Climate change is becoming one of the most crucial problems threatening the integrity of the global system. The impacts of climate change have been posing new threats to the states’ interests, human prosperity and environmental sustainability. This article aims to analyze Türkiye’s climate policies within the context of the sustainable security approach, which focuses on the balance between national, human and environmental security. The study argues that Türkiye’s economic priorities prevail over its climate strategies. Moreover, Türkiye becomes more vulnerable and less resilient to the impacts of climate change as long as the country’s carbon emissions continue to rise. Therefore, this article argues that if Türkiye considers the risks of climate change with a sustainable security approach; economic advantages, social prosperity and environmental protection for both present and future generations could be equivalently guaranteed.
{"title":"Sürdürülebilir Güvenlik Çerçevesinde Türkiye’nin İklim Politikaları","authors":"Senem Atvur, Çağla Vural","doi":"10.12995/bilig.10303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12995/bilig.10303","url":null,"abstract":"Climate change is becoming one of the most crucial problems threatening the integrity of the global system. The impacts of climate change have been posing new threats to the states’ \u0000interests, human prosperity and environmental sustainability. This article aims to analyze Türkiye’s climate policies within the context of the sustainable security approach, which focuses on \u0000the balance between national, human and environmental security. The study argues that Türkiye’s economic priorities prevail over its climate strategies. Moreover, Türkiye becomes more vulnerable \u0000and less resilient to the impacts of climate change as long as the country’s carbon emissions continue to rise. Therefore, this article argues that if Türkiye considers the risks of climate change with \u0000a sustainable security approach; economic advantages, social prosperity and environmental protection for both present and future generations could be equivalently guaranteed.","PeriodicalId":44387,"journal":{"name":"Bilig","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89676574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Türkiye’s migrant integration policy, which is one of the most migration-receiving countries in the Middle East owing to regional conflicts during the 2000s, is assessed alongside that of other receiving nations in the “Migrant Integration Policy Index” (MIPEX). These index ranks nations in eight key categories: labor market mobility, family reunion, education, health, political participation, permanent residence, access to nationality, and anti-discrimination. This study examines Türkiye’s change in migration policy ratings by comparing the index 2015 and 2020 with six European countries (Germany, Belgium, France, Norway, Finland, Sweden). It is found that there was a significant disparity in index scores between Türkiye and these European countries in the 2015 MIPEX report; however, this difference has narrowed in the 2020 report. Türkiye’s migrant integration policy rankings have improved substantially (+17), according to the 2020 report. As a result, Türkiye’s policy indicator has increased from “slightly unfavourable” to “halfway favourable”. Although this score and increase are not at the desired level, they may indicate comprehensive improvements in Türkiye’s integration policies in the following report.
{"title":"Comparative Analysis of Migrant Integration Policies of Türkiye and Selected European Countries","authors":"Mete Yusuf Ustabulut, Emrah Boylu, Umut Başar","doi":"10.12995/bilig.10301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12995/bilig.10301","url":null,"abstract":"Türkiye’s migrant integration policy, which is one of the most migration-receiving countries in the Middle East owing to regional conflicts during the 2000s, is assessed alongside that of other receiving nations in the “Migrant Integration Policy Index” (MIPEX). These index ranks nations in eight key categories: labor market mobility, family reunion, education, health, political participation, permanent residence, access to nationality, and anti-discrimination. This study examines Türkiye’s change in migration policy ratings by comparing the index 2015 and 2020 with six European countries (Germany, Belgium, France, Norway, Finland, Sweden). It is found that there was a significant disparity in index scores between Türkiye and these European countries in the 2015 MIPEX report; however, this difference has narrowed in the 2020 report. Türkiye’s migrant integration policy rankings have improved substantially (+17), according to the 2020 report. As a result, Türkiye’s policy indicator has increased from “slightly unfavourable” to “halfway favourable”. Although this score and increase are not at the desired level, they may indicate comprehensive improvements in Türkiye’s integration policies in the following report.","PeriodicalId":44387,"journal":{"name":"Bilig","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75672092","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the 75 years following Ahıska Turks’ expatriation from their homeland in Soviet Georgia in 1944 to the Central Asian Soviet Republics, they have evolved into a multilingual society. Ahıska Turks use Turkish and Russian language pairs in their daily communication. They adopt code-switching strategies in their daily communication. Turkish-Russian code-switching pattern of Ahıska Turks was not analyzed linguistically in terms of bilingual communication. Therefore, this study aims to investigate Ahıska Turks from a different perspective. It reflects the code-switching situation by examining the Bishkek show of Miko Şov, an Ahıska Turks’ comedy group. The records were investigated based on the Matrix Language Frame Model and the pattern is divided into categories as nouns, adjectives, adpositions, verbs, and adverbs. It is determined that the same strategies were followed with other Turkic languages contacting Russian.
