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Factors Leading to Primary School Dropout in Community Families – the Case of Kosovo 导致社区家庭小学辍学的因素——以科索沃为例
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-23 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10101
Shejnaze Gagica, E. Icka, Hajrullah Fejz, Xhevat Uka
Introduction – Education remains the major tool by which people become empowered; unfortunately, the education industry has suffered low completion rates due to several factors exposed in various studies.Aim – The purpose of this study was to investigate factors contributing to children’s dropout school in Kosovo communities.Methodology – Open ended questionnaire, face to face interview and document analysis were used as sources of data collection instruments. The researchers visited 3 sample locations in Kosovo with majority of communities’ households to collect required data. The study included 70 children who had dropped out of primary school.Results – Regarding the factors that have influenced school dropout by children participating in this study it has resulted that school dropout due to abandonment by their peers (30) and dislike of school (27) are the two main factors. Then, in approximately the same percentage (18–20) are listed factors such as: distance from school to home, displacement of parents, bullying by students, inability to register and negligence of parents and the Municipal Directorate of Education.Conclusions – School dropout due to abandonment by their peers among the children’s participating in the study has turned out to be a dominant factor in school dropout.
引言——教育仍然是赋予人们权力的主要工具;不幸的是,由于各种研究中暴露出的几个因素,教育行业的完成率一直很低。目的——本研究的目的是调查科索沃社区儿童辍学的因素。方法——使用开放式问卷、面对面访谈和文件分析作为数据收集工具的来源。研究人员访问了科索沃的3个样本地点,其中大多数是社区的家庭,以收集所需的数据。这项研究包括70名小学辍学的儿童。结果——关于参与本研究的儿童影响辍学的因素,结果表明,因被同龄人遗弃而辍学(30)和不喜欢学校(27)是两个主要因素。然后,在大约相同的百分比(18-20)中列出了一些因素,如:学校到家的距离、父母的流离失所、学生的欺凌,无法登记以及家长和市教育局的疏忽。结论——在参与研究的儿童中,因被同龄人遗弃而辍学已成为辍学的主要因素。
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引用次数: 0
Ethnic Politics and Violation of Basic Civil Rights of Amharas in Benishangul Gumuz Regional State of the Post 1991 Ethiopia: Actors, Causes, Consequences, and Challenges 1991年后埃塞俄比亚本尚古姆兹地区阿姆哈拉人的民族政治和基本公民权利的侵犯:行动者、原因、后果和挑战
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-08 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10097
Getasew Endalew, Adugna Molla, Endris Hussen Ahmed, Addisalem Bayeh
Ethnic politics, conceptually, entails the political orientation of employing ethnicity as a means of cooperation and conflict. Based on this concept, the study was aimed to examine actors, causes and consequences of the violation plus challenges in preserving civil rights of Amharas in Benishangul Gumuz Regional State (bgrs) of the post 1991 Ethiopia. It applied qualitative research approach. Accordingly, the research found that the major actors on the violation of civil rights of Amharas are ‘titular’ nationalities, public officials, police force and agricultural investors of bgrs. The causes for the violations of rights of Amharas are ethnic attacks and evictions. These maltreatments brought the consequence of eroding their sense of citizenship and potential of development. The challenges for protection of civil rights of Amharas are problems of controlling rulers and exclusionary constitution. Thus, it concluded that civil rights of Amharas in bgrs have no guarantee and requires immediate political solution.
从概念上讲,种族政治包括利用种族作为合作和冲突手段的政治倾向。根据这一概念,本研究旨在审查侵犯行为的行为者、原因和后果,以及1991年后埃塞俄比亚本尚古姆兹地区州(bgrs)维护阿姆哈拉人公民权利方面的挑战。它采用了定性研究方法。因此,研究发现,侵犯阿姆哈拉人公民权利的主要行为者是“名义上的”民族、公职人员、警察部队和土著居民的农业投资者。侵犯阿姆哈拉人权利的原因是种族攻击和驱逐。这些虐待的后果是侵蚀了他们的公民意识和发展潜力。阿姆哈拉人的公民权利保护面临的挑战是统治者的控制和排他性宪法的问题。因此,它得出的结论是,在bgrs的阿姆哈拉人的公民权利没有保障,需要立即政治解决。
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引用次数: 0
Dominant Discourse in Indigenous Consultations 土著协商中的主导话语
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10096
O. Pimenova
In Canada, consulting with Indigenous communities over recourse projects, the Crown sometimes avoids critical engagement with them, holding to the same arguments and counterarguments through regulatory and hearing stages. Such hollow moves, produced under the Crown’s rules, become embedded in the dominant argumentative discourse and pass unnoticed. To detect them, I apply Argument Continuities (ac s) – a new category of argumentative discourse analysis. ac s are a set of the same arguments and counterarguments repeatedly produced/reproduced by the dominant arguer through an adversarial reasoning process to dismiss opposing arguments. ac s have a specific life cycle – a chain of reasoning dynamics developing in a path-dependent fashion and increasing the cost of adopting a certain argument/counterargument over time. I test ac s in two institutionally diverse cases of Indigenous consultations and argue for the contingency of ac s upon the rules of consultations in reasoning exchanges. Determining the evidence availability and allocating the burdens of proof in consultations, rules make it more or less likely for a dominant arguer to rebut opposing arguments with acs.
