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Issue Info - Call for papers (Theme 1) 问题信息-论文征集(主题1)
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/jacc.13254
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引用次数: 0
How machines came to speak: Media technologies and freedom of speechBy Jennifer Petersen, Duke University Press, 2022. 机器是如何说话的:媒体技术和言论自由詹妮弗·彼得森,杜克大学出版社,2022年。
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/jacc.13487
Andrew Kettler

How Machines Came to Speak is organized around twentieth-century questions related to technological changes and alterations to the meaning of free speech. Exploring vital Supreme Court cases that faced questions of free speech and diverse forms of media, Jennifer Petersen sheds light on modern issues of digital media surrounding Artificial General Intelligence. Thinking often about the difference between crowds and publics, as well as issues of uncanny influence and social contagion, How Machines Came to Speak discusses questions about the First Amendment and aspects of constitutional interpretation that altered consistently over time and currently exist through much different forms that what originalism might generally afford.

Focusing on the twentieth century and issues of social influence and understandings of crowds, individuals, and media persuasions, How Machines Came to Speak sets an excellent tone for inserting legal studies into social and economic discussions of modern robotics and algorithms. As a history of media technologies, and how their stimulations upon society changed the very meanings of speaking, Petersen's work should be read in legal studies courses as well as classes on the history of media and technology. On the edge of Artificial General Intelligence with programs like ChatGPT, and with the use of artificial intelligence and advanced game theory applied at the highest levels of international relations, these questions of speech and persuasion upon human consciousness have never been more vital.

Chapter One explores how late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century businesses instigated a reimagining of free speech by asking the government to better define regulations upon new forms of media. Leading media corporations, especially with rising interests in film, requested the Supreme Court judge issues of discourse and public opinion to understand the limitations and powers of their new media. A reading of Mutual v. Ohio (1915) sets the stage for the chapter, as Petersen looks at legal briefs in the case to understand the roots of arguments concerning what in the film was considered to be influential upon society. At the time, speech in film was not deemed potent or influential enough to be greatly regulated, and free speech, as a constitutional protection, consequently remained a general matter only for printed and individually spoken words.

The second chapter moves the narrative along into the 1930s and 1940s to questions of mass influence that arose with new understandings of crowds and politics instigated in the public sphere due to international fascism and Bolshevism. Due to these political influences, and new ideas of racial inferiority, gestures, and eugenics that were part of fresh understandings of cultural influence, expressive conducts that became part of “speaking” were increasingly understood to be a part of filmic composition. Cases of the era analyzed sp

机器是如何说话的,是围绕着20世纪与技术变革和言论自由意义改变有关的问题组织的。詹妮弗·彼得森(Jennifer Petersen)探讨了最高法院面临言论自由和多种媒体形式问题的重要案件,揭示了围绕通用人工智能的数字媒体的现代问题。《机器如何说话》经常考虑人群和公众之间的差异,以及不可思议的影响和社会传染的问题,讨论了有关第一修正案的问题,以及宪法解释的各个方面,这些问题随着时间的推移不断变化,目前以原始主义通常可能提供的截然不同的形式存在。《机器如何说话》聚焦于二十世纪以及社会影响和对人群、个人和媒体说服的理解问题,为将法律研究纳入现代机器人和算法的社会和经济讨论奠定了良好的基调。作为一部媒体技术史,以及它们对社会的刺激如何改变了说话的意义,彼得森的作品应该在法律研究课程以及媒体和技术史课程中阅读。在拥有ChatGPT等程序的通用人工智能的边缘,随着人工智能和先进博弈论在国际关系的最高层面的应用,这些对人类意识的言语和说服问题变得前所未有的重要。第一章探讨了19世纪末和20世纪初的企业是如何通过要求政府更好地定义对新媒体形式的监管来重新构想言论自由的。领先的媒体公司,尤其是对电影兴趣日益浓厚的公司,要求最高法院法官了解其新媒体的局限性和权力。阅读《Mutual v.Ohio》(1915)为本章奠定了基础,彼得森查看了本案的法律摘要,以了解关于电影中被认为对社会有影响的内容的争论的根源。当时,电影中的言论被认为不够有力或有影响力,不足以受到严格监管,因此,作为宪法保护的言论自由仍然是一个普遍的问题,只适用于印刷品和个人口语。第二章将叙事带入20世纪30年代和40年代,探讨由于国际法西斯主义和布尔什维克主义在公共领域煽动的对人群和政治的新理解而产生的大众影响力问题。由于这些政治影响,以及种族自卑、手势和优生学的新思想,这些新思想是对文化影响的新理解的一部分,成为“说话”一部分的表达行为越来越被理解为电影创作的一部分。具体分析了那个时代的案例,这些案例与宗教派别及其关于爱国主义、美国国旗和效忠誓言的信仰有关。进入20世纪30年代至40年代的案例,这些案例说明了更广泛媒体的这些变化,第三章讨论了广播、电影和新闻短片,这些节目以足够的力量影响了公众,被视为受保护言论的一部分,同时特别关注了企业对传播理解的工业化形式中的广播问题。第四章发现了20世纪50年代至70年代的无发言人言论的概念,根据前几十年广播和电影的先例,案例判断个人不需要言论的存在。最后一章以新的方式组织了言论原则,以思考二十世纪末的公司言论权和计算机通信权。结论继续关注在《机器如何说话》的整个时间线中,言论是如何从根本上脱离个人的。继Lisa Gitelman早期关于技术和影响力的媒体学术之后,机器如何说话定义了言论是如何从一个以特定方式受到保护的个人,通过作为集体一部分获得特定类似保护的不同形式的媒体,在公共领域发言和印刷的。言论自由作为一项个人权利,面对通用人工智能的先进新媒体,必须再次进行重组,以适应数字的威胁空间。Petersen工作之初提出的新的后人类和超人类语言形式对人类语言类别意味着什么,只有待观察和辩论,因为技术只会越来越多地塑造人类对语言的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Issue Info - Book review guidelines 问题信息-书评指南
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/jacc.13256
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引用次数: 0
Love, sex, gender and superheroesBy Jeffrey A. Brown, Rutgers University Press, 2022. 《爱、性、性别与超级英雄》,杰弗里·A·布朗著,罗格斯大学出版社,2022年。
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/jacc.13486
Cary Elza

While scholarship on superheroes is prolific, Jeffrey A. Brown has succeeded several times in finding an as-yet-underexplored niche to unpack. In Love, Sex, Gender, and Superheroes, Brown delves into, in his words, “a range of issues about gender and sex that are modeled by superheroes, issues that are interconnected, shifting, progressive, conservative, and complex” (3). This clarity of objective characterizes his work in general, which is scholarly and incisive yet accessible to more than just an academic audience. His writing is ideal for teaching undergrads, asking them to think critically about the heroes who are often “assumed to be simple and innocent fun, not worthy of critical examination or reflection” (3). (At this point in the academic study of popular culture, surely we all know better, but it does bear repeating.)

