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Nation branding and feminist diplomacy after crisis: France’s response to SEA allegations in Central African Republic – ERRATUM 危机后的国家品牌和女权主义外交:法国对中非共和国SEA指控的回应-勘误
Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.28
Georgina Holmes, Sabrina White
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引用次数: 0
Political audience and non-linear securitisation: Revisiting Israel–Iran relations and the making of the 1979 Islamic Revolution 政治受众和非线性证券化:重新审视以色列-伊朗关系和1979年伊斯兰革命的形成
Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-19 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.26
Eldad Ben Aharon
Abstract The 1979 Islamic Revolution was a tectonic change that influenced the geopolitics of the Middle East to this day. This article highlights the necessity of re-examining the events of 1979 from a securitisation perspective. Through an investigation of Ayatollah Khomeini's pivotal role, I challenge the methodological nationalism often found in the study of Israel–Iran relations. Despite his unconventional position in security matters, Khomeini played a crucial role in the securitisation of the 1979 revolution. Drawing on Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs archives, secondary sources, elite interviews, and Khomeini's theological speeches, this article re-examines the intricate stages of securitisation and counter-securitisation spanning 16 years. Khomeini effectively mobilized the political audience (Iranian people) to support the revolution, aiming to overthrow the Shah and remove Israel’s presence from Iran. I argue that a non-linear securitisation process was employed, characterised by Khomeini's ability to establish informal authority among the opposition. This process ultimately led to him gaining legitimacy from the Iranian people and culminated in the successful securitisation act of the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
1979年的伊斯兰革命是一场影响中东地缘政治至今的结构性变革。本文强调了从证券化的角度重新审视1979年事件的必要性。通过对阿亚图拉·霍梅尼的关键作用的调查,我挑战了经常在以色列-伊朗关系研究中发现的方法论民族主义。尽管霍梅尼在安全事务上的立场不同寻常,但他在1979年革命的证券化过程中发挥了关键作用。根据以色列外交部的档案、二手资料、精英访谈和霍梅尼的神学演讲,本文重新审视了16年来证券化和反证券化的复杂阶段。霍梅尼有效地动员了政治听众(伊朗人民)支持革命,目的是推翻伊朗国王,将以色列从伊朗撤出。我认为,霍梅尼采用了一种非线性的证券化过程,其特点是霍梅尼能够在反对派中建立非正式权威。这一过程最终使他从伊朗人民那里获得了合法性,并在1979年伊斯兰革命成功的证券化法案中达到高潮。
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引用次数: 0
Agents, multilateral institutions, and fundamental institutional change in international society: The case of Russia’s peacekeeping policy 国际社会中的代理人、多边机构和基本制度变革:以俄罗斯的维和政策为例
Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.22
Takamitsu Hadano
Abstract Drawing on recent debates in English School (ES) theory, this article develops an analytical framework for examining how states use multilateral institutions, or what ES theorists call ‘secondary institutions’, to reshape ‘primary institutions’, i.e. fundamental practices in international society. The framework highlights the role of states’ agency in international institutional change by shedding light on strategies that they employ to bring about changes in primary institutions. It posits that, although they can seek to directly remould primary institutions, states in practice often seek to bring about primary institutional changes through existing or newly formed secondary institutions and that this is especially the case at the level of regional international societies (RISs). The article demonstrates the utility of the framework by using it to analyse the case of Russia’s peacekeeping policy in the post-Soviet regional international society (PSRIS), focusing on its efforts to institutionalise the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) as an alternative ‘peacekeeping’ actor.
摘要:借鉴最近在英国学派(ES)理论中的辩论,本文开发了一个分析框架,用于研究各国如何使用多边机构,或ES理论家所谓的“二级机构”,来重塑“初级机构”,即国际社会的基本实践。该框架强调了国家机构在国际制度变革中的作用,揭示了它们为实现主要制度变革所采用的战略。它认为,尽管各国可以寻求直接改造初级机构,但在实践中,它们往往寻求通过现有的或新成立的二级机构来实现初级机构的变革,这在区域国际社会(RISs)层面上尤其如此。本文通过分析俄罗斯在后苏联地区国际社会(PSRIS)中维持和平政策的案例,展示了该框架的实用性,重点关注其将集体安全条约组织(CSTO)制度化作为另一种“维持和平”行为者的努力。
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引用次数: 0
Cue Brexit: Performing Global Britain at the UN Security Council 提示英国脱欧:在联合国安理会上扮演全球化的英国
Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.27
Lauren Rogers
Abstract The role of performance in ontological security seeking is underdeveloped, despite the fact that many elements of such behaviour – narratives, rituals, routinised meetings – carry a distinctive performative quality. Drawing on Butlerian performance theory, this article makes the case that performances are essential to re-establishing coherence and a sense of self following ontologically critical situations. The reproduction of the self, especially while directly addressing fundamental existential questions, is an important way to overcome critical situations. At the state level, this reproduction of self also includes a reproduction of the international system, a task which is best enacted in everyday diplomatic practice. To explore this theory, I use Brexit as an illustrative case study. Brexit was a moment of profound crisis for the United Kingdom (UK) and an ontologically critical situation. It forced the UK to reposition itself on the world stage and confront significant challenges to its self-understanding. In Westminster, these efforts centred on ‘Global Britain’ – a narrative shift that bridged the identity gap and provided a thin framework for foreign policy. At the same time, British diplomats were tasked with international realignment post-Brexit. In this way, everyday diplomatic practice became Brexit performances.
