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Tribeca Belfast and the on-screen regeneration of Northern Ireland 翠贝卡贝尔法斯特和银幕上北爱尔兰的复兴
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/MACP_00012_1
S. Baker
This article looks at media representations of the projected regeneration of Northern Ireland, paying particular attention to a recent promotional film made to elicit support for the redevelopment of a part of Belfast’s city centre. Commissioned by Castlebrooke Investments, ‘Tribeca Belfast’ offers a future prospectus of the city that is as superficial as it is bland. It is, however, illustrative of two influential ideas and strategies that took flight at the end of the Cold War and the ‘triumph of capitalism’. One seeks peace through the application of neo-liberal nostrums; the other combines brand theory with state-craft in pursuit of global competitiveness. Both propose models of citizenship that are politically benign, either preferring middle class solipsism or demanding brand loyalty. In Castlebrooke’s projection of a future Belfast, this translates into a city peopled by a mobile professional class, waited upon and entertained by servile locals. But such a sterile vision is inimical to building peace and political progress because it underestimates and downplays the significance of marginalized groups who through their activism and expressions of solidarity can lay better claim to the ‘heart and soul’ of Belfast evoked by Castlebrooke.
本文着眼于媒体对北爱尔兰计划再生的表述,特别关注最近为争取贝尔法斯特市中心部分重建的支持而制作的宣传电影。受Castlebrooke Investments的委托,《贝尔法斯特翠贝卡》(Tribeca Belfast)为贝尔法斯特的未来提供了一份既肤浅又乏味的计划书。然而,它说明了在冷战结束和“资本主义的胜利”期间出现的两种有影响力的思想和战略。一种是通过应用新自由主义的妙方寻求和平;另一种是将品牌理论与国家工艺相结合,以追求全球竞争力。两者都提出了政治上良性的公民模式,要么倾向于中产阶级唯我主义,要么要求品牌忠诚度。在卡斯尔布鲁克对未来贝尔法斯特的预测中,这将转化为一个由流动的专业阶层组成的城市,由奴性的当地人伺候和招待。但这样一种乏味的愿景不利于建立和平与政治进步,因为它低估和淡化了边缘化群体的重要性,这些群体通过他们的行动主义和团结的表达,可以更好地要求卡斯特布鲁克唤起的贝尔法斯特的“心灵和灵魂”。
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引用次数: 3
'Distinctiveness' and programme diversity in public broadcasting revisited: A seven-country comparison 重新审视公共广播的“独特性”和节目多样性:一个七国比较
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/macp_00002_1
Jonathan Hendrickx, T. Raats, Heritiana Ranaivoson, M. Opgenhaffen
Abstract In the past decade, public service broadcasters have been confronted with major shifts affecting their remit, portfolio and financing. Heavily fuelled by cutbacks and increasing competition, discussions on 'distinctiveness' have resurfaced again and stand central in many policy discussions on the legitimacy of public service broadcasting. This article critically contextualizes discussions on distinctiveness within broader scholarly work on genre and genre diversity in public service broadcasting. It presents the findings of a comparative, quantitative study of the programming schedule of seven public broadcasters (Flanders, Finland, Germany, Hungary, Iceland, Portugal and the United Kingdom). The article addresses how discussions on distinctiveness tap into broader discussions on genre diversity and the amount of entertainment in public service broadcasting programming, how we can assess and compare the diversity of genre programming across different broadcasters, and to what extent high levels of specific genres such as entertainment can be linked to other performance indicators of the selected public broadcasters. The article provides a consistent comparison of genre outputs, based on an original database made of a large set of countries and a high, representative number of programmes and applies a consistent set of indexes to assess not only the share of entertainment but also the diversity of the programming. The underlying question to this article is to what extent genre is still valuable to measure performance and legitimacy of public service broadcasting, considering difficulties of measuring 'genre' as proxy for public service media's (PSM) effectiveness.
