new ideas that fortify global and local efforts to bring human rights to brighter existence. Crucially, the study notes that by snubbing the opposing views from traditionalists, the universalists -unwittingly- forecloses a vital imperative of knowledge exchange that could illuminate and bring about real transformation on the human rights discourse. The study reveals that sensitisation and constructive engagement with traditional actors is key to the attainment of universal human rights. Furthermore, the study discovers that there is no statistical significance on the net comparable results among the 3 countries studied. The study concludes that change or reform is best attained when such change is driven from within a given constellation. Originality/Value – The juxtaposes examined in this study helps the reader to see human rights in contextual terms. It is ironic, for instance, that vices such as gun culture, gangsterism, raping of women, abductions, aggravated robberies, and drug abuse seem to be a common feature in Western inclined (African) urban areas where universal human rights are preached and embraced, yet such heinous activities are virtually alien in traditional settings where the supposed ‘harmful cultural norms’ are practiced. Thanks to urban criminal activities – they have r
{"title":"Harmful Cultural Practices that Violate Women’s Rights in African Polities and Why They have Persisted","authors":"Nsama Jonathan Simuziya","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10122","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10122","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Purpose – This study aims to examine why harmful cultural practices or human rights violations seem to have persisted in African polities despite the existence of relevant national, regional, and international standard practices on human rights.\u0000Design/Method of Enquiry – The study adopted qualitative and quantitative research approaches. Qualitative methods were conducted through interviews involving 3 focus groups, 7 university professors, and 1 senior government official from the Ministry of Gender Equality. Other data sources were drawn from secondary information gathered from academic journals, books, and online publications. Quantitative data was used mainly for graphical illustrations as well as to justify the use of statistical information. The 3 countries under study (Namibia, Ethiopia, and Zambia) were selected because of their distinct historical trajectories. For instance, Ethiopia was never colonised by Western powers. Namibia was colonised by Germany and later, by the South African apartheid regime, while Zambia was colonised by Britain. In terms of population size, Ethiopia has around 123 million people; Namibia only has about 2.6 million people while Zambia has around 20 million people. These differences, i.e., the unique political histories and quirky demographic spread helped to gauge whether these dissimilarities provide any statistical significance on the overall study findings.\u0000Findings – The study finds that there is a complex relationship between laws governing human rights and traditional norms. However, this tension – far from being destructive – can in fact be beneficial to both universalists and culturalists by potentially generating new ideas that fortify global and local efforts to bring human rights to brighter existence. Crucially, the study notes that by snubbing the opposing views from traditionalists, the universalists -unwittingly- forecloses a vital imperative of knowledge exchange that could illuminate and bring about real transformation on the human rights discourse. The study reveals that sensitisation and constructive engagement with traditional actors is key to the attainment of universal human rights. Furthermore, the study discovers that there is no statistical significance on the net comparable results among the 3 countries studied. The study concludes that change or reform is best attained when such change is driven from within a given constellation.\u0000Originality/Value – The juxtaposes examined in this study helps the reader to see human rights in contextual terms. It is ironic, for instance, that vices such as gun culture, gangsterism, raping of women, abductions, aggravated robberies, and drug abuse seem to be a common feature in Western inclined (African) urban areas where universal human rights are preached and embraced, yet such heinous activities are virtually alien in traditional settings where the supposed ‘harmful cultural norms’ are practiced. Thanks to urban criminal activities – they have r","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43462716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-21DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10123
Binayew Tamrat Getahun
Ethiopia is one of the oldest countries, inhabited by different ethnic and cultural groups. One of the minority groups in the nation, the Negede Woyto of the Lake Tana Catchment Area, has been marginalised in terms of various aspects. Besides reconstructing the history of this minority group, this article strives to investigate the changes and continuities in the social, economic, and political lives of the minority group from a historical perspective. To this end, both primary and secondary sources were collected and used. Based on the analysis, the study found that communal life, low social capital, marginalisation, conflict of values, a lack of institutions that protect minorities, low political participation, and a lack of secure means of survival are identified as the main causes for the majority of the Negede Woyto Community to lead a life as subhuman with (in) dignity and chronic poverty.
