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GeirLundestad. The World’s Most Prestigious Prize: The Inside Story of the Nobel Peace Prize . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019. GeirLundestad。世界上最负盛名的奖项:诺贝尔和平奖的内幕。牛津:牛津大学出版社,2019。
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-26 DOI: 10.1111/PECH.12455
P. Dungen
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引用次数: 0
Piece of war: narratives of resilience and hope 战争片段:韧性和希望的叙事
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-23 DOI: 10.1080/14781158.2021.1887841
M. Sarvananthan
Piece of War: Narratives of Resilience and Hope by Meha Dixit is an important addition to the mushrooming literature on the impact of civil wars on civilians around the globe. The author discusses ...
梅哈·迪克西特(Meha Dixit)的《战争片段:韧性与希望的叙述》(Piece of War:Narratings of Resilience and Hope)是关于内战对全球平民影响的文献的重要补充。作者讨论了。。。
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引用次数: 0
How is terrorism changing us? Threat perception and political attitudes in the age of terror 恐怖主义是如何改变我们的?恐怖主义时代的威胁感知和政治态度
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/14781158.2021.1874899
Arundhati Som
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引用次数: 0
Conflict and cooperation in the Indo-Pacific: new geopolitical realities 印太冲突与合作:新的地缘政治现实
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-20 DOI: 10.1080/14781158.2021.1874900
P. Paudel
The edited volume, Conflict and cooperation in the Indo-Pacific, by two prominent international security experts, Ash Rossiter and Brendon J. Cannon, engages with the nature of strategic partnershi...
两位著名国际安全专家阿什·罗西特和布兰登·j·坎农编辑的《印太地区的冲突与合作》一书探讨了战略伙伴关系的本质。
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引用次数: 1
Crossing Roads: The Middle East’s Security Engagement in the Horn of Africa 穿越道路:中东在非洲之角的安全参与
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14781158.2021.1877650
F. Donelli, Ariel Gonzalez-Levaggi
ABSTRACT This paper aims to analyse the growing enlargement of the spheres of competition from the Middle East into the Horn of Africa. It does so by using insights from regional order and realist neoclassical literature to understand the expansion of regional powers into this area as the result of strategic interactions within their own region. The central argument is that the clashing interests among Middle Eastern regional powers and power asymmetry with Horn of Africa countries are driving an increased security interdependence between the two Red Sea shores. This increasing security engagement by competing Middle Eastern states is producing an insecurity spillover which threatens to exacerbate regional instability in the Horn. It also presents a new role for Middle Eastern regional powers as security providers, particularly in the case of the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Israel and Turkey. To substantiate this argument, the paper analyses interregional security dynamics by focusing on three empirical cases in the 2015–2020 period: The Gulf Cooperation Council’s crisis, the establishment of a Turkish military bases in the Horn of Africa and Israel’s new diplomatic engagement in Eastern Africa.
本文旨在分析从中东到非洲之角的竞争范围日益扩大的情况。它通过利用区域秩序和现实主义新古典主义文献的见解来理解区域大国由于其所在区域内的战略互动而向该地区扩张。核心论点是,中东地区大国之间的利益冲突以及与非洲之角国家的权力不对称,正在推动红海两岸之间日益增强的安全相互依存关系。相互竞争的中东国家日益加强的安全参与正在产生不安全的外溢效应,有可能加剧非洲之角的地区不稳定。它还为中东地区大国提供了新的安全保障,特别是在阿拉伯联合酋长国、沙特阿拉伯、以色列和土耳其的情况下。为了证实这一论点,本文通过关注2015-2020年期间的三个实证案例来分析区域间安全动态:海湾合作委员会的危机、土耳其在非洲之角建立军事基地以及以色列在东非的新外交接触。
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引用次数: 4
Security cooperation as a primary institution of western international society 安全合作是西方国际社会的主要制度
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14781158.2021.1876015
Rita Floyd
ABSTRACT How do western states respond to real or perceived security threats? Do they tend to respond to the same threat in haphazard ways, or does their response follow similar patterns? By analysing the response to a number of diverse contemporary threats – the Crimean crisis, North Korea's nuclear proliferation, climate change and the 2014–2016 Ebola epidemic – this article shows that the security responses by different western states to the same threat tend to be consistent across states, while they also tend to follow a seemingly self-evident pattern of behaviour. In light of these findings, the article suggests that the joint pursuit of security (for short: security cooperation) has replaced war as a primary institution at the western core of sub-global international society. In order to make this argument this article develops a new approach to analysing primary institutions: the practice-based method. While this method is inspired by Peter Wilson and Kilian Spandler's idea that practitioners’ behaviour and rhetoric matters to institutional status, it draws analytical purchase also from Emanuel Adler and Vincent Pouliot's influential practice-based theory to International Relations.
