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Consolidating Segmentation: Post-Socialist Employment Relations in Central and Eastern Europe 巩固分割:后社会主义中欧和东欧的雇佣关系
Pub Date : 2004-11-01 DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-2338.2004.00337.x
Roderick Martin, A. Cristescu
The article argues that, of the four major potential mechanisms for integration - the state, tripartite social partnerships, employer and employee organisations and shared values - in Central and Eastern Europe only the trade unions are contributing significantly towards national employment relations convergence. Against a background of imminent European Union accession, incorporation into global production systems, economic growth and gradual improvement in real incomes, four divergent employment relations systems are thus emerging: the state budget, privatised or about to be privatised, private and multinational.
文章认为,在国家、三方社会伙伴关系、雇主和雇员组织以及共同价值观这四种主要的潜在一体化机制中,中欧和东欧只有工会对国家就业关系趋同做出了重大贡献。在即将加入欧洲联盟、纳入全球生产系统、经济增长和实际收入逐渐改善的背景下,出现了四种不同的就业关系制度:国家预算、私有化或即将私有化、私营和跨国。
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引用次数: 23
Do Unions Affect Employer Compliance with the Law? New Zealand Evidence for Age Discrimination 工会会影响雇主遵守法律吗?新西兰年龄歧视证据
Pub Date : 2004-09-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-8543.2004.00328.X
M. Harcourt, G. Wood, Sondra Harcourt
Over the last thirty years, collective rights to organize into unions, bargain collectively and strike have been weakened in both New Zealand and the UK. At the same time, individual rights to due process and to protection from discriminatory or unjust management decisions have been strengthened, leading some to conclude that collective and individual rights are unrelated, incompatible or mutually exclusive. On the contrary, we use evidence of employer compliance with anti-age provisions in the New Zealand Human Rights Act to show that the two sets of rights can be highly complementary: the presence of unions strengthens individual protection from discriminatory treatment.
在过去的三十年里,在新西兰和英国,组织工会、集体谈判和罢工的集体权利都被削弱了。与此同时,个人享有正当程序和免受歧视或不公正管理决定的权利得到加强,导致一些人得出结论,认为集体权利和个人权利是不相关、不相容或相互排斥的。相反,我们使用雇主遵守《新西兰人权法》中反年龄条款的证据来表明,这两套权利可以高度互补:工会的存在加强了个人免受歧视待遇的保护。
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引用次数: 42
Preferences for Processes: The Process/Product Distinction and the Regulation of Consumer Choice 过程偏好:过程/产品的区别和消费者选择的调节
Pub Date : 2004-08-18 DOI: 10.2307/4093392
Douglas A. Kysar
Three prominent interconnected trends - the equation of civic responsibility with consumer spending, the displacement of politically-determined regulatory policies by market-derived environmental, health, and safety standards, and the global integration of product markets - have been joined by a less well-recognized fourth: The struggle for control over consumer access to information regarding the processes by which products come into being. The aim of this Article is to identify and expand on this under-appreciated trend by, first, demonstrating the existence of a conceptual distinction between product-related information (e.g., whether a consumer good threatens to harm its user) and process-related information (e.g., whether a good's production harmed workers, animals, or the environment) as an increasingly prominent effort to resolve policy disputes that involve the entanglement of consumer regulation with broader social or environmental questions; second, showing that this process-product distinction is too thin and formalistic of a conceptual device to address such policy disputes in a stable or satisfying manner; and, finally, arguing more broadly in favor of acknowledging and accommodating consumer process preferences within theoretical frameworks for policy analysis, given the potential significance that such preferences may serve in the future as outlets for public-regarding behavior.
