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The Ultimate Victim of Genocide and the Question of Collective Reparations 种族灭绝的最终受害者和集体赔偿问题
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2023-04-25 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10111
D. Kourtis
This article examines the options available for redressing collective victimhood, specifically in relation to genocide. First, it analyses how the question of reparations was addressed during the drafting of the Genocide Convention. Then, it focuses on the framework of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and explores the types of victims the icc can acknowledge and provide remedies for under its Statute and Rules of Procedure and Evidence. Finally, the article concludes by proposing an alternative approach to secure appropriate redress for the violation of the collective right to exist belonging to the ultimate victim of genocide, the group as such.
本文审查了纠正集体受害者身份的现有选择,特别是与种族灭绝有关的选择。首先,它分析了在起草《灭绝种族罪公约》期间如何处理赔偿问题。然后,重点介绍了《国际刑事法院罗马规约》的框架,并探讨了国际刑事法院根据其《规约》和《程序与证据规则》可以承认并提供补救措施的受害者类型。最后,文章最后提出了另一种办法,以确保种族灭绝最终受害者的集体生存权利受到侵犯时得到适当补救。
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引用次数: 0
Perceptions of the Feminist Movement and Women’s Rights in the Context of Universal Rights vs Cultural & Religious Norms in African Societies 非洲社会普遍权利与文化宗教规范背景下的女权运动与妇女权利观
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2023-03-07 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10108
Nsama Jonathan Simuziya
Purpose – The disposition of contemporary African societies suggest that women are coerced into dependent and exploitative power relations in the name of culture, tradition, and religion. This study aims to evaluate the historical evolution and influence of the feminist agenda and how it has been received in African cultural and political circles. Given that patriarchy systems in African communities are deeply entrenched, this study aims to assess the viability of the feminist agenda in challenging those male-dominated spaces that have contributed to the slow pace of women’s emancipation. Most intriguingly is the view that gender inequality in contemporary Africa was born out of colonialism.Design/Method of Enquiry – Data were collected through scripts and media recorded interviews of experts who are specialised in the African study fields of history, anthropology, sociology, spirituality, and political science. Much of the literature was gathered from secondary information which drew from academic journals, scholarly books, and online publications.Findings – The findings suggest that feminism and universal rights in African polities are often viewed with misgivings as a contemporary phenomenon; a product of colonial legacies infused with neo-imperial impulses. Broadly, this perception runs deep in the African psyche across the continent. This widespread view is premised on the idea that pre-colonial Africa did not have problems of gender equality. The study suggests that the tension between feminism (and universal rights) on the one hand, and culture, on the other hand, can best be resolved through the prism of cross-cultural universals -a theory that seeks to find a common ground between these juxtaposes.Originality/Value – The study contributes of the literature by pushing the envelope of human rights awareness in contemporary Africa beyond cultural and religious discourses.The study brings to the fore, increased societal awareness that the fight for human rights in contemporary Africa is not necessarily a battle between Western and cultural values, but rather, about a fight for or against a human rights disposition. Most significantly, the study advances the argument that the holistic growth of a polity is dependent on all stake holders actively and freely participating in polity governance based on their ability and effort, and not based on gender or on any other consideration. Discriminatory practices against women or against any marginalised persons not only robs them of their ability to fulfil their potential as individuals, but in fact takes back all of society.