{"title":"Ahıska Türklerinde Türkçe-Rusça Kod Değiştirme Deseni ve Temel Dil Çerçeve Modeli","authors":"Kayhan Inan","doi":"10.12995/bilig.10307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12995/bilig.10307","url":null,"abstract":"During the 75 years following Ahıska Turks’ expatriation from their homeland in Soviet Georgia in 1944 to the Central Asian Soviet Republics, they have evolved into a multilingual society. Ahıska Turks use Turkish and Russian language pairs in their daily communication. They adopt code-switching strategies in their daily communication. Turkish-Russian code-switching pattern of Ahıska Turks was not analyzed linguistically in terms of bilingual communication. Therefore, this study aims to investigate Ahıska Turks from a different perspective. It reflects the code-switching situation by examining the Bishkek show of Miko Şov, an Ahıska Turks’ comedy group. The records were investigated based on the Matrix Language Frame Model and the pattern is divided into categories as nouns, adjectives, adpositions, verbs, and adverbs. It is determined that the same strategies were followed with other Turkic languages contacting Russian.","PeriodicalId":44387,"journal":{"name":"Bilig","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84430836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the 70 years after the collapse of the Safavid state, four different tribes established states on Iran’s borders, but only one of them (Qajar) continued to rule for more than a century. In this research, the instability of the first three states established in Iran in the given period, the success of the Qajars, who founded the fourth state, in state-building and the efforts of all these states to legitimize their sovereignty are discussed. The article will examine the founding stages of these four states using primary and secondary sources and discuss the similarities and differences in this process. This study suggests that these first three states valued the Safavid heritage, however failed to provide their legitimacy. On the other hand, it is seen that the Qajar state, which reigned longer than the previous three states, considered the principles of religious identity, paternity, geographical integrity, and military power which are the essential sources of legitimacy of the Safavid state.
{"title":"Searching for Legitimacy of the Political Powers in İran after Safavid Period","authors":"Ata MOHAMED TABRİZ","doi":"10.12995/bilig.10304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12995/bilig.10304","url":null,"abstract":"During the 70 years after the collapse of the Safavid state, four different tribes established states on Iran’s borders, but only one of them (Qajar) continued to rule for more than a century. In \u0000this research, the instability of the first three states established in Iran in the given period, the success of the Qajars, who founded the fourth state, in state-building and the efforts of all these states \u0000to legitimize their sovereignty are discussed. The article will examine the founding stages of these four states using primary and secondary sources and discuss the similarities and differences in \u0000this process. This study suggests that these first three states valued the Safavid heritage, however failed to provide their legitimacy. On the other hand, it is seen that the Qajar state, which reigned \u0000longer than the previous three states, considered the principles of religious identity, paternity, geographical integrity, and military power which are the essential sources of legitimacy of the Safavid \u0000state.","PeriodicalId":44387,"journal":{"name":"Bilig","volume":"77 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72688058","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Minority regulations in Bulgaria from the communist takeover to the end of the Stalinist era were shaped under the influence of socialist internationalist policies, which envisaged the preservation of ethnic and cultural differences for generating class solidarity among the Bulgarian citizens. However, in practice, the constitutional safeguards and promises given to them were often ignored by the state for the sake of constructing a modern socialist society. The discrimination increased further during the post-Stalinist years in parallel with the regime’s ideological shift away from communist orthodoxy towards nationalism. The statesponsored discriminatory policies had far-reaching consequences for the Turks, the largest and most culturally aware of all ethnic minorities. Perceived as an alien element of the Bulgarian society, throughout the entire socialist period, Turkish minority was subjected to integrationist/assimilationist policies and forcibly expelled from the country at times when these policies did not produce the desired results. This article focuses on the discriminatory policies and practices forced upon the Turkish minority by the Bulgarian Communist Party during the era of state socialism, and intends to inquire into their results.
