Abstract Work by Chomsky et al. (2019) and Epstein et al. (2018) develops a third-factor principle of computational efficiency called “Determinacy”, which rules out “ambiguous” syntactic rule-applications by requiring one-to-one correspondences between the input or output of a rule and a single term in the domain of that rule. This article first adopts the concept of “Input Determinacy” articulated by Goto and Ishii (2019, 2020), who apply Determinacy specifically to the input of operations like Merge, and then proposes to extend Determinacy to the labeling procedure developed by Chomsky (2013, 2015). In particular, Input Determinacy can explain restrictions on labeling in contexts where multiple potential labels are available (labeling ambiguity), and it can also provide an explanation for Chomsky's (2013, 2015) proposal that syntactic movement of an item (“Internal Merge”) renders that item invisible to the labeling procedure.
{"title":"Remarks on labelling and determinacy","authors":"William W. Kruger","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.8","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Work by Chomsky et al. (2019) and Epstein et al. (2018) develops a third-factor principle of computational efficiency called “Determinacy”, which rules out “ambiguous” syntactic rule-applications by requiring one-to-one correspondences between the input or output of a rule and a single term in the domain of that rule. This article first adopts the concept of “Input Determinacy” articulated by Goto and Ishii (2019, 2020), who apply Determinacy specifically to the input of operations like Merge, and then proposes to extend Determinacy to the labeling procedure developed by Chomsky (2013, 2015). In particular, Input Determinacy can explain restrictions on labeling in contexts where multiple potential labels are available (labeling ambiguity), and it can also provide an explanation for Chomsky's (2013, 2015) proposal that syntactic movement of an item (“Internal Merge”) renders that item invisible to the labeling procedure.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72526420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This short article proposes to eliminate asymmetries between the CP and vP phases by arguing for a more uniform clause structure in which both phase heads, C and v, are always present in a derivation but may be removed from the workspace by Transfer. I argue that C is present in the derivation of raising clauses but is removed from the workspace after DP movement yields intersecting sets, in the sense of Epstein et al. (2012, 2015).
{"title":"On the properties of phase heads in raising and passive clauses: DP movement and Transfer options","authors":"Gerardo Fernández-Salgueiro","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.10","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This short article proposes to eliminate asymmetries between the CP and vP phases by arguing for a more uniform clause structure in which both phase heads, C and v, are always present in a derivation but may be removed from the workspace by Transfer. I argue that C is present in the derivation of raising clauses but is removed from the workspace after DP movement yields intersecting sets, in the sense of Epstein et al. (2012, 2015).","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84242090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This Commentaire bears out a prediction of Anand et al.'s (to appear) syntactic identity condition on sluicing. Identity is calculated over argument domains as small as small clauses. With extraction of a small clause subject, sluicing is possible where only a small clause predicate has an antecedent.
{"title":"Small clause predicates and sluicing","authors":"R. Stockwell","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.12","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This Commentaire bears out a prediction of Anand et al.'s (to appear) syntactic identity condition on sluicing. Identity is calculated over argument domains as small as small clauses. With extraction of a small clause subject, sluicing is possible where only a small clause predicate has an antecedent.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87543992","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"CNJ volume 68 issue 2 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.15","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83187313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Richard Larson, Sedigheh Moradi and Vida Samiian (eds.) 2020. Advances in Iranian Linguistics. In Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, vol. 351). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 309 pages. 110€, US $118.95 (hardbound).","authors":"A. Darzi","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.11","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73537616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The English particle verb alternation has been argued to be sensitive to the social role occupied by speakers on radio broadcasts; Kroch and Small (1978) argue that radio show hosts and in-studio guests’ greater sensitivity to prescriptive norms makes them more likely to use the joined variant of the alternation than listeners calling in to the show. This study analyzes 10,521 tokens of variable particle verbs from the RadioTalk Corpus (Beeferman et al. 2019) to try to replicate the effect of speaker role. Our analysis confirms that direct object length, register, a measure of frequency, semantic compositionality of the particle verb, and the particle's prosody all condition the alternation. However, the effect of social role does not replicate.