This book, which has multiple full-color illustrations per chapter, is in many ways a continuation and expansion of his previous book, Panthers, Hulks, and Ironhearts: Marvel, Diversity, and the 21st Century Superhero, which addresses Marvel's history of racial and ethnic representation. Like that book, this one is well-researched, with a strong foundation of important cultural theorists (Laura Mulvey, Linda Williams, Henry Jenkins) and an evident understanding of recent work in the field. Williams gets the most shout-outs here; one of the most compelling arguments in the book draws a parallel between the superhero genre and the bodily genres Williams discusses in her work. To this end, the first chapter discusses the way in which the superhero body functions as an image of phallic power; by looking at an understudied body of work—superhero porn parodies, as well as the relationship between the comics and porn industries—Brown convincingly argues that the genre addresses social insecurity regarding hegemonic masculinity.

The following chapters address a wider spectrum of topics on gender and sexuality—Chapter Three compares superhero homosocial spaces to the real-life masculine ideal of the bachelor pad, while Chapter Four discusses the traditional mismatch of superheroes and domestic life. Here, as in other chapters, the examination of the genre's problematic past lays the groundwork for analysis of more recent narratives that suggest a progressive shift. This is true in most chapters (there are nine, in addition to the introduction and conclusion), and contributes to the positive tone of the book, which suggests that, mostly, the genre is responding to social change. Relatedly, Brown makes an interesting point in Chapter Seven about the ways in which allegory (which the genre has used as an excuse for many years—multiple readings are possible, but the difference is not real-world literal) becomes an obstacle to representation. This is one of the most powerful ideas in the book, especially for the purpose of teaching—that for so long, popular culture has relied upon allegory and metaphor, to t

虽然对超级英雄的研究成果颇丰,但杰弗里·A·布朗已经多次成功地找到了一个尚未被充分挖掘的利基市场。在《爱、性、性别和超级英雄》一书中,布朗用他的话说,深入探讨了“一系列以超级英雄为模型的关于性别和性的问题,这些问题是相互关联的、不断变化的、进步的、保守的和复杂的”(3)。这种清晰的目标是他的作品的特点,这是学术性的,精辟的,但不仅仅是学术观众可以接触到。他的作品非常适合教授本科生,要求他们批判性地思考那些经常“被认为是简单而天真的乐趣,不值得批判性地审视或反思”的英雄(3)。(在流行文化的学术研究中,我们肯定都更清楚这一点,但它确实值得重复。)这本书每章都有多幅全彩插图,在很多方面都是他前一本书《黑豹、绿巨人和铁心侠:漫威、多样性和21世纪超级英雄》的延续和扩展,它讲述了漫威的种族和民族代表性历史。和那本书一样,这本书研究得很好,有着重要文化理论家(劳拉·马尔维、琳达·威廉姆斯、亨利·詹金斯)的坚实基础,对该领域最近的工作有着明显的了解。威廉姆斯在这里受到了最多的欢呼;书中最引人注目的论点之一将超级英雄类型与威廉姆斯在作品中讨论的身体类型进行了比较。为此,第一章探讨了超级英雄身体作为阳具力量形象的作用方式;通过观察一个研究不足的作品——超级英雄色情模仿,以及漫画和色情行业之间的关系——布朗令人信服地认为,这一类型解决了霸权男子气概的社会不安全问题。以下几章涉及更广泛的性别和性话题——第三章将超级英雄同性恋社会空间与现实生活中的单身汉理想进行了比较,而第四章则讨论了超级英雄与家庭生活的传统不匹配。与其他章节一样,在这里,对该类型有问题的过去的研究为分析最近的叙事奠定了基础,这些叙事表明了一种渐进的转变。这在大多数章节中都是正确的(除了引言和结论外,还有九章),并有助于本书的积极基调,这表明,该类型主要是对社会变化的回应。与此相关的是,布朗在第七章中提出了一个有趣的观点,即寓言(多年来,这一类型一直被用作借口——多种解读是可能的,但区别不是现实世界中的字面意思)如何成为表现的障碍。这是书中最有力的观点之一,尤其是出于教学的目的——长期以来,流行文化一直依赖寓言和隐喻,而不利于更明确的身份表征。这与布朗压倒一切的论点密切相关,即只要在整个流派中触及象征的表面,就可以发现对性和性别的痴迷。当然,面具、伪装和双重身份的奖杯也起到了作用,布朗对此进行了详细讨论。在方法方面,这本书在很大程度上依赖于识别和分析视觉和叙事比喻,但他所识别的许多元素在其他地方没有得到深入研究。例如,在第九章中,对漫画中高潮、爆炸、射精和死亡的视觉代码进行了仔细的文本分析,布朗认为“超级英雄的小小死亡促进了创造、训练和胜利的可重复的英雄序列”(206)。同样,第五章确定了异性恋浪漫仪式的视觉代码,以及该类型将这些代码改编为酷儿关系叙事的方式。当然,其中一些要点是不言自明的,比如这一类型传统上拒绝让主人公享受婚姻和孩子的家庭舒适。但同样,这本书最有趣的收获之一是,该行业在多大程度上解决了布朗提出的问题。他最后讨论了粉丝们动员超级英雄表达和理解性别和性的方式。作为一个6岁女孩的父母,她穿着她的蜘蛛格温套装(配芭蕾舞短裙)参加了《蜘蛛侠:穿越蜘蛛诗》的首映式,我觉得最后一章关于角色扮演的讨论听起来是真实的;我们对超级英雄作为当前流行文化中占主导地位的通用语的体验往往掩盖了这些叙事在理解和表现身份方面所做的真正的社会工作。
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引用次数: 0
Unwrapping the McDonald's model: An introduction to dynamic social theory 揭开麦当劳模式的面纱:动态社会理论导论
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/jacc.13467
Titus Alexander