三个突出的相互关联的趋势——公民责任与消费者支出相等,由市场衍生的环境、健康和安全标准取代由政治决定的监管政策,以及产品市场的全球一体化——已经被一个不太为人所知的第四趋势所加入:为控制消费者获取有关产品形成过程的信息而进行的斗争。本文的目的是识别和扩展这一未被充分认识的趋势,首先,证明产品相关信息(例如,消费品是否有可能伤害其用户)和过程相关信息(例如,产品的生产是否伤害了工人、动物、(或环境)作为解决涉及消费者监管与更广泛的社会或环境问题纠缠在一起的政策纠纷的日益突出的努力;其次,表明这种过程-产品的区别过于单薄和形式主义,是一种以稳定或令人满意的方式解决此类政策争端的概念手段;最后,更广泛地主张在政策分析的理论框架内承认和容纳消费者的过程偏好,因为这种偏好可能在未来成为公众行为的出口。
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引用次数: 89
Unemployment-Risk Differentials between Immigrant and Native Workers in Sweden 瑞典移民和本地工人失业风险的差异
Pub Date : 2004-07-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.0019-8676.2004.00355.X
Mahmood Arai, Roger Vilhelmsson
This article analyzes the subsequent unemployment risk of a sample of Swedish employees in 1991. We find that non-European immigrants face an unemployment risk twice as large as the corresponding risk for native workers despite controls for employee characteristics, the 1991 wage rate, and sorting across establishments with varying unemployment risks. Although all employees enjoy higher job security with higher seniority, large differences in unemployment risk by region of birth remain for workers with similar seniority levels. This suggests that labor unions and employers deviate from seniority rules established by the Swedish Security of Employment Act in favor of native workers.
本文分析了1991年瑞典雇员的后续失业风险。我们发现,尽管控制了雇员特征、1991年的工资率,并对失业风险不同的机构进行了分类,但非欧洲移民面临的失业风险是本地工人相应风险的两倍。虽然所有的员工都享有更高的工作保障和更高的资历,但在相同资历的员工中,不同出生地区的失业风险仍然存在很大差异。这表明,工会和雇主偏离了《瑞典就业保障法》(Swedish Security of Employment Act)制定的工龄规则,转而支持本国工人。
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引用次数: 107
'Core Labour Standards' and the Transformation of the International Labour Rights Regime “核心劳工标准”与国际劳工权利制度的转型
Pub Date : 2004-06-01 DOI: 10.1093/EJIL/15.3.457
Philip Alston
The past decade has seen a transformation of the international labour rights regime based primarily on the adoption of the 1998 ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, and the widespread use of the concept of 'core labour standards'. Notwithstanding the enthusiasm which has greeted these innovations, it is argued that the resulting regime has major potential flaws, including: an excessive reliance on principles rather than rights, a system which invokes principles that are delinked from the corresponding standards and are thus effectively undefined, an ethos of voluntarism in relation to implementation and enforcement, an unstructured and unaccountable decentralization of responsibility, and a willingness to accept soft 'promotionalism' as the bottom line. The regime needs urgent reforms, such as anchoring the principles firmly in the relevant ILO standards, giving greater substance to the Follow-up mechanism, extending monitoring under the Declaration to include an empirical overview of practice under the bilateral and regional mechanisms which have invoked ILO principles and the Declaration itself, and adequately funding the commitment to workers' rights.
在过去的十年里,国际劳工权利制度发生了转变,主要是基于1998年国际劳工组织《关于工作中的基本原则和权利的宣言》的通过,以及“核心劳工标准”概念的广泛使用。尽管人们对这些创新充满热情,但有人认为,由此产生的制度存在重大的潜在缺陷,包括:过度依赖原则而不是权利,一个与相应标准脱节的原则的系统,因此实际上是不明确的,一种与实施和执行有关的自愿主义精神,一种无结构和不负责任的责任下放,以及一种接受软“推广主义”作为底线的意愿。该制度需要紧急改革,例如将各项原则牢固地固定在劳工组织的有关标准中,使后续机制具有更大的实质内容,扩大《宣言》下的监测范围,包括对援引劳工组织原则和《宣言》本身的双边和区域机制下的实践进行经验性概述,并充分资助对工人权利的承诺。
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引用次数: 223
Liberalising the Movement of Natural Persons: A Lost Decade? 自然人自由运动:失落的十年?