摘要在过去的十年里,公共服务广播公司面临着影响其职权范围、投资组合和融资的重大转变。在削减开支和竞争加剧的严重推动下,关于“独特性”的讨论再次浮出水面,并成为许多关于公共服务广播合法性的政策讨论的核心。本文批判性地将公共服务广播中关于类型和类型多样性的更广泛学术著作中关于独特性的讨论置于背景之中。它介绍了对七个公共广播公司(佛兰德斯、芬兰、德国、匈牙利、冰岛、葡萄牙和联合王国)的节目安排进行的比较定量研究的结果。这篇文章阐述了关于独特性的讨论如何利用关于公共服务广播节目中类型多样性和娱乐量的更广泛讨论,我们如何评估和比较不同广播公司类型节目的多样性,以及诸如娱乐之类的高水平的特定类型在多大程度上可以与所选公共广播公司的其他表现指标相关联。这篇文章根据一个由大量国家和大量具有代表性的节目组成的原始数据库,对类型产出进行了一致的比较,并采用了一套一致的指数,不仅评估了娱乐的份额,还评估了节目的多样性。本文的根本问题是,考虑到难以衡量“类型”作为公共服务媒体(PSM)有效性的代表,类型在多大程度上仍然有价值来衡量公共服务广播的表现和合法性。
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引用次数: 3
Real Jordanian women don't get harassed: Mapping sexual harassment along ultra-nationalist lines 真正的约旦女性不会受到骚扰:将性骚扰与极端民族主义联系起来
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/macp_00007_7
S. Al-Mahadin
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引用次数: 0
To save your country, flag your teacher: Anonymous reporting of liberal indoctrination as academic witch-hunt in Orbán's Hungary 为了拯救你的国家,给你的老师打上旗帜:在奥尔班的匈牙利,自由主义灌输被匿名报道为学术迫害
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/macp_00009_7
J. Tóth
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引用次数: 1
Facebook and cultural identity: Discourses on mediation among international students 脸谱网与文化认同:国际学生调解的话语
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/macp_00003_1
D. Dumitrica
Abstract Digital mediation is implicated in the production of cultural identity in multiple ways. The representations produced and circulated on social media platforms, along with the ubiquitous nature of these platforms, become part and parcel of the production and performance of cultural identity. This paper investigates discourses of Facebook mediation and cultural identity among a sample of international undergraduates in media and communication at a major Dutch university. The analysis of 43 written student essays reveals four discourses: Facebook as a mirror of cultural identity, as a cultural mosaic, as a site of cultural difference and as an opportunity for critical reflection on the idea of cultural identity. Interestingly, these discourses are permeated by a recurrent vision of individual control of both mediation and cultural identity. This article discusses the ideological work entailed in these discourses, calling for more awareness raising on the ways in which social media actively construct social reality.
数字媒介以多种方式参与文化认同的产生。在社交媒体平台上产生和传播的表征,以及这些平台的普遍性,成为文化认同生产和表现的重要组成部分。本文以荷兰一所主要大学媒体与传播专业的国际本科生为样本,调查了Facebook调解和文化认同的话语。对43篇学生论文的分析揭示了四种话语:Facebook作为文化身份的镜子,作为文化马赛克,作为文化差异的场所,以及作为对文化身份观念进行批判性反思的机会。有趣的是,这些话语充满了对调解和文化认同的个人控制的反复出现的愿景。本文讨论了这些话语所涉及的意识形态工作,呼吁人们对社交媒体积极建构社会现实的方式有更多的认识。
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引用次数: 1
Researching intersectionality in media studies: Theoretical approaches, methods and applications in communication and media research practice 研究媒介研究的交叉性:理论途径、方法及其在传播和媒介研究实践中的应用
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/macp_00005_1
Assimina Gouma, J. Dorer
Abstract Intersectionality is a critical approach to theorizing and exploring the interlocking of social inequality categories such as gender, race, ethnicity, class and sexuality in various levels of policies, social discourses, institutions and subject positionings. While social discourses do not arise in isolation from an all-encompassing media world, media, as co-producers of social power relations, are particularly interesting for the concept of intersectionality. However, the intersectional approach is rather a research field at the margins of German communication studies. This article discusses the theoretical prerequisites and methodological implications of intersectionality and provides examples of how an empirical implementation is possible in media research.