{"title":"Entegrasyondan Asimilasyona ve Zorunlu Göçe: Bulgaristan Komünist Partisi’nin Türk Azınlık Siyasetinin Bir Değerlendirmesi","authors":"Ivo Kirilov Ivanov, Murat Önsoy","doi":"10.12995/bilig.10302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12995/bilig.10302","url":null,"abstract":"Minority regulations in Bulgaria from the communist takeover to the end of the Stalinist era were shaped under the influence of socialist internationalist policies, which envisaged the preservation of ethnic and cultural differences for generating class solidarity among the Bulgarian citizens. However, in practice, the constitutional safeguards and promises given to them were often ignored by the state for the sake of constructing a modern socialist society. The discrimination increased further during the post-Stalinist years in parallel with the regime’s ideological shift away from communist orthodoxy towards nationalism. The statesponsored discriminatory policies had far-reaching consequences for the Turks, the largest and most culturally aware of all ethnic minorities. Perceived as an alien element of the Bulgarian society, throughout the entire socialist period, Turkish minority was subjected to integrationist/assimilationist policies and forcibly expelled from the country at times when these policies did not produce the desired results. This article focuses on the discriminatory policies and practices forced upon the Turkish minority by the Bulgarian Communist Party during the era of state socialism, and intends to inquire into their results.","PeriodicalId":44387,"journal":{"name":"Bilig","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87809274","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Grigory Valerianovich Melgunov 1860 yılında İran’a seyahat ederek Türkmenlerin yaşadığı bölgede araştırmalar yapmış ve hazırladığı seyahatnameyi Rusya’da yayımlamıştır. Eserde, 19. yüzyıl başlarında Hazar Denizi’nin güney kıyılarında yaşayan Türkmenlerin yerleşim birimleri, İran ve Rus Devletleri ile olan münasebetleri, sosyal ve siyâsî ilişkileri detaylı olarak tasvir edilmekte ve Türkmen boylarının sınıflandırılmış listesi verilmektedir. Bu çalışmada Melgunov’un Türkmenler hakkında verdiği malumat değerlendirilerek, bölgeye yaptığımız araştırma gezileri esnasında tespit edilen boyların Türkmen Türkçesi adlarının esas şekilleri verilerek Melgunov’un listesindeki hatalı kısımlara işaret edilmeye çalışılacaktır.
{"title":"Turkmen Tribes in Iran in the 19th Century according to Melgunov","authors":"Zeynep Yildirim","doi":"10.12995/bilig.10306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12995/bilig.10306","url":null,"abstract":"Grigory Valerianovich Melgunov 1860 yılında İran’a seyahat ederek\u0000Türkmenlerin yaşadığı bölgede araştırmalar yapmış ve hazırladığı\u0000seyahatnameyi Rusya’da yayımlamıştır. Eserde, 19. yüzyıl\u0000başlarında Hazar Denizi’nin güney kıyılarında yaşayan Türkmenlerin\u0000yerleşim birimleri, İran ve Rus Devletleri ile olan münasebetleri,\u0000sosyal ve siyâsî ilişkileri detaylı olarak tasvir edilmekte\u0000ve Türkmen boylarının sınıflandırılmış listesi verilmektedir. Bu\u0000çalışmada Melgunov’un Türkmenler hakkında verdiği malumat\u0000değerlendirilerek, bölgeye yaptığımız araştırma gezileri esnasında\u0000tespit edilen boyların Türkmen Türkçesi adlarının esas şekilleri\u0000verilerek Melgunov’un listesindeki hatalı kısımlara işaret edilmeye\u0000çalışılacaktır.","PeriodicalId":44387,"journal":{"name":"Bilig","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84471318","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ötüken’den Kırım’a Türk Dünyası Kültür Tarihi / Turkish World Cultural History from Ötüken to Crimea. Ed. Ahmet Kanlıdere-İlyas Kemaloğlu. Ötüken Press, 2021.*
{"title":"Ötüken’den Kırım’a Türk Dünyası Kültür Tarihi / Turkish World Cultural History from Ötüken to Crimea. Ed. Ahmet Kanlıdere-İlyas Kemaloğlu. Ötüken Press, 2021.","authors":"Başak BAŞAK KUZAKÇI","doi":"10.12995/bilig.10308","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12995/bilig.10308","url":null,"abstract":"Ötüken’den Kırım’a Türk Dünyası Kültür Tarihi / Turkish World Cultural History from Ötüken to Crimea. Ed. Ahmet Kanlıdere-İlyas Kemaloğlu. Ötüken Press, 2021.*","PeriodicalId":44387,"journal":{"name":"Bilig","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83651494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Two significant developments of the transition from empire to the nation-state in Türkiye; the abolition of the Ottoman Sultanate on November 1, 1922, and of the caliphate on March 3, 1924, attracted the attention of the Spanish press as happened in the whole world. The newspapers gave the historical background of both institutions and tried to describe the new status of the caliphate aftermath of the abolition of the sultanate. The press evaluated this current situation in which the Turkish Grand National Assembly exercised the sovereignty and elected the caliph to represent the spiritual power in the context of Islamic traditions and Türkiye’s policies towards the Muslim world. After the abolition of the caliphate and the exile of the last Caliph Abdülmecid Efendi, the press discussed the issue in the context of the religious-political reactions it would create in the Islamic world, its effects on the policies of England and France due to their Muslim colonies, and the revolutions of the new Turkish State. Although the approach of the newspapers varied according to their political stances, the final assessment of the Spanish press was that the abolition of the caliphate brought the end of Pan-Islamism as a universal political force. The news and columns on the abolition of the caliphate reflected the orientalist view of the Spanish public opinion on Türkiye and the Eastern-Muslim world.