George Ritzer's famous McDonaldization thesis describes how principles used by this fast-food chain dominate many sectors of society. First published by the Journal of American Culture in 1983 in the article “The ‘McDonaldization’ of Society,” the thesis developed Max Weber's argument that bureaucracy and capitalism trap people in an “iron cage” (stahlhartes Gehäuse) of rationality. Ritzer showed how Max Weber's characteristics of rationalized systems—efficiency, predictability, calculability, the substitution of non-human for human technology, and control over uncertainty—are used in many areas of society, including the “predictability and uniformity of work on the “academic assembly line” (Ritzer, 1998, 49). Ritzer tells a good story about how corporate rationalization spread across the world, through “such disparate phenomena as fast food restaurants, TV dinners, package tours, industrial robots, plea bargaining, and open-heart surgery on an assembly-line basis” (Ritzer, 1983, 100). He correctly anticipated the beginning of a “process that promises even more extraordinary changes” (100). His 20th anniversary edition predicted the “most likely scenario is the continued expansion of the McDonaldization of society” (Ritzer, 2013, x). And so it proved. Since 1983, McDonald's has grown from fewer than 10,000 outlets to about 40,275 locations in over 100 markets by 2023, while its stock (share) price has risen from US$1.12 ($3.38 in 2023 values) to US$270.00 in March 2023, giving it a market capitalization of almost $200bn as the world's 46th most valuable company (Google Finance)—see Figure 1.

However insightful, Ritzer's analysis does not enable people to solve social problems or improve society. If anything, it paralyzes people into believing McDonaldization is an unstoppable behemoth they are powerless to influence. In their controversial book, Usable Knowledge: Social Science and Social Problem Solving, Charles Lindblom and David Cohen lamented “the relatively thoughtless wastefulness” of much social research that is “a positive obstruction to social problem solving” (Lindblom & Cohen, 1979, 86). The eminent sociologist Jonathan Turner observed that research “has become increasingly an end in itself without reference to the accumulation of knowledge or to the theoretical cumulation that comes with systematic tests of theories” (Turner, 2001, 10). Five years later, in The Production of Knowledge: The Challenge of Social Science Research, William Starbuck observed that “Hundreds of thousands of talented researchers are producing little of lasting value” because they are focused on producing journal articles rather than knowledge (2006, 5; 142). This futility is compounded by the inability to replicate many social science experiments, and the fact that papers on non-replicable findings are cited more than replicable ones (S

