Abstract The Aspect Hypothesis (AH) claims that L2 beginners use the perfective morpheme first with telic predicates (e.g., ‘arrive’, ‘build the house’) and only later with atelic ones (e.g., ‘know’, ‘work’). In contrast, the Lexical Underspecification Hypothesis (LUH) claims that beginners cannot represent the lexical aspect of L2 predicates (hence the telic vs. atelic distinction), because this distinction is a separate component of verb meaning. To investigate whether L2 learners distinguish between telic and atelic predicates, this study compares the responses from 299 L2 Italian learners (with different L1 backgrounds) and responses from 91 native speakers (NS) to the “for/in + time span” adverbial test (Dowty 1979). The analysis shows that native speakers and L2 learners’ responses to the adverbial test diverge significantly, with learners’ proficiency and – to a lesser extent – L1 modulating their ratings. The results suggest that native speakers and beginning-intermediate L2 learners might not represent telicity alike, either because L2 aspectual competence is still developing or because beginning learners rely on the semantic representations of their L1. These findings support the predictions of the LUH and suggest caution when trying to assess learners’ aspectual representations.
{"title":"Telic for whom? The Lexical Underspecification Hypothesis","authors":"Stefano Rastelli","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.3","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Aspect Hypothesis (AH) claims that L2 beginners use the perfective morpheme first with telic predicates (e.g., ‘arrive’, ‘build the house’) and only later with atelic ones (e.g., ‘know’, ‘work’). In contrast, the Lexical Underspecification Hypothesis (LUH) claims that beginners cannot represent the lexical aspect of L2 predicates (hence the telic vs. atelic distinction), because this distinction is a separate component of verb meaning. To investigate whether L2 learners distinguish between telic and atelic predicates, this study compares the responses from 299 L2 Italian learners (with different L1 backgrounds) and responses from 91 native speakers (NS) to the “for/in + time span” adverbial test (Dowty 1979). The analysis shows that native speakers and L2 learners’ responses to the adverbial test diverge significantly, with learners’ proficiency and – to a lesser extent – L1 modulating their ratings. The results suggest that native speakers and beginning-intermediate L2 learners might not represent telicity alike, either because L2 aspectual competence is still developing or because beginning learners rely on the semantic representations of their L1. These findings support the predictions of the LUH and suggest caution when trying to assess learners’ aspectual representations.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88621562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article explores semantic and syntactic properties of a set of Romance deadjectival verbs sharing comparable derivational morphology. I note: (i) asymmetries between languages where the choice of verbalizer does not become a significant variable; (ii) languages where the use of the verbalizer is associated with distinct syntactic and semantic properties. In Italian, the verbalizer defines a maximal structural contrast in a nontrivial derivation. Italian and Catalan verbs pattern as statives. Yet lack of eventivity and scalarity in Italian defines an empirically relevant distinction between stative types reflected by syntax (unergative behaviour correlated with lack of affected theme/change-of-state denotation). This differentiates Italian from Spanish or Catalan forms in not showing two key properties: (i) unaccusativity/transitivity; (ii) change-along-scale entailment. A continuum from minimally to maximally different aspectual and syntactic configurations obtains. Although the focus is set on deadjectival verbs and the unusual properties of Italian -ggiare, the results are extendable to further data.
{"title":"Maximal syntactic/semantic divergence in deadjectivals: Evidence from Romance","authors":"M. E. M. Rasia","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.2","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores semantic and syntactic properties of a set of Romance deadjectival verbs sharing comparable derivational morphology. I note: (i) asymmetries between languages where the choice of verbalizer does not become a significant variable; (ii) languages where the use of the verbalizer is associated with distinct syntactic and semantic properties. In Italian, the verbalizer defines a maximal structural contrast in a nontrivial derivation. Italian and Catalan verbs pattern as statives. Yet lack of eventivity and scalarity in Italian defines an empirically relevant distinction between stative types reflected by syntax (unergative behaviour correlated with lack of affected theme/change-of-state denotation). This differentiates Italian from Spanish or Catalan forms in not showing two key properties: (i) unaccusativity/transitivity; (ii) change-along-scale entailment. A continuum from minimally to maximally different aspectual and syntactic configurations obtains. Although the focus is set on deadjectival verbs and the unusual properties of Italian -ggiare, the results are extendable to further data.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73447801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"CNJ volume 68 issue 1 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.6","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83280298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Based on facts of adjectival concord in Standard Arabic, this article offers evidence that upward probing (i.e., the goal c-commands the probe) is permitted only if downward probing (i.e., where the probe c-commands the goal) does not result in valuing the probe's uninterpretable feature. Such a constraint on upward probing allows us to account for several intriguing observations in Arabic grammar, including the fact that an adjective can agree in number and gender with one nominal, but in definiteness with another nominal. Hence, on the one hand, this article lends support to Agree proposals according to which absence of a match in the c-command domain of an unvalued feature (uF) is not fatal to the derivation. On the other hand, it speaks against Agree proposals that do not license downward probing or view it as parasitic on upward probing.
