Pub Date : 2024-01-03DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10132
Alexander Stachurski
The right to be consulted is a legal institution that originated in 1989 in the United Nations Convention 169, requiring states to conduct a consultation process of Indigenous peoples and communities on issues potentially impacting them. The Mexican state has subsequently implemented the right to be consulted in its legal system. The consultation processes were often riddled with inconsistencies and the violation of the rights of Indigenous communities and peoples. In this paper I analysed the case study of the consultation process in Guerrero, by researching press articles, engaging in participant observation and conducting interviews. I looked for similarities between the Guerrero consultations and past consultations in Juchitán, Sonora, and Campeche. I identified several violations and manipulations consistent with the history of the right to be consulted. In the last part of the article, I compared the proposed acts and established their potential impact on security in Guerrero.
{"title":"Consultations on the System of Indigenous and Afromexican Communal Security and the Right to be Consulted in Mexico","authors":"Alexander Stachurski","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10132","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The right to be consulted is a legal institution that originated in 1989 in the United Nations Convention 169, requiring states to conduct a consultation process of Indigenous peoples and communities on issues potentially impacting them. The Mexican state has subsequently implemented the right to be consulted in its legal system. The consultation processes were often riddled with inconsistencies and the violation of the rights of Indigenous communities and peoples. In this paper I analysed the case study of the consultation process in Guerrero, by researching press articles, engaging in participant observation and conducting interviews. I looked for similarities between the Guerrero consultations and past consultations in Juchitán, Sonora, and Campeche. I identified several violations and manipulations consistent with the history of the right to be consulted. In the last part of the article, I compared the proposed acts and established their potential impact on security in Guerrero.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":"130 25","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2024-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139387667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10141
Binayew Tamrat Getahun
Development should not be done in a way that endangers the environment, human life, or non-human life that depends on it. However, in Ethiopia, economic development was carried out with little or no concern for the environment or indigenous and minority groups whose livelihoods directly depended on natural resources. Based on an examination of primary and secondary sources through the lens of structural violence theory, this article argues that Ethiopia’s economic growth was not equitable and happened at the expense of the country’s natural resources. Using the Negede Woyto of Lake Tana as a case study, this paper investigated how economic development projects in Ethiopia impacted minority communities. The conclusion reached was that the eprdf-led government actively worked to inflict structural violence on minority groups in the Lake Tana region, using sustainable economic development as a justification.
{"title":"Development as Structural Violence in Ethiopia","authors":"Binayew Tamrat Getahun","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10141","url":null,"abstract":"Development should not be done in a way that endangers the environment, human life, or non-human life that depends on it. However, in Ethiopia, economic development was carried out with little or no concern for the environment or indigenous and minority groups whose livelihoods directly depended on natural resources. Based on an examination of primary and secondary sources through the lens of structural violence theory, this article argues that Ethiopia’s economic growth was not equitable and happened at the expense of the country’s natural resources. Using the Negede Woyto of Lake Tana as a case study, this paper investigated how economic development projects in Ethiopia impacted minority communities. The conclusion reached was that the eprdf-led government actively worked to inflict structural violence on minority groups in the Lake Tana region, using sustainable economic development as a justification.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":"2 7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139199572","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-20DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10139
Torleif Halkjelsvik, Inger Synnøve Moan
Drinking alcohol with co-workers is a common practice in many countries. However, because consumption of alcohol is socially unaccepted in several religious groups, the use of alcohol in an occupational context may be discriminatory and have negative side-effects. In annual surveys of part- and fulltime employees in Norway conducted between 2015 and 2022, we found that employees affiliated with religious minorities more often experienced social exclusion due to work-related alcohol use than non-religious employees and the religious majority. Experiencing alcohol-related social exclusion was related to more negative perceptions of the social work environment and more absence from work. Restrictive alcohol practices and policies at the workplace were associated with less social exclusion and appeared to be protective for religious minorities, without impairing the social work environment of other employees. Social exclusion of religious minorities can be reduced if employers limit or avoid serving alcohol to employees.