在加拿大,在与土著社区就追索权项目进行协商时,王室有时会避免与他们进行批判性接触,在监管和听证会阶段坚持相同的论点和反驳。这种在王室规则下产生的空洞举动,嵌入了占主导地位的辩论话语中,却被忽视了。为了检测它们,我应用参数连续性(ac s) ——议论文篇分析的一个新范畴。交流 s是一组相同的论点和反驳论点,由占主导地位的论证者通过对抗性推理过程反复产生/复制,以驳回反驳论点。交流 s有一个特定的生命周期&一系列推理动力学以路径依赖的方式发展,并随着时间的推移增加采用某个论点/反驳论点的成本。我测试ac s在两个制度上不同的土著协商案例中,并为ac的偶然性辩护 在推理交流中的协商规则。在协商中确定证据的可用性和分配举证责任,规则使占主导地位的辩论者或多或少有可能用acs反驳相反的论点。
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引用次数: 0
From l’Entente to Dhimmis 从协约国到迪米斯
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-25 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10094
Hani Anouti
This article aims to analyse and assess the exercised discrimination and the decline in the role of Christians, in general, and Copts, particularly, in Egypt from 1952 to 2010. The deterioration of the Coptic situation along with the political, social, cultural, and religious discrimination will be addressed and compared between the authoritarian regimes of Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar al Sadat, and Hosni Mubarak respectively. Political and militant Islam will be also addressed from the perspective of Christian politicisation and societal discrimination. The article will clarify in its conclusion, the gradual transformation status of the Copts from being protégé under the entente to become present-day Dhimmis.
本文旨在分析和评估从1952年到2010年,在埃及,基督徒,尤其是科普特人,普遍存在的歧视和角色的下降。科普特局势的恶化以及政治、社会、文化和宗教歧视将分别在贾迈勒·阿卜杜勒·纳赛尔、安瓦尔·萨达特和胡斯尼·穆巴拉克的独裁政权之间进行讨论和比较。政治和好战的伊斯兰教也将从基督教政治化和社会歧视的角度来解决。本文将在其结论中阐明科普特人从协约下的原人到今天的齐米人的逐渐转变状态。
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引用次数: 0
Contested Sovereignty of Ambazonia and its Right to Self Determination 安巴索尼亚的主权及其自决权
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-25 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10095
Yinka Olomojobi
The concept of sovereignty and the right to self-determination is deeply rooted in international law. This paper examines the historical background of the Ambazonia community’s quest for sovereignty based on the right to self-determination. The article examines Southern Cameroon’s historical trajectory and origins of the Ambazonia movement. This paper sheds light on the dynamics of the Anglophone (Ambazonia) crises, and the response from La République du Cameroun (Cameroon government). The paper underscores that although international law firmly opposes the right of secession, as it leads to dissecting the polity in existing states. It is however argued that the people of Ambazonia have a right to quest for self-determination due to oppression and human rights infringements by La République du Cameroun.The clamour of the Ambazonia movement for sovereignty is based on the entitlement to political independence, and grievance due to the lack of economic and social development of Southern Cameroon. This quest which has ushered violent acts by the state actors to suppress Ambazonia’s identity and cultural heritage. The finding of the study reveals that Southern Cameroon’s contest for sovereignty and right to self-determination is legal under international law and therefore needs the comity of states to intervene to deescalate the violent acts by La République du Cameroun. The article also examines the international community’s role in the conflict. Particularly, it focuses on the part Nigeria played in the crises and the construction of the friendly relationship between both countries. Further the article proffers recommendations peaceful solutions.