{"title":"Evidence for constraints on probing dynamics: A case study of adjectival concord","authors":"Marwan Jarrah, Nimer Abusalim, Imran Alrashdan","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2022.43","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2022.43","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Based on facts of adjectival concord in Standard Arabic, this article offers evidence that upward probing (i.e., the goal c-commands the probe) is permitted only if downward probing (i.e., where the probe c-commands the goal) does not result in valuing the probe's uninterpretable feature. Such a constraint on upward probing allows us to account for several intriguing observations in Arabic grammar, including the fact that an adjective can agree in number and gender with one nominal, but in definiteness with another nominal. Hence, on the one hand, this article lends support to Agree proposals according to which absence of a match in the c-command domain of an unvalued feature (uF) is not fatal to the derivation. On the other hand, it speaks against Agree proposals that do not license downward probing or view it as parasitic on upward probing.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72825064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cet ouvrage collectif constitue une bonne introduction aux grammaires de constructions développées depuis une quinzaine d’années dans le cadre général de la linguistique cognitive. Hoffmann et Trousdale (2013) définissent les constructions comme des « appariements forme-sens conventionnalisés », non pas limités aux signes linguistiques tels que conçus par Saussure, mais étendus à tous les niveaux de description grammaticale, comme par exemple:
{"title":"Jacques François (dir.). 2021. L'expansion pluridisciplinaire des grammaires de constructions. Caen : Presses universitaires de Caen. P. 276. €20.00.","authors":"P. Duffley","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2022.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2022.18","url":null,"abstract":"Cet ouvrage collectif constitue une bonne introduction aux grammaires de constructions développées depuis une quinzaine d’années dans le cadre général de la linguistique cognitive. Hoffmann et Trousdale (2013) définissent les constructions comme des « appariements forme-sens conventionnalisés », non pas limités aux signes linguistiques tels que conçus par Saussure, mais étendus à tous les niveaux de description grammaticale, comme par exemple:","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87766461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nicole L. Rosen, A. Villeneuve, G. Alboiu, Michael Dow
{"title":"Note from the Editors","authors":"Nicole L. Rosen, A. Villeneuve, G. Alboiu, Michael Dow","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81552663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"CNJ volume 68 issue 1 Cover and Back matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2023.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2023.7","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81083470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Anderson, Stephen R. 1992. A-morphous morphology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Barðal, Jóhanna. 2008. Productivity: Evidence from case and argument structure in Icelandic. Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Blevins, James P. 2005. Word-based declensions in Estonian. In Yearbook of morphology 2005, ed. Geert Booij and Jaap van Marle, 1–25. Dordrecht: Springer. Di Sciullo, Anna Maria, and Edwin Williams. 1987. On the definition of word. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Lieber, Rochelle. 2016. Introducing morphology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lieber, Rochelle, and Pavol Štekauer. 2014. Oxford handbook of derivational morphology. New York: Oxford University Press. Stewart, Thomas W. 2013. The sub-types of initial lenition in Scottish Gaelic. In After the storm: Papers from the Forum for Research on the Languages of Scotland and Ulster Triennial Meeting, ed. Janet Cruickshank and Robert McColl Millar, 100–116. Aberdeen: Forum for Research on the Languages of Scotland and Ireland.
