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International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics最新文献

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Global capital, global labour and global dominance: The case of xXx: Return of Xander Cage 全球资本、全球劳动力和全球主导地位:以《极限特工:归来》为例
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/MACP.15.1.27_1
K. Koushik, J. M. Proffitt
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引用次数: 0
On media, memory and laws: The Israeli ‘Law Commemorating the Exile of Jews from Arab Countries and Iran’ (2014) as a case study 关于媒体、记忆和法律:以色列“纪念犹太人从阿拉伯国家和伊朗流亡的法律”(2014)案例研究
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/MACP.15.1.49_1
Noam Tirosh, Y. Gutman
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引用次数: 3
‘Delicate and durable’: An analysis of women’s leadership and media practices in Vietnam “精致而持久”:对越南女性领导力和媒体实践的分析
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/MACP.15.1.87_1
H. Vu, Barbara Barnett, Hue Trong Duong, Tien-Tsung Lee
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引用次数: 3
Metaphorizing deception in political communication: The Wall metaphor in Tunisian electoral politics as a case study 政治交际中的隐喻欺骗——以突尼斯选举政治中的Wall隐喻为例
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/MACP.15.1.69_1
S. Chatti
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引用次数: 2
Book Reviews 书评
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/macp.15.1.109_5
Anita Gottlob, Bruktawit Ejigu Kassa
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引用次数: 0
The politics of think tanks in social media: FAES, YouTube and free-market ideology 社交媒体中的智库政治:FAES、YouTube和自由市场意识形态
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2019-03-01 DOI: 10.1386/MACP.15.1.3_1
Antonio Pineda, Víctor Hernández-Santaolalla, Cristina Algaba, Ana I. Barragán-Romero
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引用次数: 1
Is post-truth another word for political spin or a radical departure from it? Evidence from behind the scenes in UK government communications: 1997–2015 后真相是政治旋转的另一个词,还是与之大相径庭?英国政府沟通中的幕后证据:1997-2015
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/MACP.14.3.333_1
R. Garland
The charge of political spin, as a biased and self-advantaging form of public communication practiced by media and political actors, is thought to have developed alongside 24/7 media during the 1990s. More recently, the critique of the political arts of persuasion has deepened with the more serious charge of post-truth. Here, facts are deemed as malleable and subservient to beliefs, and indeed, can be strategically deployed to serve beliefs. This article draws on data from in-depth interviews with media and political actors and the analysis of key documents to examine the charge of political spin as applied to government communications, taking the United Kingdom since 1997 as a case study. It considers whether post-truth is just another word for the same phenomenon or a radical departure from it. Both charges can be seen as outcomes of the increasing mediatization of politics whereby complex sociopolitical issues are simplified into narratives and slogans, election campaigning becomes an integral part of the everyday process of governing and political imperatives challenge the scope within government for the scrutiny of verifiable facts and truths. However, the stance taken by these charges in relation to evidence, and their acknowledgement of the role of accountability in public life and as part of the democratic process, are radically different. The article concludes that, far from being another word for ‘political spin’, ‘post-truth’ is a radical departure from it that signals a serious development: the crisis in public communication characterized by a growing public distrust in government and the democratic process.
政治炒作是媒体和政治行为者进行的一种有偏见和自我推销的公共传播形式,被认为是在20世纪90年代与全天候媒体一起发展起来的。最近,对政治说服艺术的批判随着对后真相的更严重指控而加深。在这里,事实被认为是可延展的,服从于信仰,事实上,可以战略性地为信仰服务。本文利用对媒体和政治行为者的深入采访以及对关键文件的分析中的数据,以英国自1997年以来的案例研究为例,研究了政府传播中的政治炒作指控。这两项指控都可以被视为政治日益中介化的结果,复杂的社会政治问题被简化为叙事和口号,竞选活动成为日常执政过程中不可或缺的一部分,而政治需要挑战政府内部对可核实事实和真相的审查范围。然而,这些指控对证据的立场,以及他们对问责制在公共生活中和作为民主进程一部分的作用的承认,却截然不同。这篇文章的结论是,“后真相”远非“政治旋转”的另一个词,而是一个与之截然不同的词,它标志着一个严重的发展:公众对政府和民主进程越来越不信任,这是一场公共传播危机。
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引用次数: 8
Reasonable truth 合理的真理
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/macp.14.3.393_7
Melanie Klinkner
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引用次数: 0
Politics in a post-truth era 后真相时代的政治
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/MACP.14.3.277_2
D. Lilleker
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引用次数: 8
Democracy in a de-civilizing age: The rise of shameless personal truths 去文明时代的民主:无耻的个人真理的兴起
IF 0.4 Q4 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1386/MACP.14.3.283_1
R. Scullion, S. Armon
In this paper, we articulate an argument that suggests we need to look to broad, yet often quite subtle, societal and cultural changes, in order to better understand post-truth politics. We argue that democracy, ontologically premised on the atomized individual as the legitimate social agent, (Hay 2007) is itself being destabilised. This disruption is due in part to a shift in our conception of 'self' that is both corroding the core pillars of our civilising process and altering the nature of our engagement with democratic politics. The historic processes of a civilising culture are outlined in order to argue that the power of our neoliberal consumer culture has generated a ‘decivilising turn’, characterized by the rise of shame thresholds and narcissistic personalities. We then illustrate how these cultural changes produce a climate welcoming of ‘Post-truth’, linking this most specifically to the contemporary political landscape. Civic life resides most acutely in the customs and conventions upheld through the practice of our public dealings with others. The more entrenched, the less easily it can be disrupted by maverick acts and demagogues’ deeds. However, when those in positions of high office show little self-restraint, and sufficient numbers of the populous don't care, the norms democracy depends on are vulnerable to 'charlatan' leaders and populist causes. Here, we offer a picture of democracy in a ‘decivilising’ age where shameless personal truth is privileged. Please note that the start of the introduction contains words that some readers may find offensive.
在本文中,我们提出了一个论点,即我们需要关注广泛但往往相当微妙的社会和文化变化,以便更好地理解后真相政治。我们认为,民主在本体论上是以原子化的个人作为合法的社会代理人为前提的(Hay 2007),它本身正在不稳定。这种破坏部分是由于我们对“自我”概念的转变,这种转变既侵蚀了我们文明进程的核心支柱,也改变了我们参与民主政治的本质。本文概述了文明文化的历史进程,以证明我们的新自由主义消费文化的力量已经产生了一个“去文明化的转变”,其特征是羞耻阈值和自恋人格的上升。然后,我们说明了这些文化变化如何产生一种欢迎“后真相”的氛围,并将其与当代政治景观联系起来。公民生活最强烈地体现在我们与他人交往的公共实践中所坚持的习俗和惯例中。越是根深蒂固,它就越不容易被特立独行的行为和煽动家的行为所破坏。然而,当那些身居高位的人几乎没有自我约束,而足够多的民众不在乎时,民主所依赖的规范就容易受到“江湖骗子”领导人和民粹主义事业的影响。在这里,我们提供了一幅“去文明化”时代的民主图景,在这个时代,无耻的个人真理享有特权。请注意,引言的开头包含一些读者可能会觉得冒犯的词语。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics
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