主权和自决权的概念深深植根于国际法。本文考察了安巴索尼亚社区在自决权基础上寻求主权的历史背景。本文考察了喀麦隆南部安巴索尼亚运动的历史轨迹和起源。本文阐述了英语国家(安巴索尼亚)危机的动态,以及喀麦隆共和国(喀麦隆政府)的应对措施。该论文强调,尽管国际法坚决反对分裂国家的权利,因为这会导致对现有国家政治的剖析。然而,有人认为,由于喀麦隆共和国的压迫和侵犯人权,安巴佐尼亚人民有权寻求自决。安巴佐尼亚运动要求主权的呼声是基于政治独立的权利,以及由于喀麦隆南部缺乏经济和社会发展而产生的不满。这一追求引发了国家行为者的暴力行为,以压制安巴索尼亚的身份和文化遗产。研究结果表明,根据国际法,喀麦隆南部对主权和自决权的争夺是合法的,因此需要国家礼让进行干预,以减少喀麦隆共和国的暴力行为。文章还探讨了国际社会在冲突中的作用。特别是,它关注尼日利亚在危机中发挥的作用,以及两国友好关系的建设。此外,文章还提出了和平解决的建议。
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引用次数: 1
International Whaling Commission as a Natural Resource Management Regime 作为自然资源管理制度的国际捕鲸委员会
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10092
L. Viikari
Whaling as governed by the International Whaling Commission (iwc) is a global regime of natural resource management, which has experienced significant changes over time. Currently, the iwc regime constitutes a legal framework aiming at protection of both whales and the interests of traditional indigenous whaling populations. The aim of this paper is to examine how the international management of the whale resource has evolved, what kind of an indigenous market it is today and where it might be heading. Although the iwc as a whaling organisation is today geared essentially towards facilitating indigenous whaling, the regime is not indigenous in substance. It is not even a collaborative system. In essence, indigenous whaling within the iwc remains a colonial regime where indigenous interests are subordinate to nation states and Western science. The fundamental ontological mismatch of traditional indigenous conceptions of the world and those on which the iwc is based makes it difficult to introduce changes. Development of participatory rights of indigenous whaling communities within the iwc regime could constitute a procedural first step with potential to contribute to improving also the substantive rights of indigenous whalers. Relational values approach could help to achieve more pivotal ontological change of mindsets to allow indigenous people to gain real agency and organise their relationship with whales in accordance with their worldviews.
国际捕鲸委员会(iwc)管理的捕鲸是一项全球自然资源管理制度,随着时间的推移,该制度发生了重大变化。目前,国际捕鲸委员会制度构成了一个旨在保护鲸鱼和传统土著捕鲸群体利益的法律框架。本文的目的是研究鲸鱼资源的国际管理是如何演变的,今天是什么样的本土市场,以及它可能走向何方。虽然国际捕鲸委员会作为一个捕鲸组织,今天主要致力于促进土著捕鲸,但该制度实质上并不是土著的。它甚至不是一个协作系统。从本质上讲,国际捕鲸委员会内部的土著捕鲸仍然是一个殖民政权,土著利益服从于民族国家和西方科学。传统土著对世界的概念与《国际捕鲸法》所依据的概念在本体论上的根本不匹配,使得引入变革变得困难。在国际捕鲸委员会制度范围内发展土著捕鲸社区的参与权利可以是程序性的第一步,有可能有助于改善土著捕鲸者的实质性权利。关系价值方法可以帮助实现更关键的思想本体论改变,使土著人民获得真正的能动性,并根据他们的世界观组织他们与鲸鱼的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Discrimination, Marginalisation and Violence Against Minorities in Post-War Sri Lanka 战后斯里兰卡对少数民族的歧视、边缘化和暴力
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-13 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10093
Tameshnie Deane
Sri Lanka’s past is stained by human rights violations. The end of the thirty-year old civil war created opportunities and expectations that the post-war period would usher in peace and reconciliation, but this has not materialised. Recently there have been significant and worrying challenges that has altered the environment for reconciliation and accountability leading to a new wave of violence and discrimination against minorities. Some of these broader challenges include excessive militarisation, the reversal of Constitutional safeguards though court rulings, political apathy towards accountability for war-time abuses, exclusionary rhetoric through the intensification of Sinhalization and a shrinking democratic space. These challenges are warning indicators of future conflict and increased human rights violations. The purpose of this paper is to therefore highlight the various abuses, including those legislative frameworks that discriminate against Sri Lanka’s minorities and it advocates for actions in accordance with the country’s obligations under international human rights law.
