The Bacchae is remarkable for its antinomies of time and space. Euripides’ play stages a conflict between established regimes—the house of Cadmus, the pantheon of Zeus—and incipient ones, doubly registered in the establishment of Dionysiac rites in Thebes and the entry of Dionysus himself as a new god into the canon of religious worship. These structures and characters become indices for certain forms of social struggle; The Bacchae interrelates them when these struggles come to a point of rupture. The play supplies spatial corollaries for its temporal poles: while the drama is set in Thebes, the chorus of Theban maenads on Cithaeron, Pentheus’s plan to lead an attack against them, his departure up the mountainside led by the god in disguise, and the two messenger speeches that report the Bacchic rites all vividly conjure images and narratives of the mountain. These antinomies of space and time pair off in analogic fashion: we may say that Thebes is to Cithaeron as Pentheus is to Dionysus, or as what is relates to what is to come. What is at stake in adapting The Bacchae at a given conjuncture1 and what elements of the parent text are important in the act of adaptation? While for The Bacchae, the points of contact between Euripides’ play and the social upheavals of the past half century may seem apparent enough—and here we might think of the invocations of mass movements,
{"title":"Utopia and Uneven Space in Wole Soyinka's The Bacchae of Euripides","authors":"K. Gabriel","doi":"10.1353/ARE.2018.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ARE.2018.0007","url":null,"abstract":"The Bacchae is remarkable for its antinomies of time and space. Euripides’ play stages a conflict between established regimes—the house of Cadmus, the pantheon of Zeus—and incipient ones, doubly registered in the establishment of Dionysiac rites in Thebes and the entry of Dionysus himself as a new god into the canon of religious worship. These structures and characters become indices for certain forms of social struggle; The Bacchae interrelates them when these struggles come to a point of rupture. The play supplies spatial corollaries for its temporal poles: while the drama is set in Thebes, the chorus of Theban maenads on Cithaeron, Pentheus’s plan to lead an attack against them, his departure up the mountainside led by the god in disguise, and the two messenger speeches that report the Bacchic rites all vividly conjure images and narratives of the mountain. These antinomies of space and time pair off in analogic fashion: we may say that Thebes is to Cithaeron as Pentheus is to Dionysus, or as what is relates to what is to come. What is at stake in adapting The Bacchae at a given conjuncture1 and what elements of the parent text are important in the act of adaptation? While for The Bacchae, the points of contact between Euripides’ play and the social upheavals of the past half century may seem apparent enough—and here we might think of the invocations of mass movements,","PeriodicalId":44750,"journal":{"name":"ARETHUSA","volume":"51 1","pages":"163 - 188"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ARE.2018.0007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44675004","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Homeric scholarship has tended to take the Muse at her word—she who is the daughter of Memory, the all-knowing, the keeper of tradition—or rather, more correctly, specifically not at her word, since she never speaks. But the Homeric Muse must speak: she must bring the words and knowledge of the epic past to the singer at the moment of performance and thus underwrite the relationship between the Homeric poet and the Homeric tradition. In the wake of Milman Parry, the general consensus that the Homeric poems are the product of a long performance tradition and yet are also to be read as literary texts has only made the Muse all the more important in her role as the mediator between the individual poem and its tradition. In what follows, I propose to examine the connection between the figure of the Muse and the presuppositions of Homeric scholarship. How is the way in which we understand the voice and the silence of the Muse linked to the ways in which we think about Homer and the Homeric tradition? Next to the voice and the silence of the Muse, which serves as an image of or an emblem for questions of origin, continuity, and authority in the Homeric tradition, the core of my argument is the concept of kleos, meaning “fame, glory, or rumour.” If kleos is what, in important ways, holds the Homeric tradition together—since kleos is what the hero wants and what the Homeric poet celebrates—then how we understand kleos is intimately connected with how we understand the Muse. It is possible, although I do not think anyone does this, to bring together Muse and kleos in a very literal configuration and say that the Muse conveys the kleos of the hero to the poet who celebrates him, thus guaranteeing the continuity and authority of the Homeric tradition with the Muse as its origin. Against this configuration of Muse, kleos, and tradition, we might raise the most basic and most trivial objection: “Sing of the wrath,” says the poet of the