西方国家如何应对真实的或感知到的安全威胁?他们是倾向于以随意的方式回应同样的威胁,还是他们的反应遵循相似的模式?通过分析对许多不同的当代威胁的反应——克里米亚危机、朝鲜核扩散、气候变化和2014-2016年埃博拉疫情——本文表明,不同西方国家对同一威胁的安全反应在各国之间往往是一致的,同时它们也往往遵循一种看似不言自明的行为模式。鉴于这些发现,本文认为,共同追求安全(简称:安全合作)已经取代战争,成为亚全球国际社会西方核心的主要制度。为了证明这一观点,本文提出了一种新的分析初级制度的方法:基于实践的方法。虽然这种方法的灵感来自于彼得·威尔逊和基利安·斯潘德勒关于实践者的行为和修辞与制度地位有关的观点,但它也从伊曼纽尔·阿德勒和文森特·波利奥对国际关系的有影响力的基于实践的理论中获得了分析性的支持。
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引用次数: 3
Sudan and South Sudan: an unamicable political divorce 苏丹和南苏丹:一场无可辩驳的政治离婚
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14781158.2021.1880384
Bantayehu Shiferaw Chanie
ABSTRACT South Sudan became a juridical state in July 2011. Its statehood materialised after protracted north-south civil wars were brought to an end by the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). The CPA set forth self-rule for an interim period and a referendum on independence for the South Sudanese in January 2011. While the two states split peacefully, post-separation relations between the Sudans has been complicated. This paper explores the unamicable political divorce of South Sudan from Sudan. It examines the key post-separation issues that have remained sources of contention and conflict between the Sudans. Based on a qualitative approach, and primary and secondary sources of data, the paper argues that border claims over Abyei and Heglig/Panthou, the politics of oil, mutual subversion, historical grievances, and internal political dynamics continue to drag the two countries into conflict. It argues that because of their importance to the socio-economic and political vitality to both states, border claims and oil remain particularly important in shaping relations between the Sudans. Unless managed properly, based on a win-win approach, the divergence on outstanding issues will exacerbate state building challenges in the world’s newest state of South Sudan.
南苏丹于2011年7月成为一个司法国家。在2005年《全面和平协议》结束了旷日持久的南北内战后,它的国家地位得以实现。《全面和平协议》规定了临时自治,并于2011年1月举行了南苏丹独立公投。虽然这两个国家和平分裂,但分离后苏丹人之间的关系一直很复杂。本文探讨了南苏丹与苏丹之间不可调和的政治分离。它审查了分离后的关键问题,这些问题仍然是苏丹人之间争论和冲突的根源。基于定性方法以及主要和次要数据来源,该论文认为,对阿卜耶伊和赫格里格/潘图的边界主张、石油政治、相互颠覆、历史恩怨和内部政治动态继续将两国拖入冲突。它认为,由于边界要求和石油对两国的社会经济和政治活力的重要性,它们在塑造苏丹人之间的关系方面仍然特别重要。除非在双赢的基础上妥善管理,否则在悬而未决的问题上的分歧将加剧世界上最新的南苏丹州的国家建设挑战。
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引用次数: 1
Pathways and Barriers for Women’s Mobilization during Civil War: Nepal, Colombia, and Rwanda in Comparative Perspective 内战期间妇女动员的途径和障碍:比较视角下的尼泊尔、哥伦比亚和卢旺达
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1111/pech.12449
Margo G. Evilsizor, Fletcher D. Cox
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引用次数: 1
Diagnosing the Nation: Scientists, Mothers, and Physicians Confront Nuclear Testing and Civil Defense Through Medical Activism, 1958–1963 诊断国家:科学家、母亲和医生通过医学行动面对核试验和民防,1958-1963
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1111/PECH.12450
J. Whitehurst
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引用次数: 0
No more Iraqs: analysing use of force decisions during the Obama administration 不再有伊拉克:分析奥巴马政府时期的武力使用决策
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/14781158.2021.1867526
Kelly A. McHugh
ABSTRACT In this article, I focus on a subset of Obama’s foreign policy views, namely his beliefs about the appropriate circumstances under which the United States should engage in armed conflict. I argue that the Iraq war served as a formative event in the development of Obama’s worldview. He derived distinct lessons from this policy failure, leading him to articulate a restrictive set of conditions that should be met before the United States considered intervening in the internal politics of another nation, absent a direct threat to national security. I undertake a detailed examination of two case studies – the administration’s debates leading to the 2011 intervention in Libya and the decision not to intervene in Syria in 2013 – and demonstrate how the lessons of Iraq shaped Obama’s policy choices at critical junctures in the deliberations.
在这篇文章中,我将重点讨论奥巴马外交政策观点的一个子集,即他对美国应该在什么情况下参与武装冲突的看法。我认为,伊拉克战争是奥巴马世界观形成的一个重要事件。他从这次政策失败中得到了独特的教训,这使他明确提出了一套限制性条件,在美国考虑干预另一个国家的内部政治之前,必须满足这些条件,除非对国家安全构成直接威胁。我对两个案例进行了详细的分析——2011年政府对利比亚的干预和2013年不干预叙利亚的决定——并展示了伊拉克的教训是如何在审议的关键时刻影响奥巴马的政策选择的。
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引用次数: 0
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