这一定义与Hodgson的“构建社会互动的规则体系”一致,其中“规则包括行为规范和社会惯例”(Hodgson,2015501)。它涵盖了人们为满足感知需求而制定的一系列反复出现的行为模式,从社会规范到全球治理。大型机构由无数个较小的单位组成,每个单位都是一个小型机构。这些反过来又包含微观机构——使其发挥作用的仪式、惯例、规则和规范。每一个制度都是一种社会模式,被复制、模仿或修改以产生一系列社会结果。社会模式从来都不是静态的,它体现了可能持续几代人的行为和知识。它可以看作是一种“动态社会理论”,每天都在现实中得到检验和发展。大多数机构的目标都比麦当劳更复杂,但它为一般原则提供了一个有用的例证。麦当劳有着悠久的历史。快餐制度可以追溯到文明的黎明(Freedman,2007;Higman,2011)。古希腊人描述了埃及在港口城市亚历山大的街道上煎鱼和卖鱼的习俗。这一习俗在罗马世界传播开来,并发展了许多变体,以满足不同社区、气候和文化的需求。庞贝城的挖掘显示了保存完好的thermopolia(拉丁语中“卖热的地方”的意思)遗迹,它是麦当劳的前身。几个世纪以来,人们一直在模仿、修改、复制和重新发明如何快速提供食物和谋生的模式。1937年,麦当劳兄弟在他们工作的街道对面观察到一辆热狗车的成功后,进入了快餐业。自1940年以来,他们的模式一直在复制、完善和重新制定,从加利福尼亚州圣贝纳迪诺的一家汉堡店,到1952年的“Speedee服务系统”和第一家特许经营店,到2022年,在全球范围内迅速发展到40275多家餐厅(Statista Research Department,2023),规模仅次于赛百味的42998家分店(Chepekmoi,2019)。该模式包括严格的流程来审查和更新其内部运营和外部关系,以产生广泛可预测的结果。就像自然科学中的一个理论一样,麦当劳是一个可复制的现实模式,它使许多人能够实现特定的结果——用餐、庆祝活动、就业、身份、投资回报、地位等。麦当劳的公式包括精心校准的行动,以确保各大洲的结果一致(例如,见Daszkowski,2019)。正如太空旅行依赖于世界各地相同的物理定律一样,麦当劳也依赖于其运营的许多制度的一致性,包括足够的消费者需求、有创业经验和财务资源来经营特许经营的个人、可靠的供应链、健全的法律框架和监管环境。Lindblom和Cohen认为,使这种稳定成为可能的政策框架相当于托马斯·库恩在自然科学中的范式(Lindblom&amp;Cohen,1979,77)。尽管中国、印度和美国之间存在巨大差异,但这些国家的商业环境非常相似,麦当劳模式得以蓬勃发展。尽管核心产出(廉价快餐)随着时间的推移保持了相对一致,但随着竞争、文化、会计、环境问题、投资、法律、劳动条件和社会规范以及内部创新的变化,模式本身也发生了重大变化。因此,许多方面与1952年大不相同。麦当劳现在提供清真、素食甚至纯素食的选择。它在不同的地方履行着不同的社会功能,从美国的“自驾游”到台湾人们与朋友闲逛的地方。它通过社交媒体做广告,而不是广告牌。它的所有者是企业投资者,而不是两兄弟。但如果它不能适应,它就会完全消失。只要麦当劳能提供人们想要的结果,并且在财务上取得成功,其不断发展的模式就会受到商学院学生、企业家、,投资者和评论家(Battye,2018;Gregory,2017;Profitworks,n.d.;Smart,1999;Thompson,2022)。更深入的分析表明,麦当劳所体现的不同知识层是如何促进其文化和经济实力的。了解这些层次可以帮助公民和社会科学家产生比汉堡更重要的结果。但首先,值得考虑的是,为什么一个机构可以被视为等同于自然科学中的一个理论。理论是基于证据分析的现实模型。良好的科学模型使人们能够实现可预测的结果,产生新的知识,并释放自然的力量。 社会科学没有同等的方法来模拟社会现实,以释放人类社会的潜力。事实上,社会和政治科学中的理论概念本身就存在争议。特纳在《社会学理论手册》中指出,“对于社会学应该如何解释社会世界,没有达成共识。”它“只能被描述为理论的超分化”,每一种理论“都有追随者的资源基础,在学术界有一席之地,并有一系列学术出版物的渠道”(特纳,2006,1)。社会科学很难为我们提供可以持续依赖的现实理论模型,因为社会在不断变化,理论本身会影响人们的行为。最接近于如何在社会中做事的可靠模型的是一种制度,一种随着时间的推移而重复的行为模式,在不同的环境中复制,它创造并融合了新的知识来适应不断变化的环境。犹太教堂、学校或街头市场在几个世纪、不同国家和不同文化中都是可识别的。每个机构都体现了如何随着时间的推移实现相对一致的结果,同时适应不断变化的权力关系和外部条件的知识。制度模式被扩大、完善和复制,以在许多不同的社会中提供类似的功能,或进行调整以实现不同的结果。制度行为和结构比指导它们的信仰更持久,例如,从古代寺庙到犹太教堂、教堂和清真寺,再到世俗的周日集会,都是形式和功能的连续性。每个机构都是如何在特定时间和地点取得特定成果的独特体现。该制度可能不是最好的“理论”(大多数不是),但如果人们做事不同或想要不同的结果,它可以被改进或取代。每个机构每天都要接受社会现实的考验——这个过程很少是严格或科学的——但可以使用严格的方法和科学来不断改善结果。因此,任何长期存在的机构都代表着Turner(1989)所寻求的“系统测试的累积”,其中最好的机构代表了最先进的理论。制度体现理论的观点让人想起卡尔·波普尔的观察,即“有机结构是理论结合和解决问题的结构。他写道:“实际问题的出现是因为出了问题,因为发生了一些意想不到的事件。但这意味着,无论是人类还是变形虫,生物体之前都通过进化一些期望或其他结构(比如器官)来适应环境(也许是无能的)。”然而,这种调整是发展一种理论的前意识形式;由于任何实际问题都与这种调整有关,因此实际问题本质上都充满了理论”(Popper,1976133)。机构是自然的实验,根据问题和机会进行学习,充满了关于如何解决问题的日常知识和前意识理论。他们也有目的性,努力在自己的社会环境中生存、繁衍和繁荣。像麦当劳这样的机构充斥着关于食品、客户服务、营销、供应链、金融和其他许多方面的理论。它的领导者和员工不断在许多不同的层面上工作,以获得他们想要的结果。通过将麦当劳这样的机构视为自然科学理论的等价物,社会科学家可以帮助人们释放社会塑造未来的力量,并如里泽所希望的那样,减轻他们的非理性后果。以下部分旨在揭示麦当劳作为一种社会模式所涉及的多个层面的分析。每一家麦当劳门店都体现了关于如何大规模销售快餐的丰富知识,这些知识在店内、麦当劳汉堡大学的八个校区以及世界各地的商学院教授。根据汉堡大学的网站(人民大学,n.d.),汉堡大学的使命是成为“组织文化中心,为价值链引入持续教育过程,并将知识转化为实际的商业成果” h的培训重点是领导力发展、业务增长、运营和麦当劳的核心价值观。然而,麦当劳的员工并不是唯一参与其中的人:顾客、投资者、监管机构、政治家、评论员和评论家都可以影响业务。打开麦当劳的例子,可以看到人们用来影响社会模型结果的至少九层分析。 社会科学家可以通过有意识地研究实时模型中
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引用次数: 0
Issue Info (Best graduate student paper) 问题信息(最佳研究生论文)
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/jacc.13253
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引用次数: 0
The SearchersBy Edward Buscombe, Bloomsbury Publishing, 2022. 《搜索者》by Edward Buscombe,布鲁姆斯伯里出版社,2022年。
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/jacc.13491
Daniel P. Murphy

Edward Buscombe knows his Westerns. He has written several books on this film genre that he clearly loves as well as understands. The Searchers is an insightful analysis of the classic 1956 John Ford film of the same name. It is an entry in the BFI Film Classics series that provides readers with succinct overviews of classic movies. Buscombe's study was originally published in 2000; this updated edition differs from the original largely through an afterward that makes some observations about The Searchers in the light of the Black Lives Matter movement and compares it to Tom Hanks' 2020 film News of the World.

The Searchers is a handsomely mounted paperback, gratifyingly concise at 96 pages, and generously illustrated with color stills from the film. This is not an exercise in revisionism. John Ford's film is widely regarded as a landmark of American moviemaking. A later generation of cinematic innovators like Martin Scorsese and George Lucas referenced The Searchers in their work. The movie influenced popular culture in other ways as well. The title and refrain of Buddy Holly's classic rock tune “That'll Be the Day” is taken from an expression used by John Wayne throughout the film. Buscombe shares this longstanding critical consensus, arguing that John Ford crafted a film that contains both stunning cinematography and a challenging narrative, boldly addressing what was and what remains a timely theme of race hatred.