{"title":"Work-related Alcohol Use","authors":"Torleif Halkjelsvik, Inger Synnøve Moan","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10139","url":null,"abstract":"Drinking alcohol with co-workers is a common practice in many countries. However, because consumption of alcohol is socially unaccepted in several religious groups, the use of alcohol in an occupational context may be discriminatory and have negative side-effects. In annual surveys of part- and fulltime employees in Norway conducted between 2015 and 2022, we found that employees affiliated with religious minorities more often experienced social exclusion due to work-related alcohol use than non-religious employees and the religious majority. Experiencing alcohol-related social exclusion was related to more negative perceptions of the social work environment and more absence from work. Restrictive alcohol practices and policies at the workplace were associated with less social exclusion and appeared to be protective for religious minorities, without impairing the social work environment of other employees. Social exclusion of religious minorities can be reduced if employers limit or avoid serving alcohol to employees.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":"8 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139255054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-16DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10140
Nsama Jonathan Simuziya
Purpose – A world with an increasing number of questions needs people willing to contribute solutions. The fulcrum of this study is centred on assessing the language dynamics and impact of the English language hegemony over local languages in the social, political, and economic life of the Zambian population. The study gleans on the implications of English hegemony and its concomitant colonial undertones and effects particularly on marginalised groups. Notably, the study provides a critical and reflexive development study analysis that eschews the norm: this approach – leaning towards the developmental interests of indigenous and local constellations – enables a rethink of who really benefits from language policies and politics, allowing for a repositioning of who in fact the language development paradigm is for. Method of Enquiry/Design – Data were collected through an analysis of both latent and extant literature derived from a variety of scholarly sources on language dynamics and imperial notions associated with domineering languages. This approach of navigating through a juxtaposed pool of scholarly works provided a confluence of propositions that informed the study’s inferences, particularly by highlighting the subtleties embedded in the English language hegemony. Most significantly, the themes are also informed by this author’s own personal field anthropological observations; having been born and grown up in Zambia under this same hegemonic English language environment. Findings – The study finds that language regimes that put English above local languages (as is the case in Zambia) have enormous ramifications on the education and emancipatory objectives of locals, especially the marginalised groups. For instance, women are burdened in the sense that they must – in addition to the confronts associated with the imposition of the English language – also struggle to navigate the already challenging patriarchy terrains that are rooted in the Zambian cultural and political settings. Imposing additional inequalities makes the attainment of societal development goals a tall order to achieve. The study concludes that to redress this situation, the local educational curriculum needs to be re-designed and aligned to respond to the aspirations and context of local constellational demands. Also, Black consciousness as an ideology framed in liberation philosophy needs to be re-energised as a pathway towards a society free from systematic foreign oppression; this is the only way that sustainable development could be attained in Zambia. Originality/Value – The study exposes the prevalent fallacy – especially by Western institutions – that Zambians willingly seek out to learn the English language: To the contrary, the choice and acquisition of the English language is often a result of coercive circumstances. In contemporary Zambia, the English language is – to a greater extent – a means to an end; a means for survival in the modern environments that priori
{"title":"Language Dynamics and their Influence in Zambia’s Political Discourse","authors":"Nsama Jonathan Simuziya","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10140","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10140","url":null,"abstract":"Purpose – A world with an increasing number of questions needs people willing to contribute solutions. The fulcrum of this study is centred on assessing the language dynamics and impact of the English language hegemony over local languages in the social, political, and economic life of the Zambian population. The study gleans on the implications of English hegemony and its concomitant colonial undertones and effects particularly on marginalised groups. Notably, the study provides a critical and reflexive development study analysis that eschews the norm: this approach – leaning towards the developmental interests of indigenous and local constellations – enables a rethink of who really benefits from language policies and politics, allowing for a repositioning of who in fact the language development paradigm is for. Method of Enquiry/Design – Data were collected through an analysis of both latent and extant literature derived from a variety of scholarly sources on language dynamics and imperial notions associated with domineering languages. This approach of navigating through a juxtaposed pool of scholarly works provided a confluence of propositions that informed the study’s inferences, particularly by highlighting the subtleties embedded in the English language hegemony. Most significantly, the themes are also informed by this author’s own personal field anthropological observations; having been born and grown up in Zambia under this same hegemonic English language environment. Findings – The study finds that language regimes that put English above local languages (as is