摘要英语助词动词的变化对广播讲话人所扮演的社会角色非常敏感;Kroch和Small(1978)认为，广播节目主持人和演播室嘉宾对规范性规范更敏感，这使得他们比听众更有可能使用替代的联合变体。本研究分析了来自RadioTalk语料库(Beeferman et al. 2019)的10521个可变粒子动词标记，试图复制说话者角色的影响。我们的分析证实，直接宾语的长度、语域、频率测量、语料词动词的语义组合性以及语料词的韵律都决定了语料词的交替。然而，社会角色的影响并不能复制。
{"title":"Social role effects on English particle verb variation fail to replicate","authors":"Naomi Lee, L. Mackenzie","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.13","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The English particle verb alternation has been argued to be sensitive to the social role occupied by speakers on radio broadcasts; Kroch and Small (1978) argue that radio show hosts and in-studio guests’ greater sensitivity to prescriptive norms makes them more likely to use the joined variant of the alternation than listeners calling in to the show. This study analyzes 10,521 tokens of variable particle verbs from the RadioTalk Corpus (Beeferman et al. 2019) to try to replicate the effect of speaker role. Our analysis confirms that direct object length, register, a measure of frequency, semantic compositionality of the particle verb, and the particle's prosody all condition the alternation. However, the effect of social role does not replicate.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85203512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"CNJ volume 68 issue 2 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.14","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73009611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article provides a description and an Optimality Theory (OT) analysis of contact-induced changes and variation in contemporary Yoruba syllable structure. The article claims that a major diachronic change has occurred in the syllable structure of Yoruba phonology due to its continued contact with English, resulting in the invention, preservation, and hypercorrection of clusters and codas. I characterize this change in terms of OT constraint re-ranking (Miglio and Moren 2003) and assess the resulting synchronic variation against the indexed constraint approach of Itô and Mester (1995a, b, 1999), the ranked-winners approach of Coetzee (2004), the partial-order co-phonology of Anttila (1997), and the Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) model of Goldwater and Johnson (2003). I show that none of these approaches is able to account independently for the categorical, gradient, and lexically conditioned variation that characterize the contemporary Yoruba syllable structure, but rather that a MaxEnt model augmented with lexical indexation is the most economical model that fits the Yoruba data accurately.
摘要本文对当代约鲁巴语中接触引起的音节结构变化进行了描述和最优性理论分析。文章认为，由于与英语的持续接触，约鲁巴语音系的音节结构发生了重大的历时变化，导致了簇音和尾音的发明、保留和过度纠正。我用OT约束重新排序(Miglio and Moren 2003)来描述这种变化，并根据Itô和Mester (1995a, b, 1999)的索引约束方法、Coetzee(2004)的排序获胜者方法、Anttila的偏序共音系(1997)以及Goldwater和Johnson(2003)的最大熵(MaxEnt)模型来评估由此产生的共时性变化。我表明，这些方法都不能独立地解释当代约鲁巴音节结构特征的分类、梯度和词汇条件变化，而是用词汇索引增强的MaxEnt模型是最经济的模型，可以准确地拟合约鲁巴数据。
{"title":"Emerging grammars in contemporary Yoruba phonology","authors":"Taofeeq Adebayo","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.5","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article provides a description and an Optimality Theory (OT) analysis of contact-induced changes and variation in contemporary Yoruba syllable structure. The article claims that a major diachronic change has occurred in the syllable structure of Yoruba phonology due to its continued contact with English, resulting in the invention, preservation, and hypercorrection of clusters and codas. I characterize this change in terms of OT constraint re-ranking (Miglio and Moren 2003) and assess the resulting synchronic variation against the indexed constraint approach of Itô and Mester (1995a, b, 1999), the ranked-winners approach of Coetzee (2004), the partial-order co-phonology of Anttila (1997), and the Maximum Entropy (MaxEnt) model of Goldwater and Johnson (2003). I show that none of these approaches is able to account independently for the categorical, gradient, and lexically conditioned variation that characterize the contemporary Yoruba syllable structure, but rather that a MaxEnt model augmented with lexical indexation is the most economical model that fits the Yoruba data accurately.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86950040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In Jordanian Arabic (JA), the complement of some motion verbs optionally appears without a visible preposition in what is known as (P)reposition-drop (Ioannidou and den Dikken 2009). This article offers a detailed description of P-drop in JA, showing that the common properties of P-drop found in languages with P-drop hold in JA. I argue that Gehrke and Lekakou's (2013) pseudo noun incorporation approach to P-drop cannot account for the P-drop facts in JA. I show, through different diagnostics, that the prepositionless noun in JA does not exhibit the typical properties of pseudo-incorporated nouns. Instead, I argue that P-drop in JA involves a full PP–DP structure with a silent P head (Ioannidou and den Dikken 2009, Myler 2013, Biggs 2014, Bailey 2018). The findings of this article add insights to the ongoing debate regarding the underlying mechanisms involved in P-drop.