{"title":"The Silence of the Muse","authors":"Yukai Li","doi":"10.1353/ARE.2018.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ARE.2018.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Homeric scholarship has tended to take the Muse at her word—she who is the daughter of Memory, the all-knowing, the keeper of tradition—or rather, more correctly, specifically not at her word, since she never speaks. But the Homeric Muse must speak: she must bring the words and knowledge of the epic past to the singer at the moment of performance and thus underwrite the relationship between the Homeric poet and the Homeric tradition. In the wake of Milman Parry, the general consensus that the Homeric poems are the product of a long performance tradition and yet are also to be read as literary texts has only made the Muse all the more important in her role as the mediator between the individual poem and its tradition. In what follows, I propose to examine the connection between the figure of the Muse and the presuppositions of Homeric scholarship. How is the way in which we understand the voice and the silence of the Muse linked to the ways in which we think about Homer and the Homeric tradition? Next to the voice and the silence of the Muse, which serves as an image of or an emblem for questions of origin, continuity, and authority in the Homeric tradition, the core of my argument is the concept of kleos, meaning “fame, glory, or rumour.” If kleos is what, in important ways, holds the Homeric tradition together—since kleos is what the hero wants and what the Homeric poet celebrates—then how we understand kleos is intimately connected with how we understand the Muse. It is possible, although I do not think anyone does this, to bring together Muse and kleos in a very literal configuration and say that the Muse conveys the kleos of the hero to the poet who celebrates him, thus guaranteeing the continuity and authority of the Homeric tradition with the Muse as its origin. Against this configuration of Muse, kleos, and tradition, we might raise the most basic and most trivial objection: “Sing of the wrath,” says the poet of the","PeriodicalId":44750,"journal":{"name":"ARETHUSA","volume":"51 1","pages":"115 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ARE.2018.0004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41805176","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"\"One, Two, Three\": Narrative Circles in Plato's Timaeus","authors":"Bess R. H. Myers","doi":"10.1353/ARE.2018.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ARE.2018.0002","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":44750,"journal":{"name":"ARETHUSA","volume":"51 1","pages":"55 - 72"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ARE.2018.0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45791235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Vivid imagery of dripping fluids proliferates in Aeschylus’s Oresteia, and there is also a distinctive smell attributed to one of these liquids: human blood.1 Cassandra and the Erinyes are capable of sniffing out this odor with their non-human senses of smell, which liken them to hounds on the scent in a metaphor that is repeatedly applied to both of them (e.g., Ag. 1093–94, 1184–85; Cho. 924; Eum. 244–47). A powerful sense of smell is portrayed as both bestial and divine, irrational and omniscient, enabling these characters to make accurate identifications without recourse to sight: Cassandra viscerally reacts to Agamemnon’s imminent slaughter through her confrontation with the smell of blood (Ag. 1308–12), and the Erinyes are able to track Orestes by means of smell even after he has purified himself (Eum. 244–47). The miasma of the house of Atreus thus assumes an olfactory form that proves impossible to fumigate, in spite of the incense and burning sacrifices that feature prominently in the Agamemnon in particular.2 The smell of bloodshed, then, tracks the course of the house’s curse,