the case in Zambia) have enormous ramifications on the education and emancipatory objectives of locals, especially the marginalised groups. For instance, women are burdened in the sense that they must – in addition to the confronts associated with the imposition of the English language – also struggle to navigate the already challenging patriarchy terrains that are rooted in the Zambian cultural and political settings. Imposing additional inequalities makes the attainment of societal development goals a tall order to achieve. The study concludes that to redress this situation, the local educational curriculum needs to be re-designed and aligned to respond to the aspirations and context of local constellational demands. Also, Black consciousness as an ideology framed in liberation philosophy needs to be re-energised as a pathway towards a society free from systematic foreign oppression; this is the only way that sustainable development could be attained in Zambia. Originality/Value – The study exposes the prevalent fallacy – especially by Western institutions – that Zambians willingly seek out to learn the English language: To the contrary, the choice and acquisition of the English language is often a result of coercive circumstances. In contemporary Zambia, the English language is – to a greater extent – a means to an end; a means for survival in the modern environments that priori","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":"49 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.7,"publicationDate":"2023-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139269703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-01DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10131
Rohina Khan, Zafar Abbas, Syed Fakharuddin Shah, Muhammad Zubair Khan
Abstract There are probably no nations in the world today that do not have minority groups. Wherever nation-states exist, ethnic diversity is a pervasive aspect of their life. Myanmar is one of the most ethnically diverse states in Asia. The Rohingya’s existence is a historical fact in Myanmar, but their ethnic minority status is not acknowledged. Rohingya Muslims are facing identity and citizenship problems along with severe international human rights violations. More than 0.7 million Rohingya Muslims are living in Bangladesh as world’s biggest refugee population. The Rohingya gradually lost their identity and eventually became stateless under Myanmar’s domestic legal framework. A large number of them are disenfranchised from exercising their basic human rights. It is argued that not only are their human rights seriously compromised in their present condition of statelessness, but they could still face genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. The article concludes by emphasizing the responsibility to protect Rohingya Muslims from atrocities, including addressing their statelessness and lack of citizenship. Further research and advocacy are needed to ensure that the human rights of the Rohingya are protected and that they have access to citizenship and legal identity.
{"title":"International Human Rights and the Plight of Rohingya in Myanmar","authors":"Rohina Khan, Zafar Abbas, Syed Fakharuddin Shah, Muhammad Zubair Khan","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10131","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract There are probably no nations in the world today that do not have minority groups. Wherever nation-states exist, ethnic diversity is a pervasive aspect of their life. Myanmar is one of the most ethnically diverse states in Asia. The Rohingya’s existence is a historical fact in Myanmar, but their ethnic minority status is not acknowledged. Rohingya Muslims are facing identity and citizenship problems along with severe international human rights violations. More than 0.7 million Rohingya Muslims are living in Bangladesh as world’s biggest refugee population. The Rohingya gradually lost their identity and eventually became stateless under Myanmar’s domestic legal framework. A large number of them are disenfranchised from exercising their basic human rights. It is argued that not only are their human rights seriously compromised in their present condition of statelessness, but they could still face genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. The article concludes by emphasizing the responsibility to protect Rohingya Muslims from atrocities, including addressing their statelessness and lack of citizenship. Further research and advocacy are needed to ensure that the human rights of the Rohingya are protected and that they have access to citizenship and legal identity.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":"74 3-4","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135161808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-27DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10130
Yusri Hazran
Abstract For decades, the Druze community on the Golan Heights has waged a political struggle against Israeli sovereignty over the Golan, demonstrating its loyalty to Syria by refusing to accept Israeli citizenship, ostracizing (religiously and socially) anyone who does so, vetoing service in the idf , not teaching Hebrew in schools, celebrating Syrian national holidays, attending Syrian universities, etc. In the wake of the outbreak of the popular uprising in Syria in 2011, however, it has begun showing clear signs of cracks, most prominently amongst the younger generation. Due first and foremost to utilitarian factors. Characterised by a utilitarian wish to integrate into Israeli economy and society, this trend finds various expressions. Firstly, the number of Druze seeking Israeli citizenship has risen, albeit not dramatically, a clear correlation existing between this fact and the decline of the Ba’ath regime. Secondly, and at the same time, more young adults have begun applying to Israeli universities, the decade between 2011 and 2021 witnessing a significant rise in the number of Golan Druze students studying therein. Thirdly, in continuation of the same trend, the members of the Golan Druze community also began adopting an economic-focused orientation—which Israel met by launching an ambitious plan in 2014 for developing the 1052 Druze settlements in the Golan.