表演在本体论安全寻求中的作用尚未得到充分开发,尽管这种行为的许多元素-叙述,仪式,例行会议-具有独特的表演质量。本文借鉴巴特勒的表演理论,论证了在本体论批判情境下,表演对于重建连贯性和自我意识至关重要。自我的再现,特别是在直接解决基本存在问题的时候,是克服危急情况的重要途径。在国家层面,这种自我的再生产也包括对国际体系的再生产,这是一项在日常外交实践中最好实施的任务。为了探讨这一理论,我以英国脱欧为例进行了说明。英国脱欧对英国来说是一个深刻的危机时刻,也是一个本体论上的关键时刻。它迫使英国在世界舞台上重新定位,并面对自我认知方面的重大挑战。在威斯敏斯特,这些努力集中在“全球英国”上——这是一种叙事上的转变,它弥合了身份鸿沟,并为外交政策提供了一个薄弱的框架。与此同时,英国外交官的任务是在英国脱欧后进行国际调整。就这样,日常的外交实践变成了英国脱欧的表演。
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引用次数: 0
EIS volume 8 issue 4 Cover and Back matter 环境影响报告书第8卷第4期封面及封底
Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-12 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.25
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引用次数: 0
EIS volume 8 issue 4 Cover and Front matter 《环境影响报告书》第8卷第4期封面和封面
Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-12 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.24
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
此内容的摘要不可用,因此提供了预览。当您可以访问此内容时,可以通过“保存PDF”操作按钮获得完整的PDF。
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引用次数: 0
Nation branding and feminist diplomacy after crisis: France’s response to SEA allegations in Central African Republic 危机后的国家品牌与女权主义外交:法国对中非共和国SEA指控的回应
Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.19
Georgina Holmes, Sabrina White
Abstract This article makes the case that gender and racial analyses of the constitutive interplay between nation branding and diplomacy advance understandings of how liberal states use feminist agendas in response to political crises. Adopting a feminist post-colonial approach and drawing on a discourse analysis of French diplomatic speeches made in the UN Security Council between July 2011 and January 2020, the article examines how male and female diplomats address France’s accountability failures when French peacekeepers sexually abused children in Central African Republic in 2014–15, widely known as the Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, or SEA crisis. Operating as embodied brand ambassadors, diplomats use affective and performative strategies to progress through the political crisis life cycle quickly and re-establish France’s ontological security. It is contended that while feminist foreign policy and feminist diplomacy serve as short-term solutions to reputational damage, France’s longer-term nation-branding project, which follows a masculine, white-supremacist neoliberal logic, stabilises the grand narrative of the middle power and its projected image as a legitimate strategic leader in global governance. Yet in attempting to control the narrative on the SEA crisis, French diplomats downplay the global crisis of accountability surrounding sexual exploitation and abuse and silence the personal crises of SEA survivors.