目的——当代非洲社会的倾向表明,妇女被迫以文化、传统和宗教的名义建立依赖性和剥削性的权力关系。本研究旨在评估女权主义议程的历史演变和影响,以及它在非洲文化和政治界的受欢迎程度。鉴于非洲社区的父权制根深蒂固,本研究旨在评估女权主义议程在挑战那些导致妇女解放步伐缓慢的男性主导空间方面的可行性。最有趣的是,当代非洲的性别不平等源于殖民主义。调查的设计/方法——数据是通过脚本和媒体记录的对历史、人类学、社会学、精神学和政治学等非洲研究领域专家的采访收集的。大部分文献都是从学术期刊、学术书籍和在线出版物中获得的次要信息中收集的。研究结果——研究结果表明,非洲政治中的女权主义和普世权利往往被视为一种当代现象,并带有疑虑;充满新帝国主义冲动的殖民遗产的产物。总的来说,这种看法深深植根于整个非洲大陆的非洲人心理。这种广泛的观点是以殖民前的非洲不存在性别平等问题为前提的。这项研究表明,女权主义(和普遍权利)与文化之间的紧张关系,最好通过跨文化普遍性的棱镜来解决——这是一种试图在这些并置之间找到共同点的理论。独创性/价值——这项研究将当代非洲的人权意识超越了文化和宗教话语,为文学做出了贡献。这项研究突出表明,社会越来越认识到,当代非洲的人权斗争不一定是西方价值观和文化价值观之间的斗争,而是一场争取或反对人权倾向的斗争。最重要的是,该研究提出了这样一种论点,即政体的整体发展取决于所有利益相关者根据自己的能力和努力积极自由地参与政体治理,而不是基于性别或任何其他考虑。对妇女或任何被边缘化的人的歧视性做法不仅剥夺了她们发挥个人潜力的能力,而且实际上夺走了整个社会。
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引用次数: 1
Jurisprudential Developments and Adjudication of Indigenous Peoples’ Rights 土著人民权利的法理发展和裁决
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-27 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10102
Alejandro Fuentes
In recent years, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (“IACrtHR”) has developed an innovative jurisprudence that has reaffirmed and further developed the right of indigenous peoples as an integrative part of the corpus juris of the international human rights law (“ihrl”). In fact, through a dynamic, systemic, evolutive and effective interpretation of the American Convention on Human Rights (“achr”), the regional tribunal has expanded the scope of protection of Article 21 achr (Right to Property) in a manner that includes the protection of the special relationship that indigenous peoples have with their traditional lands, territories and natural resources.Based on this interpretative development, the IACrtHR has further expanded the protection of indigenous peoples’ communal property to guarantee their right to cultural identity and to a dignified life, that is, to live in accordance with their own cultural traditions and understanding of dignity. In this sense, specific safeguards against unjustified restrictions on the right to property, that could amount to a denial of the cultural survival of indigenous peoples, were jurisprudentially identified by the regional tribunal.This paper critically analyses the legal regime applicable for the protection of the right to traditional communal property of indigenous and tribal peoples in the Americas, as developed by the IACrtHR. In particular, it pays special attention to the methods of interpretation applied by the regional tribunal and the manner that has referred to the corpus juris of international human rights law that specifically protects and guarantees the rights of indigenous peoples.
近年来,美洲人权法院发展了一种创新的法理学,重申并进一步发展土著人民的权利,将其作为国际人权法法律主体的一个组成部分。事实上,该区域法庭通过对《美洲人权公约》进行有力、系统、渐进和有效的解释,扩大了第21条第r款(财产权)的保护范围,其方式包括保护土著人民与其传统土地、领土和自然资源之间的特殊关系。在这一解释性发展的基础上,《土著人民权利公约》进一步扩大了对土著人民公共财产的保护,以保障他们的文化特性和有尊严生活的权利,即按照他们自己的文化传统和对尊严的理解生活。从这个意义上说,区域法庭在法律上确定了防止对财产权进行不合理限制的具体保障措施,因为这种限制可能等于剥夺土著人民的文化生存。本文批判性地分析了适用于保护美洲土著和部落人民传统公共财产权利的法律制度,这是由美洲土著和部落人权研究所制定的。它特别注意到区域法庭适用的解释方法,以及提及具体保护和保障土著人民权利的国际人权法的法律主体的方式。
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引用次数: 0
Human Rights in Crises 危机中的人权
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-22 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10104
Yinka Olomojobi, Taiwo Abiodun-Oni
The Nigerian nation has gone through a countless number of socio-economic and political challenges since its spontaneous union of numerous ethno-religious, political, and geo-regional races on January 1, 1914.There have been joint threats to the cohesion, assimilation, and unity of the Nigerian State due to the prevalence of a tense political system that is deeply ingrained with a deeply divided society. These threats include symptoms of not only disaffection but also an escalation of insecurities such as conflicts over resource allocation and revenue control, cattle rustling, kidnapping, cultism, armed banditry, the politics of inter-ethnic conflict.This paper adopted the doctrinal and historiographical methods of research to appraise the subject of the research. The paper concluded that while it has been established in this paper that self-determination is indeed provided for in both the Universal declaration of Human Rights, 1948 (udhr) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, 1986 (achpr), it has also been established to be against the Constitution of Nigeria, which is founded on the incontrovertible principles of state sovereignty and territorial integrity. The paper further recommended that consensual regionalism is the way forward for satisfying dissenting voices, and guaranteeing adequate representation in government.
