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EIS volume 8 issue 2 Cover and Front matter “环境影响报告书”第8卷第2期封面和正面事项
IF 2.2 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-13 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.7
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引用次数: 0
EIS volume 8 issue 2 Cover and Back matter 环境影响报告书第8卷第2期封面及封底
IF 2.2 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-13 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.8
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引用次数: 0
What does security look like? Exploring interpretive photography as method 安全性是什么样子的?探索解释性摄影方法
IF 2.2 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-11 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.6
Adam Ferhani, Jonna Nyman
Abstract IR’s visual turn has emphasised visual analysis over visual method, centring images of war and crisis. Meanwhile security studies centres great power politics and moments of rupture. Together, they reinforce a dominant image of security as spectacular. This article unites two ethnographic projects focused on everyday security: one examining everyday security landscapes in China, and one examining health security at the UK border. Both found a gap between the dominant image of security and what we saw, and explored this gap through photography. Building on the everyday and visual turns, the article introduces interpretive photography as method to make two contributions. The first is methodological: it introduces interpretive photography as a distinct critical qualitative method that operates on five modes: enabling the seeing-capturing-making-sharing of visual artefacts, it also disrupts dominant visions and contributes to the construction of international relations. The second contribution is empirical: a deeper, richer account of what security looks like. While the discipline associates security with emergency politics or a state of exception, Nyman’s photographs show the exception-made-everyday, while Ferhani’s photos reject the exception by showing banal routines. In this way, photography engages the visuality of security, and can change how we see security.
摘要IR的视觉转向强调视觉分析而非视觉方法,以战争和危机图像为中心。与此同时,安全研究集中在大国政治和破裂时刻。它们共同强化了一种引人注目的安全主导形象。这篇文章结合了两个关注日常安全的民族志项目:一个研究中国的日常安全景观,另一个研究英国边境的卫生安全。两人都发现了安全的主导形象与我们所看到的之间的差距,并通过摄影探索了这一差距。本文在日常和视觉转向的基础上,引入解释性摄影的方法,做出了两方面的贡献。第一个是方法论:它引入了解释性摄影,作为一种独特的批判性定性方法,可分为五种模式:使视觉捕捉和视觉艺术品的共享成为可能,它也颠覆了主流视觉,有助于国际关系的构建。第二个贡献是实证的:对安全的描述更深入、更丰富。虽然该学科将安全与紧急政治或例外状态联系在一起,但尼曼的照片显示了每天都会出现的例外,而费尔哈尼的照片则通过展示平庸的日常生活来拒绝例外。通过这种方式,摄影参与了安全的可视化,并可以改变我们对安全的看法。
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引用次数: 1
Military ad hoc coalitions and functional differentiation in inter-organisational relations 军事特设联盟和组织间关系中的功能分化
IF 2.2 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-17 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.5
M. Brosig
The emergence of military ad hoc coalitions (AHCs) in Africa as a tool for conflict management outside established institutional frameworks brings about a number of questions: are they undermining existing security structures such as the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) or are they contributing to further regime complexity? In order to answer these questions, the article applies the logic of functional differentiation as it is used in the literature on regime complexity and inter-organisational studies. Scope conditions are developed exploring when and how functional differentiation operates and what consequences it brings about for interacting institutions. Empirically the example of military ad hoc coalitions in the Lake Chad Basin and Sahel is at the centre of analysis. It will be argued that ad hoc coalitions are part of a functionally differentiated system response within the African Security Regime Complex and not in direct competition to the APSA.