斯里兰卡的过去因侵犯人权而受到玷污。三十年内战的结束为战后时期带来了和平与和解的机会和期望,但这并没有实现。最近出现了重大和令人担忧的挑战,改变了和解和问责的环境,导致了针对少数群体的新一轮暴力和歧视。其中一些更广泛的挑战包括过度军事化、通过法院裁决推翻宪法保障、政治上对战争时期虐待行为的问责漠不关心、通过加剧辛哈利化和缩小民主空间而发表的排斥言论。这些挑战是未来冲突和侵犯人权行为增加的预警指标。因此,本文的目的是强调各种虐待行为,包括歧视斯里兰卡少数民族的立法框架,并主张根据该国根据国际人权法承担的义务采取行动。
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引用次数: 0
Manifestations of Social Exclusion in Qualitative Interview Material 社会排斥在定性访谈材料中的表现
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10089
Nora Repo-Saeed
In this article I examine manifestations of social exclusion in qualitative interview material that was gathered in Finland. In the focus are people with a foreign background whose experiences I study with a decolonising approach. Social exclusion manifests itself in diverse ways in the narratives of the interviewees and can be discerned, for example, as related to discriminative and racist attitudes, people’s appearance, colour of the skin, language skills, religion, study skills, work skills, gender, cultural norms, access to education, social class, future perspectives, transactions with the authorities, questions related to the right to stay in the country, or possibilities to obtain citizenship. The experiences of the interviewees embody a need of further examination of colonialist legacy in the Finnish context, a call for more monitoring and control of institutional structures involved in discriminative measures imposed on people with a foreign background, as well as wider societal debate when it comes to stereotypes and bias that can lead to social exclusion.
在这篇文章中,我研究了在芬兰收集的定性采访材料中社会排斥的表现。焦点是有外国背景的人,我用非殖民化的方法研究他们的经历。社会排斥在受访者的叙述中以不同的方式表现出来,例如,可以辨别为与歧视和种族主义态度、人的外表、肤色、语言技能、宗教、学习技能、工作技能、性别、文化规范、受教育机会、社会阶层、未来观点、与当局的交易、,与留在该国的权利或获得公民身份的可能性有关的问题。受访者的经历体现了在芬兰背景下进一步审查殖民主义遗产的必要性,呼吁对参与对具有外国背景的人实施歧视性措施的体制结构进行更多的监督和控制,以及在涉及可能导致社会排斥的陈规定型观念和偏见时进行更广泛的社会辩论。
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引用次数: 0
The Uyghurs 维吾尔人
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10090
Hilly Moodrick-Even Khen
The concept of cultural genocide has been abrogated from the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948). The article elaborates on the concept of cultural genocide, its development, and its exclusion from the Genocide Convention and claims for its reconsideration in the discourse on genocide. It uses the Uyghurs’ case study to exemplify how the prohibition on cultural genocide against ethnic groups can become a soft law norm through states’ practice and legal instruments of international law that support the concept of cultural genocide. The article concludes with the legal and political merits of the prohibition on cultural genocide as a soft law norm. It focuses on how this process can promote the fight against genocide—particularly in the case of powerful states in the international arena, such as China.
《防止及惩治灭绝种族罪公约》(1948年)已废除了文化灭绝种族的概念。本文阐述了文化种族灭绝的概念、发展及其在《灭绝种族罪公约》中的排除,并要求在关于灭绝种族罪的论述中重新考虑这一概念。它以维吾尔人的案例研究为例,说明禁止针对少数民族的文化灭绝是如何通过支持文化灭绝概念的国家实践和国际法法律文书成为软法律规范的。文章最后总结了禁止文化灭绝作为一种软法律规范的法律和政治价值。它侧重于这一进程如何促进反对种族灭绝的斗争,特别是在国际舞台上的强国,如中国。
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引用次数: 1
Where Ethnoregionalism and Nationalism Meet 民族主义与民族主义的交汇点
IF 0.7 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-08 DOI: 10.1163/15718115-bja10091
A. mus, T. Jakubowski, Justyna Kijonka, Paweł Sarna
Three decades ago, political science and legal studies took almost no interest in a small region in Central Europe called Upper Silesia. Today, the scholarly literature in many disciplines is growing due, among other things, to the references to the situation of Silesians made by the Advisory Committee of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities in the Fourth Opinion on Poland. However, most of those studies do not include analysis of the most important political context: ethnopolitics in the Republic of Poland, its past and present. In this paper, we aim to explore the dynamic relations between Poles and Silesians and the consequences of those relations on public law. We also analyse the rise of the ethnoregionalist movement in Upper Silesia. Then, we analyse ethnopolitics in Poland in relation to Upper Silesia, especially in the context of Polish national identity.
三十年前,中欧一个名为上西里西亚的小地区对政治学和法律研究几乎没有兴趣。今天,由于《保护少数民族框架公约》咨询委员会在关于波兰的第四次意见中提到了西里西亚人的情况,许多学科的学术文献正在增长。然而,这些研究大多不包括对最重要的政治背景的分析:波兰共和国的民族政治及其过去和现在。在本文中,我们旨在探讨波兰人和西里西亚人之间的动态关系,以及这些关系对公法的影响。我们还分析了上西里西亚民族区域主义运动的兴起。然后,我们分析了波兰与上西里西亚的民族政治,特别是在波兰民族认同的背景下。
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引用次数: 0
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International Journal on Minority and Group Rights
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