斯蒂芬·r·安德森1992。A-morphous形态。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社。酒吧ðal,约翰娜。2008. 生产力:冰岛语案例证据与论证结构。费城:约翰·本杰明。James P. Blevins, 2005。爱沙尼亚语中基于单词的衰落。《形态学年鉴2005》，Geert Booij和Jaap van Marle主编，第1-25页。多德雷赫特:施普林格。迪·修罗，安娜·玛丽亚和埃德温·威廉姆斯，1987。关于单词的定义。马萨诸塞州剑桥:麻省理工学院出版社。罗谢尔·利伯，2016。引入形态。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社。利伯，罗谢尔和帕沃Štekauer。2014. 派生形态学牛津手册。纽约:牛津大学出版社。Thomas W. Stewart, 2013。苏格兰盖尔语中初始发音的子类型。《风暴过后:苏格兰和阿尔斯特语言研究论坛论文》，Janet Cruickshank和Robert McColl Millar主编，100-116页。阿伯丁:苏格兰和爱尔兰语言研究论坛。
{"title":"Daniel Silverman. 2017. A Critical Introduction to Phonology. Functional and Usage-Based Perspectives. 2nd edition. London: Bloomsbury. Pp. xxi + 360. US $33.95","authors":"Dusan Nikolic","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2022.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2022.17","url":null,"abstract":"Anderson, Stephen R. 1992. A-morphous morphology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Barðal, Jóhanna. 2008. Productivity: Evidence from case and argument structure in Icelandic. Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Blevins, James P. 2005. Word-based declensions in Estonian. In Yearbook of morphology 2005, ed. Geert Booij and Jaap van Marle, 1–25. Dordrecht: Springer. Di Sciullo, Anna Maria, and Edwin Williams. 1987. On the definition of word. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Lieber, Rochelle. 2016. Introducing morphology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lieber, Rochelle, and Pavol Štekauer. 2014. Oxford handbook of derivational morphology. New York: Oxford University Press. Stewart, Thomas W. 2013. The sub-types of initial lenition in Scottish Gaelic. In After the storm: Papers from the Forum for Research on the Languages of Scotland and Ulster Triennial Meeting, ed. Janet Cruickshank and Robert McColl Millar, 100–116. Aberdeen: Forum for Research on the Languages of Scotland and Ireland.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89183205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article presents research into derivational properties of onomatopoeias in English and in Slovak. Onomatopoeias are defined narrowly in our approach, being restricted to the direct imitation of sounds of extra-linguistic reality. Our sample of 40 onomatopoeic words consists of two sound types: the sounds of animals and the sounds resulting from various falls, strokes, and bursts. A derivational network was produced for each such word. The evaluation parameters comprise derivational capacity, maximum derivational network, saturation value, number of derivation orders, most productive semantic categories by order of derivation, typical combinations of semantic categories, and derivational processes. An evaluation of the networks enabled us to answer the question of whether onomatopoeias are productive word-formation bases, to compare the two Sound Types, and to compare onomatopoeia-based networks to those based on non-iconic vocabulary. These results contribute to a better understanding of the word-formation systems in the compared languages and of the status of onomatopoeias with regard to non-iconic vocabulary.
{"title":"Derivational networks of onomatopoeias in English and Slovak","authors":"L. Körtvélyessy, Ľubomír Andrej","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2022.42","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2022.42","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article presents research into derivational properties of onomatopoeias in English and in Slovak. Onomatopoeias are defined narrowly in our approach, being restricted to the direct imitation of sounds of extra-linguistic reality. Our sample of 40 onomatopoeic words consists of two sound types: the sounds of animals and the sounds resulting from various falls, strokes, and bursts. A derivational network was produced for each such word. The evaluation parameters comprise derivational capacity, maximum derivational network, saturation value, number of derivation orders, most productive semantic categories by order of derivation, typical combinations of semantic categories, and derivational processes. An evaluation of the networks enabled us to answer the question of whether onomatopoeias are productive word-formation bases, to compare the two Sound Types, and to compare onomatopoeia-based networks to those based on non-iconic vocabulary. These results contribute to a better understanding of the word-formation systems in the compared languages and of the status of onomatopoeias with regard to non-iconic vocabulary.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89359603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article addresses locality conditions on Negative Concord (NC) in Russian. We examine long-distance licensing of “negative” ni-pronouns in subject- and object-control infinitives. Existing theories of negative concord rely in one way or another on the movement of negative concord items (NCI): either as a direct licensing condition, or as a prerequisite for entering a local configuration with the licensor. Consequently, theories predict that ni-pronoun movement to the matrix clause (i.e., the local domain of the matrix licensor) would increase acceptability of ni-licensing. Using experimental data, we explore various linear positions available for ni-pronouns in the matrix clause and in embedded infinitival clauses. We show that movement is not required for long-distance licensing, and that derived positions of ni-pronouns are independent of ni-licensing. We argue that although ni-licensing and movement both obey locality constraints, they differ as to the type of locality required. This article presents evidence for recent proposals that movement and agreement have different properties with respect to locality constraints.
{"title":"Negative Concord and locality in Russian","authors":"E. Lyutikova, A. Gerasimova","doi":"10.1017/cnj.2022.41","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2022.41","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article addresses locality conditions on Negative Concord (NC) in Russian. We examine long-distance licensing of “negative” ni-pronouns in subject- and object-control infinitives. Existing theories of negative concord rely in one way or another on the movement of negative concord items (NCI): either as a direct licensing condition, or as a prerequisite for entering a local configuration with the licensor. Consequently, theories predict that ni-pronoun movement to the matrix clause (i.e., the local domain of the matrix licensor) would increase acceptability of ni-licensing. Using experimental data, we explore various linear positions available for ni-pronouns in the matrix clause and in embedded infinitival clauses. We show that movement is not required for long-distance licensing, and that derived positions of ni-pronouns are independent of ni-licensing. We argue that although ni-licensing and movement both obey locality constraints, they differ as to the type of locality required. This article presents evidence for recent proposals that movement and agreement have different properties with respect to locality constraints.","PeriodicalId":44406,"journal":{"name":"CANADIAN JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS-REVUE CANADIENNE DE LINGUISTIQUE","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77508260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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