{"title":"Neither Israelisation nor Zionisation","authors":"Yusri Hazran","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10130","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10130","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract For decades, the Druze community on the Golan Heights has waged a political struggle against Israeli sovereignty over the Golan, demonstrating its loyalty to Syria by refusing to accept Israeli citizenship, ostracizing (religiously and socially) anyone who does so, vetoing service in the idf , not teaching Hebrew in schools, celebrating Syrian national holidays, attending Syrian universities, etc. In the wake of the outbreak of the popular uprising in Syria in 2011, however, it has begun showing clear signs of cracks, most prominently amongst the younger generation. Due first and foremost to utilitarian factors. Characterised by a utilitarian wish to integrate into Israeli economy and society, this trend finds various expressions. Firstly, the number of Druze seeking Israeli citizenship has risen, albeit not dramatically, a clear correlation existing between this fact and the decline of the Ba’ath regime. Secondly, and at the same time, more young adults have begun applying to Israeli universities, the decade between 2011 and 2021 witnessing a significant rise in the number of Golan Druze students studying therein. Thirdly, in continuation of the same trend, the members of the Golan Druze community also began adopting an economic-focused orientation—which Israel met by launching an ambitious plan in 2014 for developing the 1052 Druze settlements in the Golan.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":"145 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136312671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10129
Awol Ali Mohammed, Akalewold Fedilu Mohammed
Abstract This article explores structural violence over Manja minority groups of Mareka Woreda in Dawuro Zone, snnprs , because structural violence over Manja minority group in the study area has been hurting intrinsically and in a systemic way. The article mainly stresses on the forms and actors of structural violence over Manja. Thus, the study employed qualitative research approach and descriptive research design. Both primary and secondary data were used to conduct this research successfully. The study finding indicated that the Manja minority groups have been endangered with structural violence throughout their lives in the study area. The structural violence is committed in different forms which include social alienation, economic exploitation, political oppression, cultural domination and religious discrimination which in turn results serious psychological impacts over Manja minority groups. Structural violence against Manja minority groups is committed by individuals, groups and institutions among the community in a systemic and indirect way. Though there is some improvement in social, economic, religious and political lives of Manja over time still things continued as they are and need more work.
{"title":"Structural Violence Over Minorities in Ethiopia","authors":"Awol Ali Mohammed, Akalewold Fedilu Mohammed","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10129","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores structural violence over Manja minority groups of Mareka Woreda in Dawuro Zone, snnprs , because structural violence over Manja minority group in the study area has been hurting intrinsically and in a systemic way. The article mainly stresses on the forms and actors of structural violence over Manja. Thus, the study employed qualitative research approach and descriptive research design. Both primary and secondary data were used to conduct this research successfully. The study finding indicated that the Manja minority groups have been endangered with structural violence throughout their lives in the study area. The structural violence is committed in different forms which include social alienation, economic exploitation, political oppression, cultural domination and religious discrimination which in turn results serious psychological impacts over Manja minority groups. Structural violence against Manja minority groups is committed by individuals, groups and institutions among the community in a systemic and indirect way. Though there is some improvement in social, economic, religious and political lives of Manja over time still things continued as they are and need more work.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135665704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-19DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10134
Olgun Akbulut
Abstract The Treaty of Lausanne was signed on 24th July 1923 as a peace treaty that ended the first world war for Turkey and the allied powers. In a section entitled “protection of minorities”, it provides rights for minorities. However, the beneficiaries of minority rights in Lausanne are more narrow than those provided in other treaties and declarations of the time. With a legal basis in domestic law, Turkey traditionally applied the rights provided in the Lausanne Treaty only for three so-called non-Muslim groups, i.e. Greeks, Armenians and Jews. Neither the Turkish delegation nor the members of the allied forces’ delegations could foresee that some members of the Muslim groups of 1923 might quit Islam in the future and recourse to Lausanne rights as new beneficiaries. This article, by referring to preparatory works of the Treaty, examining its legal validity internationally and nationally, and applying interpretative principles of international treaties, argues for the extension of Lausanne rights to other groups via re-interpretation and re-implementation.