{"title":"Olfactory Theater: Tracking Scents in Aeschylus's Oresteia","authors":"A. Lather","doi":"10.1353/ARE.2018.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ARE.2018.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Vivid imagery of dripping fluids proliferates in Aeschylus’s Oresteia, and there is also a distinctive smell attributed to one of these liquids: human blood.1 Cassandra and the Erinyes are capable of sniffing out this odor with their non-human senses of smell, which liken them to hounds on the scent in a metaphor that is repeatedly applied to both of them (e.g., Ag. 1093–94, 1184–85; Cho. 924; Eum. 244–47). A powerful sense of smell is portrayed as both bestial and divine, irrational and omniscient, enabling these characters to make accurate identifications without recourse to sight: Cassandra viscerally reacts to Agamemnon’s imminent slaughter through her confrontation with the smell of blood (Ag. 1308–12), and the Erinyes are able to track Orestes by means of smell even after he has purified himself (Eum. 244–47). The miasma of the house of Atreus thus assumes an olfactory form that proves impossible to fumigate, in spite of the incense and burning sacrifices that feature prominently in the Agamemnon in particular.2 The smell of bloodshed, then, tracks the course of the house’s curse,","PeriodicalId":44750,"journal":{"name":"ARETHUSA","volume":"51 1","pages":"33 - 54"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ARE.2018.0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41949745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When Alkinoos elicits Odysseus’s narrative of his trials at the end of Odyssey 8, he asks for a tale of the Trojan War, a fate “the gods fashioned, a ruin they allotted to men to become a song for us and later generations” (8.577–80).1 The attitude implicit in the tale he requests countermands Zeus’s opening lament in the epic that men blame the gods for their fate but are themselves responsible for suffering worse than they deserve thanks to their own recklessness (atasthalia).2 Odysseus echoes Alkinoos in promising to tell “the many pains which the Ouranian gods have given me” (κήδἐ ἐπεί μοι πολλὰ δόσαν θεοὶ Οὐρανίωνες, 9.15). But the story he tells navigates in surprising ways between the sentiments
当阿尔基诺斯引出奥德修斯在《奥德赛》第8章结尾对他的审判的叙述时，他要求讲述一个特洛伊战争的故事，一个“众神创造的命运，一个他们分配给人类的毁灭，成为我们和后代的歌曲”(8.577-80)他请求的故事中隐含的态度与宙斯在史诗开头的哀叹相反，即人们将自己的命运归咎于诸神，但由于自己的鲁莽，他们自己要为比他们应得的更糟糕的痛苦负责(atasalia)奥德修斯与阿尔基诺斯相呼应，承诺要讲述“欧拉尼亚诸神给我的许多痛苦”(κ δ Ο μοι π Ο λ Ο δόσαν θεο ς Ο Ο ραν， 9.15)。但他讲述的故事却以一种令人惊讶的方式在两种情绪之间穿梭
{"title":"The Clinical Odyssey: Odysseus's Apologoi and Narrative Therapy","authors":"J. Christensen","doi":"10.1353/ARE.2018.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ARE.2018.0000","url":null,"abstract":"When Alkinoos elicits Odysseus’s narrative of his trials at the end of Odyssey 8, he asks for a tale of the Trojan War, a fate “the gods fashioned, a ruin they allotted to men to become a song for us and later generations” (8.577–80).1 The attitude implicit in the tale he requests countermands Zeus’s opening lament in the epic that men blame the gods for their fate but are themselves responsible for suffering worse than they deserve thanks to their own recklessness (atasthalia).2 Odysseus echoes Alkinoos in promising to tell “the many pains which the Ouranian gods have given me” (κήδἐ ἐπεί μοι πολλὰ δόσαν θεοὶ Οὐρανίωνες, 9.15). But the story he tells navigates in surprising ways between the sentiments","PeriodicalId":44750,"journal":{"name":"ARETHUSA","volume":"51 1","pages":"1 - 31"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ARE.2018.0000","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47265399","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
From Homer’s Iliad to the Athenian funeral oration and beyond, the “beautiful death” was the name that the Greeks used to describe a combatant’s death.1 From the world of Achilles to democratic Athens, in the fifth and fourth centuries bc, the warrior’s death was a model that concentrated the representations and the values that served as [masculine] norms.2 This should not be a surprise: the Iliad depicts a society at war and, in the
{"title":"The \"Beautiful Death\" from Homer to Democratic Athens","authors":"N. Loraux, D. Pritchard","doi":"10.1353/ARE.2018.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ARE.2018.0003","url":null,"abstract":"From Homer’s Iliad to the Athenian funeral oration and beyond, the “beautiful death” was the name that the Greeks used to describe a combatant’s death.1 From the world of Achilles to democratic Athens, in the fifth and fourth centuries bc, the warrior’s death was a model that concentrated the representations and the values that served as [masculine] norms.2 This should not be a surprise: the Iliad depicts a society at war and, in the","PeriodicalId":44750,"journal":{"name":"ARETHUSA","volume":"51 1","pages":"73 - 89"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ARE.2018.0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48740915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tacitus’s works on imperial Rome build on the themes of an earlier historiography that discusses corruption as a plague that infected the body politic.1 Yet a paradox that emerges from his