Pub Date : 2004-03-01 DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-9701.2004.00607.X
Pradip Bhatnagar
Liberalisation of international trade in services through the Movement of Natural Persons (Mode 4) remains one of the least negotiated issues of trade policy among the 144 members of the World Trade Organisation. Economists believe that there is a basic convergence of economic interest between the developed and the developing world for liberalising Mode 4. Yet the multilateral trading system has not facilitated greater worker mobility between the labour-surplus and labour-scarce countries. Is there any economic logic as to why cross-border movements of workers have not followed the pattern predicted by international trade theory? Or are there strong socio-political barriers that have come in the way of liberalising Mode 4? These are some of the questions the paper attempts to answer. The paper shows that the economic arguments against the free movement of natural persons are based on the narrow perspective of the welfare of domestic workers while ignoring the benefit it brings to the economy as a whole. Further, non-economic arguments miss the point that the movement of workers under Mode 4 of GATS is temporary in nature, and so unlikely to have any lasting social and cultural spillovers. The paper gives specific illustrations from the recent past where temporary import of workers from labour-surplus countries has enabled both developed and developing countries sustain their economic growth. It concludes by arguing that the environment for renegotiating WTO commitments under this important sector of international trade in services is better than ever before, even though the current world economic slowdown may delay actual negotiations for a while. Copyright 2004 Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
通过自然人流动(模式四)实现国际服务贸易自由化,仍然是世界贸易组织144个成员国中谈判最少的贸易政策问题之一。经济学家认为,发达国家和发展中国家对模式4的自由化有着基本的经济利益趋同。然而,多边贸易体制并没有促进劳动力过剩国家和劳动力短缺国家之间更大的工人流动。为什么工人的跨境流动没有遵循国际贸易理论所预测的模式,这其中有什么经济逻辑吗?还是有强大的社会政治障碍阻碍了模式4的自由化?这是本文试图回答的一些问题。文章指出,反对自然人自由流动的经济学论点是基于对家政工人福利的狭隘视角,而忽视了其给整个经济带来的好处。此外,非经济论点忽略了一点,即服务贸易总协定模式4下的工人流动本质上是暂时的,因此不太可能产生任何持久的社会和文化溢出效应。本文给出了最近的具体例证,说明从劳动力剩余国家临时进口工人使发达国家和发展中国家都能维持其经济增长。报告的结论是,在国际服务贸易这一重要部门下,重新谈判世贸组织承诺的环境比以往任何时候都好,尽管目前世界经济放缓可能会使实际谈判推迟一段时间。版权所有2004布莱克威尔出版有限公司
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引用次数: 20
How Well Do Parents with Young Children Combine Work and Family Life 有小孩的父母如何将工作和家庭生活结合起来
Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.3386/W10247
C. Ruhm
This study examines trends in labor force involvement, household structure, and some activities that may complicate the efforts of parents with young children to balance work and family life. Next I consider whether employer policies mitigate or exacerbate these difficulties and, since the policies adopted in the United States diverge dramatically from those in many other industrialized countries, provide some international comparisons before speculating on possible sources and effects of the differences.
本研究考察了劳动力参与、家庭结构和一些可能使有年幼子女的父母平衡工作和家庭生活的努力复杂化的活动的趋势。接下来,我将考虑雇主政策是减轻还是加剧了这些困难,并且,由于美国所采取的政策与许多其他工业化国家的政策有很大的不同,在推测差异的可能来源和影响之前,我将提供一些国际比较。
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引用次数: 21
Federalism Re-Constructed: the Eleventh Amendment's Illogical Impact on Congress' Power 重构的联邦制:第十一修正案对国会权力的不合逻辑的影响
Pub Date : 2003-12-08 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.446720
Marcia L. McCormick
The Constitution is designed to protect individual liberty and equality by diffusing power among the three branches of the federal government and between the federal and state governments, and by providing a minimum level of protection for individual rights. Yet, the Supreme Court seems to think that federalism is about protecting states as states rather than balancing governmental power to protect individuals. In the name of federalism, the Supreme Court has been paring away at Congress' power to enact civil rights legislation. In doing so, it has transformed the Fourteenth Amendment into a vehicle for protecting states rights rather than a vehicle for protecting individual rights. This paper analyzes this process and the institutional competence and separation of powers problems that have resulted. It proposes that the Court give effect to Congress' powers to deter potential constitutional violations by states under the Fourteenth Amendment and to keep in mind that federalism's purpose should be to maximize equality and liberty.