非洲军事特设联盟作为既定体制框架之外的冲突管理工具的出现带来了许多问题:它们是在破坏非洲和平与安全架构等现有安全结构,还是在加剧政权的复杂性?为了回答这些问题,本文应用了功能分化的逻辑,正如它在关于制度复杂性和组织间研究的文献中所使用的那样。范围条件是探索功能分化何时以及如何运作,以及它给相互作用的机构带来什么后果。从经验上讲,乍得湖流域和萨赫勒地区的军事特设联盟是分析的中心。有人认为,特设联盟是非洲安全制度复合体内功能差异化系统反应的一部分,而不是与APSA的直接竞争。
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引用次数: 0
Considering stratospheric aerosol injections beyond an environmental frame: The intelligible ‘emergency’ techno-fix and preemptive security 考虑超越环境框架的平流层气溶胶注入:可理解的“紧急”技术解决方案和先发制人的安全
IF 2.2 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-16 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.4
Danielle N. Young
Abstract Stratospheric Aerosol Injection (SAI), is often referred to as a ‘Plan B’ if mitigation strategies to reduce emissions fail and the need to rapidly reduce global temperatures becomes urgent. In theory, SAI would help buy more time to bring carbon and other emissions down while also cooling or keeping the planet below the threshold for dangerous warming, though it is not a solution to the problem of climate change in itself. What little attention it has received in International Relations (IR) is usually focused on the need for governance of the technology and assumes that development and use of the technology will be driven primarily by vulnerability to climate impacts. Through an analysis of common security assumptions and preemptive security framings the article shows that while current assessments of SAI focus on the technology’s environmental impact, broader political and security dynamics, particularly the desire to render climate change more intelligible as a security problem with a solution may have substantial influence on how the technology is used and by whom.
摘要平流层气溶胶注入(SAI),通常被称为“B计划”,如果减少排放的缓解策略失败,快速降低全球温度的需求变得紧迫。理论上,SAI将有助于争取更多的时间来降低碳和其他排放,同时使地球降温或保持在危险变暖的阈值以下,尽管它本身并不能解决气候变化问题。它在国际关系中很少受到关注,通常集中在技术治理的必要性上,并假设技术的开发和使用将主要受气候影响的脆弱性驱动。通过对常见安全假设和先发制人的安全框架的分析,文章表明,虽然目前对SAI的评估侧重于该技术的环境影响、更广泛的政治和安全动态,特别是希望通过解决方案使气候变化作为一个安全问题更容易理解,这可能会对该技术的使用方式和使用人产生重大影响。
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引用次数: 2
Arms for influence? The limits of Great Power leverage 武器的影响力?大国杠杆的局限性
IF 2.2 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-28 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.3
J. Spindel
Abstract Scholars and policymakers agree that major powers have leverage over their more junior partners. Giving security assistance or providing arms is supposed to increase this leverage. However, major powers often hit roadblocks when trying to influence the behaviour of their junior partners. This article demonstrates that junior partners are often successful in constraining the behaviour of the major power partners, and have particular success in extracting additional resources from their major partners. This article develops the concept of loyalty coercion to explain that leverage is based on rhetorical and symbolic moves, rather than material preponderance. It then uses cases of US arms sales to show that weapons transfers did not lead to US leverage, instead opened opportunities for junior partner influence. The article contributes to scholarly and policy perspectives on alliance management and reputation, and leverage in world politics.
摘要学者和政策制定者一致认为,大国对其资历较浅的伙伴有影响力。提供安全援助或提供武器应该会增加这种影响力。然而,大国在试图影响其初级伙伴的行为时往往会遇到障碍。这篇文章表明,初级合作伙伴通常成功地约束了主要权力合作伙伴的行为,并特别成功地从其主要合作伙伴那里获取了额外的资源。本文提出了忠诚胁迫的概念,以解释杠杆作用是基于修辞和象征动作,而不是物质优势。然后,它利用美国军售的案例来表明,武器转让并没有导致美国的影响力,反而为初级伙伴的影响力打开了机会。这篇文章有助于从学术和政策角度看待联盟管理和声誉,以及在世界政治中的影响力。
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引用次数: 1
Contesting the heavens: US antipreneurship and the regulation of space weapons 斗破苍穹:美国反核与太空武器管制
IF 2.2 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-08 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.2
Adam Bower, Jeffrey S. Lantis
The 1967 Outer Space Treaty reserved outer space for ‘peaceful purposes’, yet recent decades have witnessed growing competition and calls for new multilateral rules including a proposed ban on the deployment of weapons in space. These diplomatic initiatives have stalled in the face of concerted opposition from the United States. To explain this outcome, we characterise US diplomacy as a form of ‘antipreneurship’, a type of strategic norm-focused competition designed to preserve the prevailing normative status quo in the face of entrepreneurial efforts. We substantially refine and extend existing accounts of antipreneurship by theorising three dominant forms of antipreneurial agency – rhetorical, procedural, and behavioural – and describing the mechanisms and scope conditions though which they operate. We then trace the development of US resistance to proposed restraints on space weapons from 2000–present. Drawing on hundreds of official documents, we show how successive US administrations have employed a range of interlayered diplomatic strategies and tactics to preserve the permissive international legal framework governing outer space and protect US national security priorities. Our study illustrates the specific techniques and impacts of resistance in a domain of growing strategic importance, with implications for further refining understandings of norm competition in other issue areas.