The core plot of The Searchers is simple. Shortly after Confederate veteran Ethan Edwards belatedly returns home to Texas three years after the conclusion of the Civil War, his brother's ranch is attacked by Comanche raiders and most of the family is killed. Missing are two daughters, one of whom is later found murdered in the wilderness. Ethan and his brother's adopted son Martin Pawley set out on what will become a five-year pursuit of the surviving kidnapped girl and her captors. Nothing else about the central quest in the film is straightforward. Ethan Edwards is not simply a righteous uncle intent on rescuing his flesh and blood. Brilliantly portrayed by John Wayne in one of his most iconic roles, Ethan Edwards is a dark and driven man. He was in love with his sister-in-law, who reciprocated his feelings, a situation that perhaps helped explain his long absence. His obsession with vengeance for his family is accentuated by a virulently racist hatred of Indians. He regularly insults Martin Pawley because he is one-eighth Cherokee, shoots out the eyes of a dead Indian, thereby condemning him to “wander forever between the winds in the afterlife,” takes scalps, and fulminates over the likely rape and concubinage of his niece Debbie among the Comanche. One reason Martin stays with Ethan over the long years of their search, at the expense of his own romantic interests, is because he is convinced that Ethan will kill Debbie when he finds her, violently expunging the taint of mi

爱德华·布斯科姆知道他的西部片。他写了几本关于这一电影类型的书,他显然既喜欢又理解。《搜索者》是对1956年约翰·福特同名经典电影的深刻分析。这是BFI经典电影系列的一个条目,为读者提供了经典电影的简洁概述。Buscombe的研究最初发表于2000年;这本更新版与原版的不同之处主要在于,它根据“黑人的命也是命”运动对《搜索者》进行了一些观察,并将其与汤姆·汉克斯2020年的电影《世界新闻报》进行了比较。这不是修正主义。约翰·福特的电影被广泛认为是美国电影制作的里程碑。像马丁·斯科塞斯和乔治·卢卡斯这样的后一代电影创新者在他们的作品中提到了《搜索者》。这部电影在其他方面也影响了流行文化。巴迪·霍利(Buddy Holly)的经典摇滚歌曲《That’ll Be The Day》的标题和副歌取自约翰·韦恩(John Wayne)在整部电影中使用的一句话。Buscombe赞同这一长期以来的批评共识,他认为约翰·福特制作的电影既有令人惊叹的摄影技术,也有富有挑战性的叙事,大胆地解决了种族仇恨这一过去和现在都很及时的主题。《搜索者》的核心情节很简单。南北战争结束三年后,邦联老兵伊桑·爱德华兹(Ethan Edwards)姗姗来迟地回到德克萨斯州的家中不久,他哥哥的牧场遭到科曼奇袭击者的袭击,全家大部分人丧生。失踪的是两个女儿,其中一个后来被发现在荒野中被谋杀。伊森和他哥哥的养子马丁·帕利开始了为期五年的追捕,追捕幸存的被绑架女孩和绑架者。这部电影的核心探索没有什么是直截了当的。伊桑·爱德华兹不仅仅是一个正义的叔叔,他一心想拯救自己的血肉之躯。约翰·韦恩(John Wayne)在他最具标志性的角色之一中出色地扮演了伊桑·爱德华兹(Ethan Edwards),他是一个黑暗而有动力的男人。他爱上了他的嫂子,嫂子回报了他的感受,这种情况可能有助于解释他长期缺席的原因。对印第安人恶毒的种族主义仇恨加剧了他对报复家人的痴迷。他经常侮辱马丁·帕利,因为他是切罗基人的八分之一,瞪出一个死去的印度人的眼睛,从而谴责他“在死后永远徘徊在风之间”,割头皮,并斥责他的侄女黛比可能在科曼奇人中被强奸和纳妾。马丁以牺牲自己的浪漫兴趣为代价,在他们漫长的寻找过程中与伊桑在一起的一个原因是,他确信伊桑会在找到黛比时杀死她,从而暴力地清除种族混杂的污点。20世纪50年代,西部片中经常出现麻烦重重的英雄,比如艾伦·拉德在1953年的《沙恩》中饰演的幻想破灭的枪手,但很少有人像伊桑·爱德华兹那样心理上有问题,道德上模棱两可。他是对西方令人惊讶的悲观愿景的化身。在电影中,得克萨斯人和科曼奇人在原始环境中为争夺统治地位和生存而进行了残酷的斗争,而原始环境是福特最喜欢的亚利桑那州纪念碑谷的背景。双方都毫不留情地屠杀非战斗人员。Buscombe指出,带走黛比的科曼奇酋长Scar是伊桑·爱德华兹的美国原住民镜像,伊桑·爱德华是一个因儿子死于白人之手而感到痛苦的杀手。福特并没有向观众讲述拓荒者在西方定居和文明化,悲惨地取代了“高贵的野蛮人”的英雄故事。相反,他通过改写传统的美国囚禁叙事的比喻,将注意力集中在开放边境所付出的惨痛代价上。这种道德上的严肃性支撑了伊桑作为一个角色的演变,也是电影史上最令人难忘和感动的结局之一。伊桑·爱德华兹获得了部分救赎,但他无法进入家园和家庭的应许之地;就像他托付给地狱的科曼奇灵魂一样,他注定要在荒野中流浪。Buscombe的书中有大量关于《搜索者》制作的信息,并有发人深省的评论,这是一部伟大的美国电影的精彩介绍。
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引用次数: 0
Issue Info (Call for Book reviews) 问题信息(呼吁书评)
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-24 DOI: 10.1111/jacc.13257
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引用次数: 0
The origins of U.S. mass-market category romance novels: Black editors and writers in the early 1980s 美国大众市场类言情小说的起源:20世纪80年代初的黑人编辑和作家
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-19 DOI: 10.1111/jacc.13488
Jayashree Kamblé

Racism is still a mystery to me. It doesn’t make any sense… Romance is romance. [There isn’t] such a thing as white love, Black love. To me.

~ Vivian Stephens

Editor and Literary Agent

If you listen to available recordings of the Romance Writers of America (RWA) professional conferences from the 1980s/1990s or pick up a mass-market romance novel from those decades, you could be forgiven for thinking that Black people did not exist. While African American authors have been writing romance stories with Black protagonists in many formats for over a century, author Beverly Jenkins, among others, has testified about the industry's resistance to such inclusion (2022). It was not until recently, however, that outsiders learned of romance publishing's racism problem. On December 23, 2019, news spread that author Courtney Milan—a former law clerk, woman of color, and outspoken critic of discrimination within the romance novel industry—had been suspended from the RWA for an “ethics” violation. The RWA also passed a lifetime ban to exclude Milan from a future leadership position. The backlash was swift, with many authors canceling their memberships and readers lambasting the organization on social media for trying to silence her. The RWA board called an emergency meeting and withdrew the suspension, but within a few months, numerous outlets had covered the controversy and the history of racism and gatekeeping in the industry (including bias in the RITA awards) (Grady, 2020). The tale of romance racism and the fight against it, however, goes back at least to 1980 and the first wave of what the New York Times's Ray Walters labeled “ethnic” romance novels. While Walters named one editor responsible for this wave, it was two Black editors and their vision for Americanizing mass-market romance fiction over the 1980s that was to change the form, theretofore dominated by the British/Canadian Harlequin Mills & Boon novels and their American imitators. Their vision embraced what they considered a more accurate representation of a post-Civil Rights era United States that was also grappling with the feminist movement's demands and with the sexual revolution. So, while Kimberlé Crenshaw would articulate the necessity to understand the combined pressures of these historical demands and political terrains in her now-widely used theory of intersectionality at the end of the 1980s, Vivian Stephens (at Dell and then Harlequin) and Veronica Mixon (at Doubleday) were operating on that principle at the start of that decade in the most unexpected of places—the popular romance novel genre (Crenshaw, 1989). Thanks to their bold intervention, American romance began to include stories of BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and People of Color) protagonists written by BIPOC Americans.