本文通过对国家品牌和外交之间的结构性相互作用的性别和种族分析,促进了对自由主义国家如何利用女权主义议程来应对政治危机的理解。本文采用女权主义的后殖民主义方法,并对2011年7月至2020年1月期间法国在联合国安理会的外交发言进行了话语分析,研究了2014 - 2015年法国维和人员在中非共和国性侵犯儿童时,男性和女性外交官如何应对法国问责不力的问题,这一事件被广泛称为性剥削和性虐待危机。作为具身的品牌大使,外交官们运用情感和行为策略,迅速通过政治危机生命周期,重建法国的本体论安全。有人认为,虽然女权主义外交政策和女权主义外交是声誉受损的短期解决方案,但法国长期的国家品牌计划(遵循男性化、白人至上主义的新自由主义逻辑),稳定了中等大国的宏大叙事及其作为全球治理中合法战略领导者的预期形象。然而,为了控制对东南亚危机的叙述,法国外交官淡化了围绕性剥削和性虐待的全球问责危机,并对东南亚幸存者的个人危机保持沉默。
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引用次数: 0
Drawing a line: Digital transnational repression against political exiles and host state sovereignty – CORRIGENDUM 划清界限:对政治流亡者和东道国主权的数字跨国镇压-勘误
Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.23
Marcus Michaelsen, Johannes Thumfart
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引用次数: 0
The paradox of critical security and the African solutions to African problems 关键安全问题与非洲问题的非洲解决方案之间的矛盾
IF 2.2 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-22 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.20
E. Kaweesi
Abstract In this article, I attempt to theorise the nature of the African multilateral security system. In doing so, I interrogate the question: how does the emancipatory logic of critical security relate to the post-colonial ideal of self-determination within the context of the African multilateral security system? The question is worthy of an attempt, for it brings the post-colonial concerns of African security into the discussion of critical security. For the empirical exposition, I draw on the idea of African solutions to African problems (Afsol to Afprob) as the hallmark of Africa’s collective security system to argue that at the ideational level, the emancipatory logic converges with self-determination. However, I observe that, at the level of operationalisation, the emancipatory logic of critical security diverges from the post-colonial ideal of self-determination. This is owing to the privileges of power reflected in the representational and financial capacity of the actors involved. This facilitates the reproduction of the Eurocentric dependency which Afsol to Afprob sought to supplant. The outcome is a paradox of critical security in post-colonial contexts exemplified in the disaggregation of emancipation into three emancipatory logics: the urgent, preferred, and desired.
在这篇文章中,我试图对非洲多边安全体系的本质进行理论化。在这样做的过程中,我提出了这样一个问题:在非洲多边安全体系的背景下,关键安全的解放逻辑如何与自决的后殖民理想联系起来?这个问题值得一试,因为它把非洲安全的后殖民问题纳入关键安全的讨论。在实证论述中,我将非洲解决非洲问题(Afsol to Afprob)的理念作为非洲集体安全体系的标志来论证,在理念层面上,解放逻辑与自决是汇合的。然而,我观察到,在操作层面上,关键安全的解放逻辑与自决的后殖民理想不同。这是由于有关行动者的代表和财政能力所反映的权力特权。这促进了以欧洲为中心的依赖的再现,而这种依赖是Afsol to Afprob试图取代的。其结果是在后殖民背景下关键安全的悖论,这体现在解放被分解为三个解放逻辑:紧急的、优先的和期望的。
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引用次数: 0
‘The most humane of all weapons’: Discrimination, airpower, and precision doctrine “所有武器中最人道的武器”:歧视、空中力量和精确主义
IF 2.2 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-22 DOI: 10.1017/eis.2023.21
S. Goddard, C. Larkin
Abstract How did the norm of discrimination become the dominant yardstick to measure the ethics of US airpower? Conventional accounts suggest that as elites and publics embraced norms of discrimination, this pushed US air forces to adopt a precision doctrine, one that demands accurately striking military, and not civilian, targets. Relying on a pragmatic reading of norm contestation and settling, we suggest that conventional explanations have the causal story reversed: it was not the strengthening of the norm of discrimination that led US air forces to commit to precision bombing. It was the commitment to precision bombing that led to the strengthening of the norm of discrimination. As precision technology became available during the interwar period, air-force officers co-opted the language of discrimination to justify their emerging doctrine. This co-optation of the language of discrimination would not only settle these norms as the guiding ethics of airpower. It would also transform them, redefining these norms in ways that privileged the process of precision targeting, rather than the outcome of civilian harm.
歧视准则是如何成为衡量美国空中力量伦理的主要标准的?传统说法认为,随着精英和公众接受歧视规范,这促使美国空军采取了一种精确主义,即要求准确打击军事目标,而不是平民目标。基于对规范争论和解决的务实解读,我们认为,传统解释颠倒了因果关系:并不是歧视规范的强化导致美国空军实施精确轰炸。正是对精确轰炸的承诺导致了歧视规范的加强。在两次世界大战之间,随着精密技术的出现,空军军官们采用了歧视的语言来为他们的新学说辩护。这种采用歧视语言的做法不仅会使这些规范成为空中力量的指导道德规范。它还将改变这些规范,重新定义这些规范,使其优先于精确瞄准的过程,而不是对平民造成伤害的结果。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Journal of International Security
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