摘要交叉性是一种重要的方法,用于理论化和探索社会不平等类别的相互联系,如性别、种族、民族、阶级和性,在不同级别的政策、社会话语、制度和主体定位中。虽然社会话语并非孤立于包罗万象的媒体世界,但媒体作为社会权力关系的共同生产者,对交叉性的概念尤其感兴趣。然而,交叉方法是德国传播学研究的边缘研究领域。本文讨论了交叉性的理论前提和方法论含义,并举例说明如何在媒体研究中实现实证。
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引用次数: 3
Diasporic Chinese family drama through a transnational lens: The Wedding Banquet (1993) and Saving Face (2004) 跨国视野下的中国杂剧:《喜宴》(1993)和《挽回面子》(2004)
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/macp_00004_1
Q. Han
Abstract The immigrant Chinese family has increasingly been represented in transnational Chinese cinema(s) over the past three decades. Two representative films, The Wedding Banquet (Lee, 1993) and Saving Face (Wu, 2004), are chosen to shed light on Chinese filmmakers' engagement with the complex process of identity formation for immigrants through the artifice of family conflict. Both movies examine how homosexuality can pose a threat to traditional Chinese family ethics such as filial piety, family continuity and family reputation, and how the seemingly incompatible ideological standpoints can be accommodated in the end. In both cases, on the one hand the depicted denial of homosexuality comes from its association with failed family education and bad ethnic and cultural practice, and its violation of traditional Chinese values. Therefore, sexuality becomes linked to the effect of Americanization and what it means to be Chinese. On the other hand, the 'undesirable' homosexual identity can be accepted or at least tolerated within the family as long as the family lineage is ensured, or the family remains intact. The disaporic subjects show us that submission to one's ethnicity can be modified or unlearned.
摘要在过去的三十年里,移民华人家庭越来越多地出现在跨国华人电影中。两部具有代表性的电影《喜宴》(李,1993)和《挽回面子》(吴,2004)揭示了中国电影人通过家庭冲突的手法参与移民身份形成的复杂过程。这两部电影都探讨了同性恋如何对中国传统的家庭伦理构成威胁,如孝顺、家庭延续和家庭声誉,以及如何最终适应看似不相容的意识形态立场。在这两种情况下,一方面,所描绘的对同性恋的否认来自于它与失败的家庭教育和不良的种族和文化习俗的联系,以及它对中国传统价值观的侵犯。因此,性与美国化的影响以及身为中国人意味着什么联系在一起。另一方面,“不受欢迎”的同性恋身份可以被接受,或者至少在家庭内部被容忍,只要家庭血统得到保证,或者家庭保持完整。这些离经叛道的主题向我们表明,对自己种族的顺从可以改变,也可以不学习。
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引用次数: 1
Dynamics of digital constituent outreach and engagement in linguistically divided societies: A quantitative look at the Canadian case 在语言分裂的社会中,数字选民的外联和参与动态:加拿大案例的定量研究
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/macp_00001_1
Emmanuelle Richez, Vincent Raynauld
Abstract This article unpacks how legislators in five Canadian provinces turn to official languages (French and English) for digital constituent outreach. In a linguistically fragmented society, use of languages is highly strategic as they can help spread information on political matters to the public and help legislators build support ahead of elections. This article first measures legislators' uses of bilingualism in the digital mediascape with the help of an index. It finds that legislators tend to be mostly unilingual in their digital constituent communications. Second, this article identifies factors influencing legislators' linguistic choices. It tests correlations between legislators' socio-demographic and political profile (e.g. gender, party affiliation, political rank) and uses of official languages. It also determines if the linguistic makeup of legislators' ridings impacts language choices. This article concludes that these variables may impact legislator's use of bilingualism depending on the province of origin and the type of online platform.