自1914年1月1日众多民族、宗教、政治和地理区域种族自发联合以来,尼日利亚经历了无数的社会经济和政治挑战,以及尼日利亚国家的团结,这是由于在一个严重分裂的社会中根深蒂固的紧张政治制度的普遍存在。这些威胁不仅包括不满的症状,还包括不安全感的升级,如资源分配和收入控制冲突、偷牛、绑架、邪教、武装土匪、种族间冲突政治。本文采用教条主义和历史学的研究方法对研究对象进行评价。该文件的结论是,虽然该文件已经确定,1948年《世界人权宣言》(udhr)和1986年《非洲人权和人民权利宪章》(achpr)都确实规定了自决权,但它也被确定为违反尼日利亚宪法,它建立在无可争辩的国家主权和领土完整原则之上。该文件进一步建议,协商一致的区域主义是满足反对声音和保证在政府中有足够代表性的前进道路。
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引用次数: 0
Righting Injustices Towards the Sámi 正义的不公正对待萨米人
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-16 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10105
A. Sønneland, Carola Lingaas
One of the mandates of the Norwegian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (trc) is to contribute to reconciliation between the majority population and the Sámi and Kven population. The Commission is tasked to create greater equality between the majority and minority populations as well as increasing the knowledge about the Sámi and Kven population in the majority. In this paper, we will focus on the Sámi indigenous people.We will examine three aspects: first, the assumption that the reconciliation should be between the majority population and the Sámi population rather than between the State and the population targeted by the Norwegianisation policies. Second, how such a reconciliation between the State and the Sámi is possible when there are ongoing conflicts over the use of land and water, exemplified by the Fosen windmill case. Finally, the trc believes that a common understanding of the Norwegianisation policies and its consequences will lay the foundation for a continued reconciliation between the Sámi and the majority population. The paper discusses the involvement of the majority population in the process as well as the issues of public hearings and reparations.By means of an interdisciplinary examination of the Norwegian trc, this paper presents sociological and legal perspectives. It draws on research from Latin American trc s, particularly the Peruvian trc, and thereby offers comparative perspectives.
挪威真相与和解委员会(真相与和解委员会)的任务之一是促进多数人口与Sámi和克文人口之间的和解。委员会的任务是在多数人口和少数人口之间建立更大的平等,并增加对占多数的Sámi和Kven人口的了解。在本文中,我们将重点关注Sámi土著人民。我们将审查三个方面:第一,和解应该是大多数人口与Sámi人口之间的和解,而不是国家与挪威化政策所针对的人口之间的和解。第二,当在土地和水的使用方面存在持续的冲突时,国家与Sámi之间如何可能实现这种和解,福森风车案就是一个例子。最后,trc认为,对挪威化政策及其后果的共同理解将为Sámi与大多数人口之间的持续和解奠定基础。本文讨论了大多数人在这一过程中的参与,以及公开听证和赔偿问题。通过对挪威trc的跨学科研究,本文提出了社会学和法律的观点。它借鉴了拉丁美洲、特别是秘鲁的trc的研究,从而提供了比较的观点。
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引用次数: 0
Barriers to Accessing Services as a Violation of Rights 获得服务的障碍是对权利的侵犯
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-16 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10106
Silvia Soriano Moreno
This paper presents a research study carried out in the area of Campo Arañuelo, in the Spanish autonomous community of Extremadura. The study aimed to establish whether women in rural areas had difficulty accessing public services and whether the difficulties were the same for women of Spanish origin and women from migrant backgrounds. Difficulties in accessing public services would constitute material violations of the rights of individuals.
本文介绍了在西班牙埃斯特雷马杜拉自治区的Campo Arañuelo地区进行的一项研究。这项研究的目的是确定农村地区的妇女是否难以获得公共服务,以及西班牙裔妇女和移民背景妇女的困难是否相同。难以获得公共服务将构成对个人权利的实质性侵犯。
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引用次数: 0
fpic as Peacebuilding Tool? 太平洋作为建设和平的工具?
Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10107
Matthew I. Mitchell, Landon Wagner
Although wide-ranging in scope, a core principle embedded throughout the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples is the right to free, prior and informed consent (fpic). Given the widespread nature of protracted struggles over land involving Indigenous peoples, some argue fpic could provide a powerful tool to prevent and resolve land conflicts. Using a case study of the Indigenous Batwa in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, the paper examines the promises and perils of employing fpic as a peacebuilding tool. Specifically, it contrasts two land-related conflicts involving the Batwa: (1) the Batwa’s recent attempts to reclaim territories lost via the creation of the Kahuzi-Biega National Park and (2) the decade-long conflict pitting the Batwa and Luba people. In so doing, the analysis explores the role of the proposed ‘Organic bill’, which aims to recognise Indigenous peoples’ right to fpic. This serves to highlight both the limitations and potential dangers of adopting an Indigenous rights framework to resolve land conflict in certain political contexts.