There is a surprisingly small number of articles and studies

种族主义对我来说仍然是个谜。它没有任何意义……浪漫就是浪漫。没有白人的爱,黑人的爱。对我来说。~Vivian Stephens编辑兼文学代理如果你听了20世纪80年代/90年代美国浪漫作家(RWA)专业会议的录音,或者拿起了那几十年的大众市场浪漫小说,你认为黑人不存在是情有可原的。一个多世纪以来,非裔美国作家一直在以多种形式与黑人主角一起写浪漫故事,但作家贝弗利·詹金斯等证实了该行业对这种包容的抵制(2022)。然而,直到最近,外界才了解到浪漫小说出版的种族主义问题。2019年12月23日,有消息称,作家考特尼·米兰(Courtney Milan)因违反“道德”被RWA停职。她曾是一名法律助理、有色人种女性,直言不讳地批评言情小说行业的歧视。RWA还通过了一项终身禁令,将米兰排除在未来的领导地位之外。反弹迅速,许多作者取消了会员资格,读者在社交媒体上抨击该组织试图让她沉默。RWA董事会召开了紧急会议并撤销了暂停,但在几个月内,许多媒体报道了这场争议以及该行业种族主义和把关的历史(包括RITA奖项中的偏见)(Grady,2020)。然而,浪漫主义种族主义及其斗争的故事至少可以追溯到1980年,以及《纽约时报》的雷·沃尔特斯所称的“种族”浪漫小说的第一波。虽然沃尔特斯任命了一位负责这场浪潮的编辑,但正是两位黑人编辑和他们在20世纪80年代将大众市场言情小说美国化的愿景改变了形式,在那里,英国/加拿大的Harlequin Mills&amp;布恩的小说及其美国模仿者。他们的愿景包含了他们认为更准确地代表后民权时代的美国,这个时代的美国也在努力满足女权运动的要求和性革命。因此,尽管KimberléCrenshaw在20世纪80年代末的交叉性理论中阐述了理解这些历史要求和政治环境的综合压力的必要性,Vivian Stephens(在戴尔,然后是Harlequin)和Veronica Mixon(在Doubleday)在那十年开始时,在最意想不到的地方——流行的言情小说类型——按照这一原则运作(克伦肖,1989)。由于他们的大胆干预,美国的浪漫故事开始包括BIPOC美国人写的BIPOC(黑人、原住民和有色人种)主角的故事。提到斯蒂芬斯作品的文章和研究数量少得惊人,但Mixon的干预更少;因此,他们和其他黑人贡献者对这一类型的影响仍有待强调(Dandridge,2022;Moody Freeman,2021)。这篇文章充实了斯蒂芬斯和米克森在改变美国浪漫主义中的作用,并揭示了他们的编辑愿景是如何借鉴20世纪80年代美国更广泛的政治潮流的。除了推翻对言情小说谱系的粉饰,它还确立了黑人政治思想是如何通过黑人创作者影响这一类型的(以及谁会获得HEA或“从此幸福”),以及该行业当前的反种族主义运动是如何使美国大众市场言情多样化的长期传统中的最新一步,一个植根于20世纪80年代的故事(Bates,2020;Grady,2020)。可以毫不夸张地说,美国言情小说的独特视角归功于这些非裔美国编辑和作家。当我们了解1980年至1985年这一流派发展的流动氛围时,他们的影响就变得显而易见了,因为它融入了黑人贡献者的作品。20世纪80年代,在民权运动和里根保守主义兴起之间的时期,即1968年至80年代中期,以及在流行和学术写作中关于黑人男女之间紧张关系的讨论之后,黑人女权主义运动出现了“正式和当代的组织周期”(Springer,2005)。在研究了斯蒂芬斯和米克森编辑的一些早期黑人言情小说如何反映了20世纪70年代末和80年代初的社会政治对话和政策之后,本文最终推测了为什么这种类型的多样化(就人物的种族以及BIPOC创作者的机会而言)失去了动力。 她回忆说,斯蒂芬斯是一位极具魅力的演说家,她在口头上支持言情小说,而她自己则更安静,但她也同样相信,任何有写作技能并愿意利用编辑反馈进行修改的人都应该有机会发表(Moody Freeman,2021)。在这篇文章中,这两者共同构成了我所说的“前五个”黑人当代浪漫小说。在出版这些小说时,编辑们是先驱,以黑人的浪漫经历为中心,为黑人作家打入美国主流浪漫小说市场提供了机会。作者不仅在副文本中被认定为非裔美国人(或以其他方式表明他们的种族,如《温柔的修补》中的献词《为了黑人女孩和妇女》),小说主人公也是黑人。此外,女主人公有着独特的职业生涯。换言之,她们都是构建职业生活的女性,就像当时美国出版社出版的许多白人当代浪漫小说一样,但她们代表了一种以前看不见的黑人女性向上流动。事实上,这些小说所弥合的类型在表现上的差距是关于性别、种族和阶级的,前两者被排除在外导致了特定习惯的消失。“前五部”解决了黑人中产阶级生活的缺失问题,介绍了具有经济实力和社会复杂背景的人物(当然是按照白人霸权的标准)(Dandridge,2022)。他们受过良好的教育,旅行频繁,有舒适甚至富裕的经济背景,在学术界、媒体和法律等领域都是不断发展的专业人士。这些肖像画捕捉到了这样一个现实,即在20世纪60年代的民权立法之后,黑人中产阶级在20世纪70年代增长了30%,后来被称为“黑人资产阶级繁荣”,这个群体“象征着民权时代取得的成就”(Ellis 14)。但总体而言,浪漫小说出版似乎对黑人角色不感兴趣,无论是中产阶级还是非中产阶级。然而,正如Stephens和Mixon在许多采访中所说,他们成长在中产阶级的环境中,生活在以读书为乐和接受教育的家庭中,是黑人一代的一员,他们有着各种职业和生活方式(以及茶话会和独奏会等表明中产阶级地位的着装和仪式模式)(Moody Freeman,2021;Swartz,2020)。斯蒂芬斯曾谈到,她想代表黑人如何“在雨滴之间跳舞”,这是她对美国黑人的各种工作、爱好和其他做法的表述,而大多数种族很少将其与黑人的生活和休闲联系在一起(Moody Freeman,2022b)。当时主导公共话语的对黑人的种族主义和古典主义刻板印象并没有承认斯蒂芬斯和米克森圈子里这些人的生活,在他们进入这一类型之前的几年里,这种看法渗透到了这一类型中。很明显,当看“前五部”小说时,两位编辑都欢迎(并塑造)代表一位受过常春藤盟校教育的跨国美国石油公司高管,一位为年轻父母提供支持和指导的有爱心的医生,一位海洋生物学家,一位有影响力、雄心勃勃的得克萨斯州立法者,以及一位学者和艺术家。这些角色属于后来被称为“Buppies”或“黑人城市专业人士”(Jones,19861988)的角色,其中一些角色具有Margo Jefferson和Lawrence Otis Graham讨论过的黑人精英背景(Graham,1999;Jefferson,2015)。然而,尽管这些小说展示了在小说中不那么显眼的布皮阶层,斯蒂芬斯说,她并不是为了出版《黑人浪漫史》而投资,而是为了代表美国的所有种族群体并满足读者的需求。Mixon还回忆说,她向Doubleday贸易出版部门的一个持怀疑态度的高级白人女性编辑委员会解释说,黑人与美国白人没有什么不同,她的黑人言情小说不会包含任何“有争议的”内容(Moody Freeman,2021;Mixon)。换言之,在提倡出版多样化的浪漫小说(即由同一种族的作者创作的种族多样化的人物)的同时,他们将自己的
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引用次数: 0
Becoming ‘One of Us’: Ethnic discrimination, community and American values in Sweet Land 成为“我们中的一员”:《甜蜜的土地》中的种族歧视、社区和美国价值观
Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-07 DOI: 10.1111/jacc.13465
Robin E. Field