在约旦阿拉伯语(JA)中，一些动作动词的补语有选择性地出现，没有可见的介词，这被称为(P)重新定位-下降(Ioannidou and den Dikken 2009)。本文对JA中的P-drop进行了详细的描述，展示了在JA中具有P-drop hold的语言中发现的P-drop的常见属性。我认为Gehrke和Lekakou(2013)对P-drop的伪名词合并方法不能解释JA中的P-drop事实。我通过不同的诊断表明，JA中的无介词名词没有表现出伪合并名词的典型特征。相反，我认为JA中的P-下降涉及一个完整的P- dp结构，其中P头是沉默的(Ioannidou和den Dikken 2009, Myler 2013, Biggs 2014, Bailey 2018)。这篇文章的发现为正在进行的关于P-drop的潜在机制的争论增加了见解。
{"title":"The syntax of silent directional prepositions in Jordanian Arabic","authors":"Mohammad Alhailawani","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.9","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In Jordanian Arabic (JA), the complement of some motion verbs optionally appears without a visible preposition in what is known as (P)reposition-drop (Ioannidou and den Dikken 2009). This article offers a detailed description of P-drop in JA, showing that the common properties of P-drop found in languages with P-drop hold in JA. I argue that Gehrke and Lekakou's (2013) pseudo noun incorporation approach to P-drop cannot account for the P-drop facts in JA. I show, through different diagnostics, that the prepositionless noun in JA does not exhibit the typical properties of pseudo-incorporated nouns. Instead, I argue that P-drop in JA involves a full PP–DP structure with a silent P head (Ioannidou and den Dikken 2009, Myler 2013, Biggs 2014, Bailey 2018). The findings of this article add insights to the ongoing debate regarding the underlying mechanisms involved in P-drop.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75146470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ana T. Pérez-Leroux, Yves Roberge, Manami Hirayama, Midori Hayashi, Kazuya Bamba
Abstract This article investigates the emergence of recursive DPs in child language. In certain languages, DP modification can be achieved via diverse structures and any number of different embedding markers (prepositions, particles, case-marker, etc.), each having to be learned; this diversity may impact the L1 development of recursive DP modification. Japanese, in contrast, relies on two uniform unrestricted strategies: the adnominal particle の (no) or a relative clause. We report the results of an elicited production study comparing the production of recursive DPs in Japanese-speaking children and adults. Our results show that Japanese children were much like adults in the types of semantic modificational relations that elicited the most target responses. Children were different from adults in that they were: a) much less successful overall, and b) they preferred no, independently of whether the condition was biased toward no. We review the implications of these findings for analyses of no.
{"title":"On the L1 acquisition of recursive no in Japanese","authors":"Ana T. Pérez-Leroux, Yves Roberge, Manami Hirayama, Midori Hayashi, Kazuya Bamba","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.4","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article investigates the emergence of recursive DPs in child language. In certain languages, DP modification can be achieved via diverse structures and any number of different embedding markers (prepositions, particles, case-marker, etc.), each having to be learned; this diversity may impact the L1 development of recursive DP modification. Japanese, in contrast, relies on two uniform unrestricted strategies: the adnominal particle の (no) or a relative clause. We report the results of an elicited production study comparing the production of recursive DPs in Japanese-speaking children and adults. Our results show that Japanese children were much like adults in the types of semantic modificational relations that elicited the most target responses. Children were different from adults in that they were: a) much less successful overall, and b) they preferred no, independently of whether the condition was biased toward no. We review the implications of these findings for analyses of no.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77912169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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