尽管范围广泛,但《联合国土著人民权利宣言》贯穿始终的核心原则是自由、事先和知情同意的权利。鉴于涉及土著人民的土地长期斗争的普遍性质,一些人认为,公共政策可以成为预防和解决土地冲突的有力工具。本文以刚果民主共和国东部巴特瓦土著为例,考察了将和平作为建设和平工具的前景和风险。具体来说,它对比了两个涉及巴特瓦人的与土地有关的冲突:(1)巴特瓦人最近试图通过建立Kahuzi-Biega国家公园来收回失去的领土;(2)巴特瓦人和卢巴人之间长达十年的冲突。在此过程中,分析探讨了拟议的“有机法案”的作用,该法案旨在承认土著人民的农业权利。这凸显了在某些政治背景下采用土著权利框架来解决土地冲突的局限性和潜在危险。
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引用次数: 0
The Rights of Minority Nationalities Under State Constitutions 论国家宪法赋予少数民族的权利
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2023-02-02 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10103
Leul Woldegiorgies
The purpose of this article is to examine the rights of Minority Nationalities under state constitutions in the case of Amhara Regional constitution. Hence, a qualitative research approach focusing on phenomenological design was employed. Participants of the study were twenty. They were selected through purposive sampling technique. Semi-structured interviews and document analysis were used to collect data for the study. An adapted five-stage data analysis model was also used to analyze the data. The findings of the study revealed that some minorities living in the region did not have a legitimate political representation in the regional government. Lack of government’s responsiveness and lack of commitment were the main challenges that intervene in the process of implementing the constitutional rights given for the minorities. Towards the end of this article, the implications of these findings for implementing the constitutional provisions of the minority rights, and establishing an institution has been highlighted
本文的目的是以阿姆哈拉地区宪法为例,考察国家宪法赋予少数民族的权利。因此,采用了一种注重现象学设计的定性研究方法。这项研究的参与者有20人。他们是通过有目的的抽样技术挑选出来的。采用半结构化访谈和文献分析法收集研究数据。还使用了一个适用的五阶段数据分析模型来分析数据。研究结果显示,生活在该地区的一些少数民族在该地区政府中没有合法的政治代表。政府缺乏回应和承诺是干预落实赋予少数群体的宪法权利进程的主要挑战。在本条末尾,强调了这些调查结果对落实宪法关于少数群体权利的规定和建立一个机构的影响
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引用次数: 0
Front matter 前页
Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2023-01-13 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-30010000
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引用次数: 0
Integration and Special Rights 一体化与特殊权利
IF 0.7 Q3 LAW Pub Date : 2023-01-11 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10100
Tove H. Malloy
For almost 25 years, the Council of Europe and the Danish authorities have entertained a fruitless and stalled dialogue on an option to apply the Council’s Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in the societal integration of Greenlanders living in Denmark. So far, the Danish authorities have not been willing to award the Greenlanders any special rights citing their individual and universal rights to non-discrimination and equal civil rights as sufficient for integration. The refusal is based on the authorities’ specific interpretation of the status of Greenland and Greenlanders under international conventions. A review of the dialogue from 1999 till today set against a short Nordic-Canadian perspective reveals that a combination of special rights and universal equal civil rights puts the view of the Danish authorities in question. This seems, therefore, to indicate an unwillingness on behalf of the authorities to consider feasible alternatives.
近25年来,欧洲委员会和丹麦当局就在生活在丹麦的格陵兰人的社会融合中适用理事会的《保护少数民族框架公约》的选择进行了毫无结果和停滞不前的对话。到目前为止,丹麦当局还不愿意给予格陵兰人任何特别权利,理由是他们个人和普遍享有不受歧视的权利和平等的公民权利足以实现融合。这一拒绝是基于当局根据国际公约对格陵兰和格陵兰人地位的具体解释。对1999年至今的对话进行回顾,从北欧-加拿大人的角度来看,特殊权利和普遍平等的公民权利的结合使丹麦当局的观点受到质疑。因此,这似乎表明当局不愿意考虑可行的替代办法。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Journal on Minority and Group Rights
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