1967年的《外层空间条约》将外层空间保留为“和平目的”,但近几十年来,竞争日益激烈,要求制定新的多边规则,包括拟议禁止在太空部署武器。面对美国的一致反对,这些外交举措停滞不前。为了解释这一结果,我们将美国外交描述为一种“反创新”形式,这是一种以战略规范为重点的竞争,旨在在创业努力面前保持普遍的规范现状。我们通过理论化三种主要的反创业代理形式——修辞、程序和行为——并描述其运作的机制和范围条件,对现有的反创业描述进行了实质性的提炼和扩展。然后,我们追踪2000年至今美国对太空武器限制提议的抵制发展。根据数百份官方文件,我们展示了美国历届政府如何采用一系列层间外交战略和策略,以维护管理外层空间的宽松国际法律框架,保护美国国家安全的优先事项。我们的研究说明了在一个日益具有战略重要性的领域中抵制的具体技术和影响,对进一步完善其他问题领域对规范竞争的理解具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 1
Securitising infectious disease outbreaks: The WHO and the visualisation of molecular life 传染病疫情安全化:世界卫生组织与分子生命可视化
IF 2.2 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-17 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2022.36
Christopher Long
Abstract Following its exceptional response to the 2003 severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreak, the World Health Organization (WHO) gained new powers to securitise infectious disease outbreaks via the revised 2005 International Health Regulations (IHRs) and the ability to declare a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC). This article investigates the declaration of a PHEIC in relation to the 2009 H1N1 flu pandemic, the 2014–16 Ebola outbreak, and the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. It argues that the securitisation of these outbreaks was dependent upon global surveillance networks that utilised genetic technologies to visualise the molecular characteristics and spread of the pathogen in question. Genetic evidence in these cases facilitated the creation of a securitised object by revealing the unique and ‘untypable’ nature of the H1N1 and SARS-CoV-2 viruses and made visible the widespread prevalence of Ebola across the population of West Africa. The power of this evidence draws from a societal perception of science as producing objective ‘facts’ about the world that objectivise their objects of concern and empower political actors in the implementation of their security agendas. As a result, scientific evidence provided by genetic technologies now plays a necessary and indispensable role in the securitisation of infectious disease outbreaks.
摘要世界卫生组织(世界卫生组织)在对2003年严重急性呼吸综合征(SARS)疫情作出特殊反应后,通过修订的2005年《国际卫生条例》(IHRs)和宣布国际关注的突发公共卫生事件(PHEIC)的能力,获得了将传染病疫情证券化的新权力。本文调查了与2009年H1N1流感大流行、2014-2016年埃博拉疫情和持续的新冠肺炎大流行有关的PHEIC声明。它认为,这些疫情的证券化取决于全球监测网络,该网络利用基因技术来可视化相关病原体的分子特征和传播。这些病例中的基因证据揭示了H1N1和严重急性呼吸系统综合征冠状病毒2型病毒的独特和“不可分型”性质,并使埃博拉在西非人口中的广泛流行成为可能,从而促进了证券化对象的创建。这些证据的力量来源于社会对科学的看法,即科学产生了关于世界的客观“事实”,客观化了他们关注的对象,并赋予政治行为者执行其安全议程的权力。因此,基因技术提供的科学证据现在在传染病爆发的证券化中发挥着必要和不可或缺的作用。
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引用次数: 0
EIS volume 8 issue 1 Cover and Back matter 环境影响报告书第8卷第1期封面及封底
IF 2.2 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-09 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2022.35
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引用次数: 0
EIS volume 8 issue 1 Cover and Front matter EIS第8卷第1期封面和主题
IF 2.2 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-09 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2022.34
Karin Aggestam
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Journal of International Security
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