{"title":"Reflections of the Abolition of the Sultanate and the Caliphate in the Spanish Press","authors":"Yasemin TÜRKKAN TUNALI","doi":"10.12995/bilig.10305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12995/bilig.10305","url":null,"abstract":"Two significant developments of the transition from empire to the nation-state in Türkiye; the abolition of the Ottoman Sultanate on November 1, 1922, and of the caliphate on March 3, 1924, attracted the attention of the Spanish press as happened in the whole world. The newspapers gave the historical background of both institutions and tried to describe the new status of the caliphate aftermath of the abolition of the sultanate. The press evaluated this current situation in which the Turkish Grand National Assembly exercised the sovereignty and elected the caliph to represent the spiritual power in the context of Islamic traditions and Türkiye’s policies towards the Muslim world. After the abolition of the caliphate and the exile of the last Caliph Abdülmecid Efendi, the press discussed the issue in the context of the religious-political reactions it would create in the Islamic world, its effects on the policies of England and France due to their Muslim colonies, and the revolutions of the new Turkish State. Although the approach of the newspapers varied according to their political stances, the final assessment of the Spanish press was that the abolition of the caliphate brought the end of Pan-Islamism as a universal political force. The news and columns on the abolition of the caliphate reflected the orientalist view of the Spanish public opinion on Türkiye and the Eastern-Muslim world.","PeriodicalId":44387,"journal":{"name":"Bilig","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87216506","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti tarafından Doğu Türkistan üzerinde kurulan baskıcı yönetimin en önemli unsurları arasında dijital gözetim teknolojileri bulunmaktadır. Çalışmanın amacı Çin’in sahip olduğu teknoloji yoluyla Uygurlar üzerinde kurduğu dijital gözetimin ortaya konulmasıdır. Gözetimin ardında yatan felsefi ve ideolojik faktörlerin neler olduğu yine çalışmanın soruları arasındadır. Bu çerçevede Çin’in tarihi olarak ötekine bakışı ile Çinli olmayan milletleri yönetme politikaları ve Çin tarzı özerk yönetim anlayışı ele alınmıştır. Daha sonra sosyal düzen, devlete itaat ve hiyerarşi gibi prensiplere dayanan Konfüçyüsçü anlayışla kurulmuş dijital gözetim sistemi incelenmiştir. Bu amaçla Çin’in gözetleme odaklı teknolojik alt yapısı üzerine yapılmış akademik çalışmalar ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarının raporları taranmıştır. Çin hükümeti tarafından dünya kamuoyuna yapılan açıklamalar ile medyaya yansımış haber ve yorumlar incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın bulgularına göre dijital gözetim Çin’in Uygur politikasındaki en önemli araçlardan biridir. Doğu Türkistan, dijital gözetim yoluyla bir açık hava hapishanesine çevrilmiş, Uygurlara kendi kimliklerini yaşayabilecekleri serbest bir alan bırakılmamıştır.