摘要本文揭示了加拿大五个省的立法者如何使用官方语言(法语和英语)进行数字选民宣传。在一个语言分散的社会中,语言的使用具有高度的战略意义,因为它们可以帮助向公众传播有关政治事务的信息,并帮助立法者在选举前获得支持。本文首先通过一个指数来衡量立法者在数字媒体环境中使用双语的情况。研究发现,立法者在其数字选民通信中往往大多是单语的。其次,本文确定了影响立法者语言选择的因素。它测试了立法者的社会人口和政治状况(如性别、党派关系、政治级别)与官方语言使用之间的相关性。它还决定了立法者骑行的语言构成是否会影响语言选择。本文的结论是,这些变量可能会影响立法者使用双语,这取决于原籍省份和在线平台的类型。
{"title":"Dynamics of digital constituent outreach and engagement in linguistically divided societies: A quantitative look at the Canadian case","authors":"Emmanuelle Richez, Vincent Raynauld","doi":"10.1386/macp_00001_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/macp_00001_1","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article unpacks how legislators in five Canadian provinces turn to official languages (French and English) for digital constituent outreach. In a linguistically fragmented society, use of languages is highly strategic as they can help spread information on political\u0000 matters to the public and help legislators build support ahead of elections. This article first measures legislators' uses of bilingualism in the digital mediascape with the help of an index. It finds that legislators tend to be mostly unilingual in their digital constituent communications.\u0000 Second, this article identifies factors influencing legislators' linguistic choices. It tests correlations between legislators' socio-demographic and political profile (e.g. gender, party affiliation, political rank) and uses of official languages. It also determines if the linguistic makeup\u0000 of legislators' ridings impacts language choices. This article concludes that these variables may impact legislator's use of bilingualism depending on the province of origin and the type of online platform.","PeriodicalId":44504,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45141415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Political communication Modi style: A case study of the demonetization campaign on Twitter 莫迪式的政治沟通:推特上废钞运动的案例研究
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/macp_00006_1
Usha M. Rodrigues, M. Niemann
Abstract Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) is one of the world's most followed political leaders on Twitter. During the 2014 and 2019 election campaigns, he and his party used various social media networking and the Internet services to engage with young, educated, middle-class voters in India. Since his first sweeping win in the 2014 elections, Modi's political communication strategy has been to neglect the mainstream news media, and instead use social media and government websites to keep followers informed of his day-to-day engagements and government policies. This strategy of direct communication was followed even during a critical policy change, when in a politically risky move half-way through his five-year prime ministership, Modi's government scrapped more than 85 per cent of Indian currency notes in November 2016. He continued to largely shun the mainstream media and use his social media accounts and public rallies to communicate with the nation. As a case study of this direct communication strategy, this article presents the results of a study of Modi's Twitter articulations during the three months following the demonetization announcement. We use mediatization of politics discourse to consider the implications of this shift from mass communication via the mainstream news media, to the Indian prime minister's reliance on direct communication on social media platforms.
摘要印度总理纳伦德拉·莫迪(@narendramodi)是推特上世界上最受关注的政治领导人之一。在2014年和2019年的竞选活动中,他和他的政党利用各种社交媒体网络和互联网服务与印度受过教育的年轻中产阶级选民接触。自2014年大选首次大获全胜以来,莫迪的政治传播策略一直是忽视主流新闻媒体,而是利用社交媒体和政府网站让追随者了解他的日常活动和政府政策。即使在关键的政策变化期间,这种直接沟通的策略也得到了遵循。2016年11月,莫迪政府在其五年总理任期的中途采取了一项具有政治风险的举措,废除了85%以上的印度纸币。他继续在很大程度上避开主流媒体,利用自己的社交媒体账户和公众集会与全国交流。作为这种直接沟通策略的案例研究,本文介绍了莫迪在宣布停用后三个月内推特言论的研究结果。我们利用政治话语的中介作用来考虑这种从通过主流新闻媒体的大众传播转变为印度总理依赖社交媒体平台上的直接传播的影响。
{"title":"Political communication Modi style: A case study of the demonetization campaign on Twitter","authors":"Usha M. Rodrigues, M. Niemann","doi":"10.1386/macp_00006_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/macp_00006_1","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) is one of the world's most followed political leaders on Twitter. During the 2014 and 2019 election campaigns, he and his party used various social media networking and the Internet services to engage with young,\u0000 educated, middle-class voters in India. Since his first sweeping win in the 2014 elections, Modi's political communication strategy has been to neglect the mainstream news media, and instead use social media and government websites to keep followers informed of his day-to-day engagements and\u0000 government policies. This strategy of direct communication was followed even during a critical policy change, when in a politically risky move half-way through his five-year prime ministership, Modi's government scrapped more than 85 per cent of Indian currency notes in November 2016. He continued\u0000 to largely shun the mainstream media and use his social media accounts and public rallies to communicate with the nation. As a case study of this direct communication strategy, this article presents the results of a study of Modi's Twitter articulations during the three months following the\u0000 demonetization announcement. We use mediatization of politics discourse to consider the implications of this shift from mass communication via the mainstream news media, to the Indian prime minister's reliance on direct communication on social media platforms.","PeriodicalId":44504,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1386/macp_00006_1","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48840432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 7
The rhetoric of the binge-eating body: An ethics of mourning in post-Sewol South Korea 暴饮暴食的身体的修辞:世越号后韩国的哀悼伦理
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/macp_00008_7
Minkyu Sung
{"title":"The rhetoric of the binge-eating body: An ethics of mourning in post-Sewol South Korea","authors":"Minkyu Sung","doi":"10.1386/macp_00008_7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/macp_00008_7","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44504,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2019-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45456665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
期刊
International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics
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