{"title":"The Negede Woyto Minority Group in a Historical Perspective","authors":"Binayew Tamrat Getahun","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10123","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Ethiopia is one of the oldest countries, inhabited by different ethnic and cultural groups. One of the minority groups in the nation, the Negede Woyto of the Lake Tana Catchment Area, has been marginalised in terms of various aspects. Besides reconstructing the history of this minority group, this article strives to investigate the changes and continuities in the social, economic, and political lives of the minority group from a historical perspective. To this end, both primary and secondary sources were collected and used. Based on the analysis, the study found that communal life, low social capital, marginalisation, conflict of values, a lack of institutions that protect minorities, low political participation, and a lack of secure means of survival are identified as the main causes for the majority of the Negede Woyto Community to lead a life as subhuman with (in) dignity and chronic poverty.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65119254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-19DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10119
Ran Yi
{"title":"The Handbook of Linguistic Human Rights, edited by Tove Skutnabb-Kangas and Robert Phillipson","authors":"Ran Yi","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10119","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48999285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-19DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10120
Else Grete Broderstad, Eva Josefsen
In 2018, the Norwegian Parliament appointed the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate the Norwegianisation policy and injustice against the Sámi and Kven/Norwegian Finns. We focus on the commission’s public engagement, and emphasise Sámi and Kven/Norwegian Finns’ perceptions and expectations in relation to these efforts. The mandate’s goal is to establish a common understanding of the past and broader knowledge about our common history. We ask how the Norwegian trc made use of the scope of action provided by its mandate’s outreach elements and conclude that there is a discrepancy between the expectations arising from the mandate and the actual public engagement of the commission. We distinguish between the interactive processes of coordinating among policy actors and communication between political actors; and ‘micro-truth’ as personal narratives and ‘macro-truth’ as framework for public structures. The research is based on document studies, the study of recorded open meetings and media, and interviews.
{"title":"The Norwegian trc","authors":"Else Grete Broderstad, Eva Josefsen","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10120","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10120","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In 2018, the Norwegian Parliament appointed the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate the Norwegianisation policy and injustice against the Sámi and Kven/Norwegian Finns. We focus on the commission’s public engagement, and emphasise Sámi and Kven/Norwegian Finns’ perceptions and expectations in relation to these efforts. The mandate’s goal is to establish a common understanding of the past and broader knowledge about our common history. We ask how the Norwegian trc made use of the scope of action provided by its mandate’s outreach elements and conclude that there is a discrepancy between the expectations arising from the mandate and the actual public engagement of the commission. We distinguish between the interactive processes of coordinating among policy actors and communication between political actors; and ‘micro-truth’ as personal narratives and ‘macro-truth’ as framework for public structures. The research is based on document studies, the study of recorded open meetings and media, and interviews.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47347558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-14DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10117
Husnul Amin, N. Muhammad
Using a conflict model to analyse Majority-Minority relations (M-M), this paper focuses on the Hazara community in Afghanistan. Assuming M-M relations are power relations, the struggle for control among divergent ethnic groups has persisted. The Hazaras have historically resided in several provinces and experienced various forms of targeted violence. Millions have fled to other countries to escape persecution. This research diverges from dominant approaches that focus only on ethnicity and religion as the causes of violence against the Hazaras. Instead, the paper examines other factors that have been largely neglected by conflict studies literature. Based on historical data, the study finds that the Hazaras’ geostrategic location in Afghanistan, their alliances with Pashtun tribes, and their struggle for autonomy have been the primary factors contributing to the targeted violence against them. Therefore, while ethnicity and religion may have made the Hazaras vulnerable to violence, they are not the main causes of violence.
{"title":"Majority-Minority Relations and Targeted Violence","authors":"Husnul Amin, N. Muhammad","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10117","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Using a conflict model to analyse Majority-Minority relations (M-M), this paper focuses on the Hazara community in Afghanistan. Assuming M-M relations are power relations, the struggle for control among divergent ethnic groups has persisted. The Hazaras have historically resided in several provinces and experienced various forms of targeted violence. Millions have fled to other countries to escape persecution. This research diverges from dominant approaches that focus only on ethnicity and religion as the causes of violence against the Hazaras. Instead, the paper examines other factors that have been largely neglected by conflict studies literature. Based on historical data, the study finds that the Hazaras’ geostrategic location in Afghanistan, their alliances with Pashtun tribes, and their struggle for autonomy have been the primary factors contributing to the targeted violence against them. Therefore, while ethnicity and religion may have made the Hazaras vulnerable to violence, they are not the main causes of violence.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46994029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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