The American film industry has long featured stories about immigrants that establish and interrogate what it means to be American in the twentieth century. Early examples such as Charlie Chaplin's silent film The Immigrant (1917) portray the uncertainty, or even illusion, of the American Dream as the ubiquitous Immigrant arrives in New York City only to become “hungry and broke” in short order; and Chaplin's comedic antics serve to underscore, rather than downplay, the difficulties of life in America for the new immigrants (The Immigrant). Beloved dramas as diverse as I Remember Mama (1948), The Godfather (1972), and Avalon (1990)—featuring Norwegian, Italian, and Eastern European Jewish families, respectively—demonstrate how integral the extended family is to the perpetuation or disintegration of the cultural values of the homeland. Films in the twenty-first century question which immigrants are welcome in the United States, as seen in Gran Torino (2009) and A Better Life (2011); examine the potential for interethnic romantic relationships, as in Brooklyn (2015); and examine the challenges of American-born children in understanding the immigrant parents' culture and values, as in The Namesake (2006). While Gran Torino, A Better Life, and The Namesake are set in their contemporary moment, most of the aforementioned films turn to the early decades of the twentieth century to dramatize the tropes of the American dream, assimilation and cultural plurality, and shared values.

Ali Selim depicts such discrimination in his film Sweet Land (2005), wherein a young German woman arriving in a rural Minnesota community in 1920 is ostracized—“She is not one of us,” the minister says bluntly—because of her “Germanness” (Sweet Land). The film reveals the forgotten past of anti-German sentiment in the early twentieth century, information that may allow white viewers of European descent to comprehend the pervasiveness of anti-immigrant discrimination in the United States and think more critically about their understanding of immigration laws, language acquisition, and cultural assimilation. With the advent of the First World War and the eventual entry of the United States into the global conflict, nearly eight million German Americans were pressured to end all German cultural practices (Siegel and Silverman 2017). Anti-German sentiment resulted in “the sanctioning of the German language and hostility toward public displays of German ethnicity” (Thompson 2015, 93). Sweet Land depicts the complications experienced by German Americans regarding “Americanization,” a movement during the First World War culminating in state and local legislation demanding immigrants and their American-born children speak English, learn American civics and values, and pledge allegiance to the United States (Wil