宪法旨在通过在联邦政府的三个部门之间以及联邦政府和州政府之间分散权力,并为个人权利提供最低限度的保护,来保护个人自由和平等。然而,最高法院似乎认为,联邦制是保护作为州的州,而不是平衡政府权力来保护个人。在联邦主义的名义下,最高法院一直在削减国会制定民权立法的权力。这样一来,它就把第十四修正案变成了保护各州权利的工具,而不是保护个人权利的工具。本文分析了这一过程以及由此产生的制度权限和三权分立问题。它建议最高法院行使国会的权力,以阻止各州根据第十四修正案可能违反宪法的行为,并牢记联邦制的目的应该是最大限度地实现平等和自由。
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引用次数: 1
Minimum Wage Effects on Labor Market Outcomes Under Search with Bargaining 最低工资对讨价还价搜索下劳动力市场结果的影响
Pub Date : 2003-12-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.477461
C. Flinn
Building upon a continuous-time model of search with Nash bargaining in a stationary environment, we analyze the effect of changes in minimum wages on labor market outcomes and welfare. While minimum wage increases invariably lead to employment losses in our model, they may be welfare-improving to labor market participants using any one of a number of welfare criteria. A key determinant of the welfare impact of a minimum wage increase is the Nash bargaining power parameter. We discuss identification of this model using Current Population Survey data on accepted wages and unemployment durations, and demonstrate that key parameters are not identified when the distribution of match values belongs to a location-scale family. By incorporating a limited amount of information from the demand side of the market, we are able to obtain credible and precise estimates of all primitive parameters, including bargaining power. Direct estimates of the welfare impact of the minimum wage increase from $4.25 to $4.75 in 1996 provide limited evidence of a small improvement. Using estimates of the primitive parameters we show that more substantial welfare gains for labor market participants could have been obtained by doubling the minimum wage rate in 1996, though at the cost of a perhaps unacceptably high unemployment rate.
基于一个固定环境下纳什议价的连续时间搜索模型,我们分析了最低工资变化对劳动力市场结果和福利的影响。虽然在我们的模型中,最低工资的提高必然会导致就业岗位的减少,但如果使用许多福利标准中的任何一种,最低工资的提高可能会改善劳动力市场参与者的福利。决定最低工资增长对福利影响的一个关键因素是纳什议价能力参数。我们使用当前人口调查的可接受工资和失业持续时间数据来讨论该模型的识别,并证明当匹配值的分布属于位置尺度族时,关键参数无法识别。通过整合来自市场需求方的有限数量的信息,我们能够获得包括议价能力在内的所有原始参数的可靠和精确的估计。对1996年最低工资从4.25美元提高到4.75美元对福利影响的直接估计提供了有限的证据证明有了小的改善。通过对原始参数的估计,我们表明,1996年将最低工资标准提高一倍,可以为劳动力市场参与者带来更大的福利收益,尽管代价是失业率可能高得令人无法接受。
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引用次数: 39
The Political Representation of the Labour Interest in Britain 英国劳工利益的政治代表
Pub Date : 2003-12-01 DOI: 10.1046/J.1467-8543.2003.00296.X
Steve Ludlam, Andrew J. Taylor
This article analyses the condition of the labour alliance of the Labour Party and its affiliated unions in the light of a recent typology of union-party links, and of Lewis Minkin's seminal study of the British union-party link. We conclude that, while the link appeared to have stabilized before the general election in 2001, it has become much more volatile since, although the new group of more left-wing leaders of major unions remains determined to reassert the union position inside the party rather than radically change the union-Labour relationship.
本文根据最近的工会-政党联系类型学,以及刘易斯·明金对英国工会-政党联系的开创性研究,分析了工党及其附属工会的劳工联盟状况。我们得出的结论是,尽管这种联系在2001年大选前似乎已经稳定下来,但自那以后,它变得更加不稳定,尽管主要工会的左翼领导人组成的新团体仍然决心重申工会在党内的地位,而不是从根本上改变工会与劳工的关系。
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引用次数: 35
期刊
Employment & Labor Law Abstracts eJournal
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