Word formation in most languages is inextricably linked to a distinction between clitics and affixes. Although famous for its templatic morphological structure, Arabic also contains concatenative formatives some of whose status as clitics or affixes is controversial. It is well known that Arabic varieties exhibit a range of interacting shortening and lengthening processes. Some of the shortening processes have been linked to the clitic/affix distinction in the Arabic literature. In this paper, I discuss two vowel shortening processes, CSS‐Morph and CSS‐Phon, that are often conflated as the same Closed Syllable Shortening process. Based on evidence from 16 modern Arabic varieties, I show that these CSS processes are in fact two independent processes. While CSS‐Morph is a phonological alternation within a morphophonological context, CSS‐Phon is purely phonological. Neither provides evidence to classify any formative as a clitic or indeed differentiate between formatives as suffixes or clitics.
{"title":"Affix Not Clitic‐Based Vowel Shortening in Modern Arabic Varieties","authors":"Emily Lindsay‐Smith","doi":"10.1111/1467-968x.12287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-968x.12287","url":null,"abstract":"Word formation in most languages is inextricably linked to a distinction between clitics and affixes. Although famous for its templatic morphological structure, Arabic also contains concatenative formatives some of whose status as clitics or affixes is controversial. It is well known that Arabic varieties exhibit a range of interacting shortening and lengthening processes. Some of the shortening processes have been linked to the clitic/affix distinction in the Arabic literature. In this paper, I discuss two vowel shortening processes, CSS‐<jats:sc>Morph</jats:sc> and CSS‐<jats:sc>Phon,</jats:sc> that are often conflated as the same Closed Syllable Shortening process. Based on evidence from 16 modern Arabic varieties, I show that these CSS processes are in fact two independent processes. While <jats:sc>CSS‐Morph</jats:sc> is a phonological alternation within a morphophonological context, <jats:sc>CSS‐Phon</jats:sc> is purely phonological. Neither provides evidence to classify any formative as a clitic or indeed differentiate between formatives as suffixes or clitics.","PeriodicalId":44794,"journal":{"name":"TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2024-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139950175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A king was typically referred to as people's king in the early period of Old English, whereas today, king of a country is the most commonly used. This study attempts to trace the development of the place element modifying the title paired in apposition with a personal name in the tradition of vernacular English historiography as represented by the Peterborough Chronicle. There existed a strong tendency to specify a smaller land area (city, town, etc.) with the genitive form of the name of the place or with a prepositional phrase involving the place-name and a larger one (kingdom, shire, etc.) with the genitive form of the name of the people living there in Early Old English. In later periods, however, the prepositional phrase was left as the only place element available for either a smaller or larger land area. Various prepositions heading the prepositional phrase became limited during the Old English period to just one in Early Middle English. Thus, the shift from people's king to king of a country was almost complete in Early Middle English. These findings are related to more general patterns of syntactic change in the noun phrase in English to highlight their current relevance.
{"title":"From People's King to King of a Country: The Development of the Place Element Modifying the Title Paired in Apposition with a Personal Name Traced in the Peterborough Chronicle","authors":"Seiji Shinkawa","doi":"10.1111/1467-968x.12286","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-968x.12286","url":null,"abstract":"A king was typically referred to as <i>people's king</i> in the early period of Old English, whereas today, <i>king of a country</i> is the most commonly used. This study attempts to trace the development of the place element modifying the title paired in apposition with a personal name in the tradition of vernacular English historiography as represented by the <i>Peterborough Chronicle</i>. There existed a strong tendency to specify a smaller land area (city, town, etc.) with the genitive form of the name of the place or with a prepositional phrase involving the place-name and a larger one (kingdom, shire, etc.) with the genitive form of the name of the people living there in Early Old English. In later periods, however, the prepositional phrase was left as the only place element available for either a smaller or larger land area. Various prepositions heading the prepositional phrase became limited during the Old English period to just one in Early Middle English. Thus, the shift from <i>people's king</i> to <i>king of a country</i> was almost complete in Early Middle English. These findings are related to more general patterns of syntactic change in the noun phrase in English to highlight their current relevance.","PeriodicalId":44794,"journal":{"name":"TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138825423","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article revisits the interaction between regular ‘Neogrammarian’ sound change (defined as a purely phonological process) and subsequent morphological change (especially changes subsumed under the term ‘analogy’) in the development of the outcomes of Brugmann's Law (BL) in Indo-Iranian. The traditional formulation of BL states that Proto-Indo-European *o became Indo-Iranian /ā/ in open syllables and /a/ elsewhere, positing a purely phonological context of application. Alternatively, Kiparsky (2010) has argued for a revised version of BL in which the accent and ablaut properties of the affected forms play a role, hence essentially for a synchronic morphophonological rule. I argue that this revised version fails both from the perspective of comparative reconstruction and as a synchronic rule based on a detailed study of the forms cited as evidence for the revised rule. Rather, in order to identify inherited *o in Indo-Iranian the effects of the ‘blind’ Neogrammarian rule must be separated from the synchronic morphological rules of the attested languages. This paper thus makes a methodological contribution in defence of the Neogrammarian approach to sound change, but also an empirical contribution by showing that this approach, in combination with a strictly lexical definition of analogy, can account for some conspicuous exceptions to traditional BL.