美国电影业长期以来一直以移民故事为特色,这些故事确立并质疑了20世纪美国人的意义。早期的例子,如查理·卓别林的无声电影《移民》(1917),描绘了美国梦的不确定性,甚至是幻觉,因为无处不在的移民来到纽约,却在短时间内变得“饥饿和破产”;卓别林的滑稽喜剧是为了强调而不是淡化新移民在美国生活的困难(《移民》)。深受喜爱的戏剧,如《我记得妈妈》(1948年)、《教父》(1972年)和《阿瓦隆》(1990年),分别以挪威、意大利和东欧犹太家庭为主角,展示了大家庭对祖国文化价值观的延续或瓦解是多么不可或缺。21世纪的电影质疑哪些移民在美国受欢迎,如《大都灵》(2009年)和《美好生活》(2011年);研究种族间浪漫关系的潜力,如布鲁克林(2015);以及研究美国出生的孩子在理解移民父母的文化和价值观方面所面临的挑战,如the Namesake(2006)所述。虽然《都灵大剧院》、《美好生活》和《名酒》都以当代为背景,但上述大多数电影都转向了20世纪初,将美国梦、同化和文化多元性以及共同价值观的比喻戏剧化。Ali Selim在他的电影《甜蜜的土地》(2005)中描述了这种歧视,其中一位1920年来到明尼苏达州农村社区的年轻德国妇女因其“德国血统”(《甜蜜的大地》)而受到排斥——“她不是我们中的一员,”部长直言不讳地说。这部电影揭示了20世纪初被遗忘的反德情绪,这些信息可能会让欧洲裔白人观众理解美国普遍存在的反移民歧视,并更批判性地思考他们对移民法、语言习得和文化同化的理解。随着第一次世界大战的爆发和美国最终卷入全球冲突,近800万德裔美国人被迫结束所有德国文化习俗(Siegel和Silverman,2017)。反德情绪导致“对德语的制裁和对公开展示德国种族的敌意”(Thompson 2015,93)。《甜蜜的土地》描绘了德裔美国人在“美国化”方面所经历的复杂情况,这场运动在第一次世界大战期间达到了州和地方立法的高潮,要求移民及其在美国出生的孩子说英语,学习美国公民学和价值观,并宣誓效忠美国(Wiley 19982230)。虽然某些美国移民故事积极地描述了移民的到来和文化适应过程,马里斯·汤普森认为,20世纪初第一代和第二代德国移民的“美国化故事”要令人担忧得多,因为“文化适应的过程受到语言制裁和不忠指控的制度力量的限制”(2015,93–94)隆梅尔·鲁伊斯认为(2011,4),《甜蜜的土地》提醒观众,对移民的歧视一直是我们国家叙事的一部分。这部电影描述了挪威移民奥拉夫·托尔维克在1920年与德国移民英格·阿尔滕贝格结婚时所经历的困难;几十年后,托尔维克的孙子在是否出售家庭农场的问题上左右为难。以非时序的方式构建他的电影——以2004年和1968年为背景的框架叙事,以1920年奥拉夫和英格早期斗争的主要故事为结尾——使塞利姆能够将移民一代的斗争与他们子孙后代的生活联系起来,并质疑过去存在的价值观,以及这些价值观在现在是否同样存在。重要的是,1920年描绘的斗争——种族歧视、对“不受欢迎”移民的恐惧以及对“大企业”的贪婪——对21世纪的观众来说,就像对这部电影中的明尼苏达州小农户一样重要。《甜蜜的土地》对移民的困难、第一次世界大战后美国的反德偏见以及过去和今天几代人的家庭和社区珍视的价值观进行了细致的描述。塞利姆对20世纪初种族歧视的描述突显了其历史特殊性,因为德国裔美国白人今天没有经历过这种偏见;他对包括托尔维克家族后代在内的框架叙事的使用让观众想起了美国移民的过去与现在的持续相关性。 与19世纪和20世纪初的许多其他移民一样,德国移民及其后代在融入美国文化的同时,也实践了他们传统的语言和习俗。鉴于德裔美国人在20世纪初“无疑是美国所有少数族裔中地位最稳固的”(奥1968、365),第一次世界大战期间出现的反德偏见和歧视激增,令人震惊。德裔美国人对自己在美国社会中的地位和影响力感到非常确信,他们相信自己可以阻止美国参战(375)。然而,一旦该国在1917年真正参战,德裔美国人不愿参与对德国的战争就被视为叛国的标志。因此,他们不得不选择保留与德国的文化联系。正如Richard O'Connor所指出的,“德裔美国人主义永远消失了。它不可能再存在了。在那些狂热的时代,德裔美国人不得不做出要么是德国人要么是美国人的决定。除了极少数例外,美国人主义的选择是立即做出的”(413)。选择成为一个没有字母的美国人可能是出于爱国主义,但由于威尔逊总统宣战后的反德歇斯底里,这也是必要的:“一夜之间,或者看起来是这样,德国人的一切都被污名化了,酸菜变成了‘自由卷心菜’,法兰克福香肠变成了热狗,印有德国名字的商店的窗户被‘爱国’暴徒砸碎,德语或德语名字的持有者被追捕,经常成为暴徒暴力的受害者”(412)。说德语成为颠覆和不忠的标志(Greve 2014132),因此大多数德裔美国人不再说德语。事实上,Erik Kirschbaum指出,“第一次世界大战后,几乎没有人会说德语,二战后,还能说德语的美国人更少。在世纪之交,这种曾经在许多街角听到的语言在短短几年内几乎绝迹”(40)。在第一次世界大战后的十五年内,德裔美国人“摆脱了连字符的每一个痕迹”,成为“几乎没有或根本没有德国利益或同情的普通美国人”(Hawgood 1940、302)。Kirschbaum强调了这种文化消亡的后果:“在美国,曾经充满活力和自豪的移民社区突然几乎完全消失,这是20世纪美国移民和同化的一个更显著的方面”,2015,(40),1920年,德国公民在美国显然不受欢迎。因此,在《甜蜜的土地》中,Inge的德语姓氏引起了Else Jorgensdatter的恐慌,她对德语的使用让Sorrensen部长和他的会众感到沮丧。这种反德情绪的普遍性在火车站的场景中得到了进一步的证明,维克同志随意地用种族诽谤向英格和埃尔斯解释农民合作社的政治。他指出,该组织没有宣传他们的反战立场,以免人们“认为你是一个同情者或更糟糕的人——一个糟糕的德国人”(Sweet Land)。过了一会儿,Alvin Frandsen嘲笑地回忆起埃利斯岛的医生们是如何说德语的:“在美利坚合众国工作,你会认为他们会学英语!”(《甜蜜的土地》)。在这里,观众可能会回避对德国人的偏见,因为这部电影还没有确定英格本人是德国人。但是,重要的是,这两个角色——维克同志和阿尔文·弗兰德森——后来被描绘成社区中最宽容、最开明的人,甚至他们随意指责德国人,这表明这种偏见在1920年是多么普遍。路德教会的场景使英格在明尼苏达州农村将面临的歧视非常明显。索伦森部长指责地问奥拉夫为什么要娶一个德国女孩,奥拉夫回答说他不知道英格是德国人。“我们和德国开战了!”牧师怒吼着,会众惊慌失措。他继续说道:“她不是我们中的一员。我们说共同的语言,我们有共同的背景,共同的文化。她不是我们的一员!”(《甜蜜的土地》)。部长宣布他不会与两人结婚,并指示奥拉夫去拜访Sundby法官,以获得适当的文件。索伦森部长随后在托尔维克农场的一幕中继续对英格进行歧视。尽管有邻居反对的风险,奥拉夫还是让英格留在家里,而英格则睡在谷仓里,以保持礼节,直到他们正式结婚。 由于第一次试图从法官那里获得文件没有成功,索伦森部长提出写信给德国奥斯纳布吕克的
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