portrait of Tiberian Rome (Annales 1–6) is that the various forms of deviant activity are also central to the formation of the elite’s political identity and the power of the regime. Although corrupt behavior remains questionable from a moral or ethical perspective, Tacitus raises the possibility of a different type of corruption: one that works in tandem with state institutions. In this paper, I analyze Tacitus’s writing on corruption in order to expose the crucial role played by corrupt (and violent) activity in the making and preservation of state power. I argue that Tacitus reveals corruption as a phenomenon that worked formatively within the imperial regime, while the institutions in place to prevent corruption, such as the law and punishment, worked to stimulate and/or legitimize corrupt acts. This line of enquiry will allow us to move beyond a moralistic conception of corruption (corruption as an absence of mores or as vice) and explore instead
{"title":"Useful Vices: Tacitus's Critique of Corruption","authors":"Shreyaa Bhatt","doi":"10.1353/ARE.2017.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ARE.2017.0011","url":null,"abstract":"Tacitus’s works on imperial Rome build on the themes of an earlier historiography that discusses corruption as a plague that infected the body politic.1 Yet a paradox that emerges from his portrait of Tiberian Rome (Annales 1–6) is that the various forms of deviant activity are also central to the formation of the elite’s political identity and the power of the regime. Although corrupt behavior remains questionable from a moral or ethical perspective, Tacitus raises the possibility of a different type of corruption: one that works in tandem with state institutions. In this paper, I analyze Tacitus’s writing on corruption in order to expose the crucial role played by corrupt (and violent) activity in the making and preservation of state power. I argue that Tacitus reveals corruption as a phenomenon that worked formatively within the imperial regime, while the institutions in place to prevent corruption, such as the law and punishment, worked to stimulate and/or legitimize corrupt acts. This line of enquiry will allow us to move beyond a moralistic conception of corruption (corruption as an absence of mores or as vice) and explore instead","PeriodicalId":44750,"journal":{"name":"ARETHUSA","volume":"50 1","pages":"311 - 333"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ARE.2017.0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45335873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this essay, I investigate the figure of the Greek poet Arion in Roman elegy, in a case study that reconsiders how musical imagery relates to the representation of genre in Latin poetry. Arion, the legendary Greek singer who was miraculously rescued by a dolphin thanks to the beauty of his music and song, was a well-known figure at Rome. He is mentioned by Cicero and Virgil; Marcus Cornelius Fronto, writing in the second century c.e., even devoted a short monograph to his life.1 Yet as I argue, it is in Augustan elegy that the story of Arion finds its most detailed and complex exposition. In Propertius 2.26A, a poem in which the speaker imagines his beloved suffering a shipwreck, she is miraculously saved by the same Dolphin that rescued Arion’s lyre. At the beginning of Fasti 2, Ovid narrates the tale of Arion to explain the constellation of the Dolphin, who is elevated to the heavens for rescuing the poet (2.79–118). What makes Arion such a potent figure in Roman elegy? Arion played a mythical and historical role in the early development of Greek
在这篇文章中，我调查了希腊诗人阿里翁在罗马挽歌中的形象，并以一个案例研究的方式重新思考了音乐意象与拉丁诗歌中体裁表现的关系。Arion，这位希腊传奇歌手，凭借其优美的音乐和歌曲奇迹般地被一只海豚救起，是罗马的知名人物。西塞罗和维吉尔提到过他；Marcus Cornelius Fronto写于公元前2世纪，甚至专门写了一本关于他的生平的短篇专著。1然而，正如我所说，正是在奥古斯都挽歌中，Arion的故事得到了最详细、最复杂的阐述。在Propertius 2.26A的一首诗中，演讲者想象他的爱人遭遇海难，她奇迹般地被救下Arion七弦琴的同一只海豚救了出来。在《法斯蒂2》的开头，奥维德讲述了阿里昂的故事，以解释海豚的星座，海豚因营救诗人而被提升到天堂（2.79-118）。是什么让阿里昂在罗马挽歌中成为如此强大的人物？阿里翁在希腊语的早期发展中扮演着神话和历史的角色
{"title":"Becoming the Lyre: Arion and Roman Elegy","authors":"Lauren Curtis","doi":"10.1353/ARE.2017.