{"title":"For Centenary of the Lausanne Treaty","authors":"Olgun Akbulut","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10134","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Treaty of Lausanne was signed on 24th July 1923 as a peace treaty that ended the first world war for Turkey and the allied powers. In a section entitled “protection of minorities”, it provides rights for minorities. However, the beneficiaries of minority rights in Lausanne are more narrow than those provided in other treaties and declarations of the time. With a legal basis in domestic law, Turkey traditionally applied the rights provided in the Lausanne Treaty only for three so-called non-Muslim groups, i.e. Greeks, Armenians and Jews. Neither the Turkish delegation nor the members of the allied forces’ delegations could foresee that some members of the Muslim groups of 1923 might quit Islam in the future and recourse to Lausanne rights as new beneficiaries. This article, by referring to preparatory works of the Treaty, examining its legal validity internationally and nationally, and applying interpretative principles of international treaties, argues for the extension of Lausanne rights to other groups via re-interpretation and re-implementation.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135781331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-19DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10135
Sisay Tamrat Ayalew, Degwale Gebeyehu Belay
Abstract This study aims at appraising the nature of two major community relationships (I-Thou and I-It) in Ethiopia and analyse how these types of relationships play a corresponding role in resolving or exacerbating conflict and building/deteriorating peace. This study adopted an exploratory research design and primary data is collected from different social and mainstream media. The I-Thou relationship is a genuine societal relationship that led to a genuine dialogue between groups, which, in turn, creates mutual understanding, enrichment, reciprocity, and enlightenment. The I-It relationship, on the other hand, is characterised by mutual suspicion, prejudice, misunderstanding, wearing masks, and keeping secrets where there is no genuine dialogue. The study explores that the type of relationship that best characterise the Ethiopian society is mainly the I-It relationship. Since the society is polarised mainly based on ethnic and linguistic lines, the relationship has resulted in conflict, mass killing, displacement, and gross human right violations.
{"title":"Resolving Conflict and Building Peace Through Re-Thinking Community Relationship","authors":"Sisay Tamrat Ayalew, Degwale Gebeyehu Belay","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10135","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study aims at appraising the nature of two major community relationships (I-Thou and I-It) in Ethiopia and analyse how these types of relationships play a corresponding role in resolving or exacerbating conflict and building/deteriorating peace. This study adopted an exploratory research design and primary data is collected from different social and mainstream media. The I-Thou relationship is a genuine societal relationship that led to a genuine dialogue between groups, which, in turn, creates mutual understanding, enrichment, reciprocity, and enlightenment. The I-It relationship, on the other hand, is characterised by mutual suspicion, prejudice, misunderstanding, wearing masks, and keeping secrets where there is no genuine dialogue. The study explores that the type of relationship that best characterise the Ethiopian society is mainly the I-It relationship. Since the society is polarised mainly based on ethnic and linguistic lines, the relationship has resulted in conflict, mass killing, displacement, and gross human right violations.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135781333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-19DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10133
Degwale Gebeyehu Belay
Women have international and national rights to use, control, transfer, and inherit rural land. Unless laws and institutions are strong enough, women’s land rights can’t be effectively discharged. Moreover, the different socioeconomic status of women highly affects their land rights. This study has the objective of exploring land acquisition, landholding, and land transfer rights and practical challenges in North Mecha Woreda. The study has applied phenomenological qualitative research design. The findings show that the status of land acquisition, control, inheritance, and use is highly affected by the socioeconomic status of women. Moreover, women’s rights to land inheritance are highly affected due to the culture of male domination. This study recommends that there has to be legal protection to women to fully exercise their land rights to use, control, and transfer. These needs stretching the structure of Women, Children and Social Affairs Office at Kebele level of administration.
{"title":"Rural Land Governance and Women Marginalisation in Amhara Regional State","authors":"Degwale Gebeyehu Belay","doi":"10.1163/15718115-bja10133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10133","url":null,"abstract":"Women have international and national rights to use, control, transfer, and inherit rural land. Unless laws and institutions are strong enough, women’s land rights can’t be effectively discharged. Moreover, the different socioeconomic status of women highly affects their land rights. This study has the objective of exploring land acquisition, landholding, and land transfer rights and practical challenges in North Mecha Woreda. The study has applied phenomenological qualitative research design. The findings show that the status of land acquisition, control, inheritance, and use is highly affected by the socioeconomic status of women. Moreover, women’s rights to land inheritance are highly affected due to the culture of male domination. This study recommends that there has to be legal protection to women to fully exercise their land rights to use, control, and transfer. These needs stretching the structure of Women, Children and Social Affairs Office at Kebele level of administration.","PeriodicalId":44103,"journal":{"name":"International Journal on Minority and Group Rights","volume":"206 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135781332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：