{"title":"Sound Change and Analogy, Again: Brugmann's Law and the Hunt For O-Grades in Indo-Iranian*","authors":"Laura Grestenberger","doi":"10.1111/1467-968x.12272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-968x.12272","url":null,"abstract":"This article revisits the interaction between regular ‘Neogrammarian’ sound change (defined as a purely phonological process) and subsequent morphological change (especially changes subsumed under the term ‘analogy’) in the development of the outcomes of Brugmann's Law (BL) in Indo-Iranian. The traditional formulation of BL states that Proto-Indo-European *<i>o</i> became Indo-Iranian /ā/ in open syllables and /a/ elsewhere, positing a purely phonological context of application. Alternatively, Kiparsky (2010) has argued for a revised version of BL in which the accent and ablaut properties of the affected forms play a role, hence essentially for a synchronic morphophonological rule. I argue that this revised version fails both from the perspective of comparative reconstruction and as a synchronic rule based on a detailed study of the forms cited as evidence for the revised rule. Rather, in order to identify inherited *<i>o</i> in Indo-Iranian the effects of the ‘blind’ Neogrammarian rule must be separated from the synchronic morphological rules of the attested languages. This paper thus makes a methodological contribution in defence of the Neogrammarian approach to sound change, but also an empirical contribution by showing that this approach, in combination with a strictly lexical definition of analogy, can account for some conspicuous exceptions to traditional BL.","PeriodicalId":44794,"journal":{"name":"TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138534182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Language contact is pervasive in the history of all Eskaleut languages of the Pacific Rim, and the languages show contact effect regardless of typological similarity or degree of relatedness. Moreover, the degree of contact has allowed for the borrowing of features that are generally thought of as relatively impervious to borrowing, including verb inflection. In particular, Sirenikski has been in close contact with the closely related language Central Siberian Yupik, and contact effects on the phonology, prosodic system and lexicon have been well described, however, the verbal inflectional morphology has largely been assumed to be cognate. In this article, I present evidence that some elements of the inflectional paradigm have been borrowed from Central Siberian Yupik.
{"title":"Central Siberian Yupik Influence on Sirenikski Verbal Inflection","authors":"Anna Berge","doi":"10.1111/1467-968x.12274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-968x.12274","url":null,"abstract":"Language contact is pervasive in the history of all Eskaleut languages of the Pacific Rim, and the languages show contact effect regardless of typological similarity or degree of relatedness. Moreover, the degree of contact has allowed for the borrowing of features that are generally thought of as relatively impervious to borrowing, including verb inflection. In particular, Sirenikski has been in close contact with the closely related language Central Siberian Yupik, and contact effects on the phonology, prosodic system and lexicon have been well described, however, the verbal inflectional morphology has largely been assumed to be cognate. In this article, I present evidence that some elements of the inflectional paradigm have been borrowed from Central Siberian Yupik.","PeriodicalId":44794,"journal":{"name":"TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138543328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Thanks to the discovery in Mount Sinai Monastery of the Albanian palimpsest, which contains fragments of the Bible in an ancient form of Udi, this language has become the earliest attested member of the East Caucasian family. However, due to its long evolution in contact with unrelated languages, both old and modern Udi show many characteristics unknown to their closest relatives, including Differential Object Marking. Combined with ergative case marking, this feature results in a rare ‘tripartite alignment’. After describing the case marking of arguments in Lezgian, modern dialects of Udi and the three non-East Caucasian languages of the area (Tat, Azeri and Armenian) showing Differential Object Marking, we examine the available Old Udi / Caucasian Albanian data, compare them with data from Old Armenian, Old Turkic and Middle Iranian, and try to assess the best candidate for the source of the Udi phenomenon in the light of what is known about its history in terms of contact and sociolinguistic dominance.
{"title":"The Origin of Differential Object Marking and Tripartite Alignment in Udi (East Caucasian)","authors":"Gilles Authier","doi":"10.1111/1467-968x.12276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-968x.12276","url":null,"abstract":"Thanks to the discovery in Mount Sinai Monastery of the Albanian palimpsest, which contains fragments of the Bible in an ancient form of Udi, this language has become the earliest attested member of the East Caucasian family. However, due to its long evolution in contact with unrelated languages, both old and modern Udi show many characteristics unknown to their closest relatives, including Differential Object Marking. Combined with ergative case marking, this feature results in a rare ‘tripartite alignment’. After describing the case marking of arguments in Lezgian, modern dialects of Udi and the three non-East Caucasian languages of the area (Tat, Azeri and Armenian) showing Differential Object Marking, we examine the available Old Udi / Caucasian Albanian data, compare them with data from Old Armenian, Old Turkic and Middle Iranian, and try to assess the best candidate for the source of the Udi phenomenon in the light of what is known about its history in terms of contact and sociolinguistic dominance.","PeriodicalId":44794,"journal":{"name":"TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138534177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The study of language contact and contact-induced change has seen a rise in scholarly attention since Weinreich's Languages in Contact (1953), and especially after Thomason & Kaufman's (1988) Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Since then, numerous textbooks and handbooks (Heine & Kuteva 2005; Matras 2007, 2020; Hickey 2010, 2017), edited volumes (Aikhenvald & Dixon 2001, 2007; Braunmüller et al. 2014; Bianconi et al. 2022), monographs (Chamoreau & Léglise 2012; Coghill 2016; Fendel 2022; Meyer 2023; Bianconi forthcoming) and dissertations, both on modern (Bisiada 2014) and on ancient (Capano 2020) languages have appeared. These dealt with a wide variety of aspects of language contact from different vantage points, frameworks and approaches – for instance, Thomason's (2001) socio-structural approach vs. Myers-Scotton's (2002) purely structural, model-based one.