{"title":"Uygur Türkleri Üzerinde Dijital Gözetim","authors":"Haldun Narmanlioğlu, Tugce Iyigüngör","doi":"10.12995/bilig.10206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12995/bilig.10206","url":null,"abstract":"Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti tarafından Doğu Türkistan üzerinde kurulan baskıcı yönetimin en önemli unsurları arasında dijital gözetim teknolojileri bulunmaktadır. Çalışmanın amacı Çin’in sahip olduğu\u0000teknoloji yoluyla Uygurlar üzerinde kurduğu dijital gözetimin ortaya konulmasıdır. Gözetimin ardında yatan felsefi ve ideolojik faktörlerin neler olduğu yine çalışmanın soruları arasındadır. Bu çerçevede Çin’in tarihi olarak ötekine bakışı ile Çinli olmayan milletleri yönetme politikaları ve Çin tarzı özerk yönetim anlayışı ele alınmıştır. Daha sonra sosyal düzen, devlete itaat ve hiyerarşi gibi prensiplere dayanan Konfüçyüsçü anlayışla kurulmuş dijital gözetim sistemi incelenmiştir. Bu amaçla Çin’in gözetleme odaklı teknolojik alt yapısı üzerine yapılmış akademik çalışmalar ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarının raporları taranmıştır. Çin hükümeti tarafından dünya kamuoyuna yapılan açıklamalar ile medyaya yansımış haber ve yorumlar incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın bulgularına göre dijital gözetim Çin’in Uygur politikasındaki en önemli araçlardan biridir. Doğu Türkistan, dijital gözetim yoluyla bir açık hava hapishanesine çevrilmiş, Uygurlara kendi kimliklerini yaşayabilecekleri serbest bir alan bırakılmamıştır.","PeriodicalId":44387,"journal":{"name":"Bilig","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78561036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Eski Uygur sivil metinleri, diğer Eski Türkçe metinlerin aksine dinî içerikli tercüme yoluyla oluşturulmamış, hayatın içinde, halkın sosyal aktivitelerini gösterecek biçimde yazılmıştır. Bu anlamda metinler çok farklı düzeyde kültür kodlarını taşımaktadır. Bu metinlerde yer alan örü kodı bol- ifadesi, bugüne kadar yapılan çalışmalarda çeşitli anlamlandırma teklifleri yapılsa da tam anlamıyla özüme kavuşamamıştır. İfadenin dil bilimsel açıdan mukayeseli incelenmesinin yanında kültürel kavramsallaştırma yönünden dil ve kültür ilişkisi içinde yeniden ele alınması gerekmektedir. Çalışmada, söz konusu ifadenin dil bilimsel değerlendirmesi için öncelikle ifadeyi oluşturan örü kodı yapısı incelenecektir. Daha sonra formun yardımcı fiil ile oluşturulmuş son şekli, metinlerde tanıklanarak sentaktik dizilimin pragmatik sıralaması göz önünde bulundurulup diğer formlarla denkliği kurulacaktır. Bu evrede kurulan denklikler kültür dil bilimin kültürel kavramsallaştırma dalına göre değerlendirilecek ve kültürel kodları analiz edilecektir. Çalışmanın en önemli amacı, bazı dil formlarının sadece dil bilimsel izah ile çözülemeyeceği, dil kültür ilişkisi ile kültür dil bilim gibi farklı disiplinlerin yardımı ile çözmek gerektiğini göstermektir.
{"title":"Kültürel Kavramsallaştırma Örneği: Eski Uygur Sivil Metinlerindeki Örü Kodı Bol- Yapısı Üzerine","authors":"Kenan Azili","doi":"10.12995/bilig.10203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.12995/bilig.10203","url":null,"abstract":"Eski Uygur sivil metinleri, diğer Eski Türkçe metinlerin aksine dinî içerikli tercüme yoluyla oluşturulmamış, hayatın içinde, halkın sosyal aktivitelerini gösterecek biçimde yazılmıştır. Bu anlamda metinler çok farklı düzeyde kültür kodlarını taşımaktadır. Bu metinlerde yer alan örü kodı bol- ifadesi, bugüne kadar yapılan çalışmalarda çeşitli anlamlandırma teklifleri yapılsa da tam anlamıyla özüme kavuşamamıştır. İfadenin dil bilimsel açıdan mukayeseli incelenmesinin yanında kültürel kavramsallaştırma yönünden dil ve kültür ilişkisi içinde yeniden ele alınması gerekmektedir.\u0000Çalışmada, söz konusu ifadenin dil bilimsel değerlendirmesi için öncelikle ifadeyi oluşturan örü kodı yapısı incelenecektir. Daha sonra formun yardımcı fiil ile oluşturulmuş son şekli, metinlerde tanıklanarak sentaktik dizilimin pragmatik sıralaması göz önünde bulundurulup diğer formlarla denkliği kurulacaktır. Bu evrede kurulan denklikler kültür dil bilimin kültürel kavramsallaştırma\u0000dalına göre değerlendirilecek ve kültürel kodları analiz edilecektir. Çalışmanın en önemli amacı, bazı dil formlarının sadece dil bilimsel izah ile çözülemeyeceği, dil kültür ilişkisi ile kültür dil bilim gibi farklı disiplinlerin yardımı ile çözmek gerektiğini göstermektir.","PeriodicalId":44387,"journal":{"name":"Bilig","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87622208","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：