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ARE.2017.0010","url":null,"abstract":"In this essay, I investigate the figure of the Greek poet Arion in Roman elegy, in a case study that reconsiders how musical imagery relates to the representation of genre in Latin poetry. Arion, the legendary Greek singer who was miraculously rescued by a dolphin thanks to the beauty of his music and song, was a well-known figure at Rome. He is mentioned by Cicero and Virgil; Marcus Cornelius Fronto, writing in the second century c.e., even devoted a short monograph to his life.1 Yet as I argue, it is in Augustan elegy that the story of Arion finds its most detailed and complex exposition. In Propertius 2.26A, a poem in which the speaker imagines his beloved suffering a shipwreck, she is miraculously saved by the same Dolphin that rescued Arion’s lyre. At the beginning of Fasti 2, Ovid narrates the tale of Arion to explain the constellation of the Dolphin, who is elevated to the heavens for rescuing the poet (2.79–118). What makes Arion such a potent figure in Roman elegy? Arion played a mythical and historical role in the early development of Greek","PeriodicalId":44750,"journal":{"name":"ARETHUSA","volume":"50 1","pages":"283 - 310"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ARE.2017.0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43398073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite the fact that breastfeeding was a vital gesture in Roman times since milk substitutes endangered the life of infants, the occurrences of literary and visual representations of ordinary, domestic breastfeeding are very few. This article offers hypotheses concerning this dearth of representations, firstly postulating a real disinterest, related to male disgust of, or distance with, female physiological processes, and, secondly, a strategic disinterest, which may be accounted for by male envy of power and pleasure. Lastly, it investigates various male strategies of depreciation and appropriation of breastfeeding, and the subsequent female internalization of negative messages about it.
{"title":"Roman Breastfeeding: Control and Affect","authors":"Claude-Emmanuelle Centlivres Challet","doi":"10.1353/ARE.2017.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ARE.2017.0013","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the fact that breastfeeding was a vital gesture in Roman times since milk substitutes endangered the life of infants, the occurrences of literary and visual representations of ordinary, domestic breastfeeding are very few. This article offers hypotheses concerning this dearth of representations, firstly postulating a real disinterest, related to male disgust of, or distance with, female physiological processes, and, secondly, a strategic disinterest, which may be accounted for by male envy of power and pleasure. Lastly, it investigates various male strategies of depreciation and appropriation of breastfeeding, and the subsequent female internalization of negative messages about it.","PeriodicalId":44750,"journal":{"name":"ARETHUSA","volume":"50 1","pages":"369 - 384"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ARE.2017.0013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46570042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Book 11 of Apuleius’s Metamorphoses, a stark naked Lucius, having eaten the prescribed roses from the hands of a priest of Isis, gradually appears where before there had only been his asinine form.1 Almost immediately, a member of the Isiac procession steps forward, clothing the naked man in the linen tunic off of his own back: the first physical mark of the last major metamorphosis of the novel, that of man to priest (11.14). This Apuleian moment can be compared to the same scene of transformation in the Onos, in all likelihood an epitome of Apuleius’s Greek source text, in which Loukios, after eating roses in the middle of the amphitheater, returns to his human form.2 Unlike Lucius in the Metamorphoses, in the Onos, Loukios remains naked as he begs the provincial governor for his life and his “re-clothing” goes unmentioned.3
{"title":"Appearances Can Be Deceiving: Costume and Identity in Apuleius's Metamorphoses, Florida, and Apology","authors":"Ashli J. E. Baker","doi":"10.1353/ARE.2017.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ARE.2017.0012","url":null,"abstract":"In Book 11 of Apuleius’s Metamorphoses, a stark naked Lucius, having eaten the prescribed roses from the hands of a priest of Isis, gradually appears where before there had only been his asinine form.1 Almost immediately, a member of the Isiac procession steps forward, clothing the naked man in the linen tunic off of his own back: the first physical mark of the last major metamorphosis of the novel, that of man to priest (11.14). This Apuleian moment can be compared to the same scene of transformation in the Onos, in all likelihood an epitome of Apuleius’s Greek source text, in which Loukios, after eating roses in the middle of the amphitheater, returns to his human form.2 Unlike Lucius in the Metamorphoses, in the Onos, Loukios remains naked as he begs the provincial governor for his life and his “re-clothing” goes unmentioned.3","PeriodicalId":44750,"journal":{"name":"ARETHUSA","volume":"50 1","pages":"335 - 367"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ARE.2017.0012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45889511","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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