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Turkey’s contribution to international policing 土耳其对国际警务的贡献
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14781158.2021.1924128
Ayfer Genç Yılmaz, Billy Agwanda
ABSTRACT The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations has undergone significant changes in its organisation since 1948. A new global environment established by the end of Cold War, elevated the Police Division to a more pronounced role in international peace as an essential pillar of UN peacekeeping missions. Nonetheless, despite the increased role of police in international missions, research on police contributions to peacekeeping remains limited. This article addresses this gap in literature by highlighting the case of Turkey’s contribution to UN international police peacekeeping missions. The article confirms empirically that the Turkish police contribution has increased since the 2000s by relying on quantitative data offered by the TUBAKOV dataset designed to collect data on international peacekeeping missions of Turkey. The paper contends that, besides global trends, the increased participation of Turkey in UN-led missions reflects its internal political dynamics. First, under the JDP rule, Turkey’s Cold War era subtle foreign policy was transformed to a proactive policy in global politics. Second, since the 2000s, the transformation of civil–military relations has ended the system of military tutelage, and this has had a considerable impact on foreign policy. Civilian authority, by abolishing military dominance, has become the primary actor in foreign policy decision-making.
摘要自1948年以来,联合国维持和平行动部的组织结构发生了重大变化。冷战结束后建立的新的全球环境使警察司作为联合国维和任务的重要支柱,在国际和平中发挥了更为显著的作用。尽管如此,尽管警察在国际特派团中的作用有所加强,但关于警察对维持和平的贡献的研究仍然有限。本文通过强调土耳其对联合国国际警察维和任务的贡献来解决文献中的这一空白。这篇文章从经验上证实,自2000年代以来,土耳其警察的贡献有所增加,这是依靠旨在收集土耳其国际维和特派团数据的TUBAKOV数据集提供的定量数据。该论文认为,除了全球趋势外,土耳其越来越多地参与联合国领导的特派团也反映了其内部政治动态。首先,在联合民主党的统治下,土耳其冷战时期的微妙外交政策转变为全球政治中的积极政策。其次,自2000年代以来,军民关系的转变结束了军事监护制度,这对外交政策产生了相当大的影响。文官当局通过废除军事主导地位,已成为外交政策决策的主要参与者。
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引用次数: 2
Forgiveness, restorative justice and reconciliation in sustainable peacebuilding: contemporary debates and future possibilities 可持续建设和平中的宽恕、恢复性司法与和解:当代辩论和未来可能性
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14781158.2021.1910226
J. Boehle
ABSTRACT Since the mid 1990s, growing attention has been given in the scholarly debate and in the public sphere to forgiveness, restorative justice and reconciliation in peacebuilding. These concepts have been reflected upon and highlighted as core components of restoring right relationships and in sustainable peacebuilding: at first focusing mainly on individuals and relations between them and later as well on relations of communities and states in the public sphere. Attempts to better understand forgiveness and reconciliation in relation to peacebuilding have to address also the critical issue of how to safeguard and integrate processes of justice into peace processes. After first clarifying the distinction between retributive and restorative justice, this article considers core findings of Daniel Philpott, John Paul Lederach and Leonel Narvaez in their peacebuilding studies and considers selected, contemporary reconciliation and peace initiatives. The article argues that forgiveness, restorative justice and reconciliation processes should be further mainstreamed and integrated as part of any standard response to major conflicts and wars by national political bodies, religious communities and religious/secular NGOs, international organisations, agencies and institutions: in order to positively and sustainably resolve and transform conflicts, wars and violence between groups, and to build sustainable peace.
摘要自20世纪90年代中期以来,学术辩论和公共领域越来越关注建设和平中的宽恕、恢复性司法与和解。这些概念被反映和强调为恢复正确关系和可持续建设和平的核心组成部分:起初主要关注个人及其之间的关系,后来主要关注社区和国家在公共领域的关系。为了更好地理解与建设和平有关的宽恕与和解,还必须解决如何保障司法进程并将其纳入和平进程这一关键问题。在首先澄清了报复性司法和恢复性司法之间的区别之后,本文考虑了Daniel Philpott、John Paul Lederach和Leonel Narvaez在建设和平研究中的核心发现,并考虑了选定的当代和解与和平倡议。文章认为,国家政治机构、宗教团体和宗教/世俗非政府组织、国际组织、机构和机构应对重大冲突和战争的任何标准措施都应进一步将宽恕、恢复性司法和和解进程纳入主流并加以整合:,团体之间的战争和暴力,以及建设可持续和平。
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引用次数: 1
‘Small sees big’: international order through small state leaders’ insights via the intellectual propaganda of Czechoslovak, Ghanaian and Singaporean leaders “以小见大”:通过捷克斯洛伐克、加纳和新加坡领导人的智力宣传,通过小国领导人的见解建立国际秩序
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/14781158.2021.1934430
A. Chong
ABSTRACT The study of small state perceptions of international order has been much neglected. Small state leaders are intellectual heavyweights in a disproportionate relationship to their respective sovereign territorial domains. To navigate the treacherous currents of international order, they rely on their own synthesised views of manoeuvrable spaces amongst great powers. Simultaneously, they are also reflective of the limits of global institutional governance. Moreover, small state leaders frequently weigh international order in moral terms. The intellectual propaganda of charismatic and authoritative foreign policy leaders from then-Czechoslovakia, Ghana and Singapore will be read to illustrate these insights. The conclusion will suggest that small state theorising can enrich mainstream IR theory as a result of these perspectives from small state actorness.
小国家对国际秩序的认知研究一直被忽视。小国领导人是知识界的重量级人物,与各自的主权领土有着不成比例的关系。为了驾驭国际秩序的险恶潮流,他们依靠自己对大国之间可操纵空间的综合看法。同时,它们也反映了全球机构治理的局限性。此外,小国领导人经常从道德角度来衡量国际秩序。届时将阅读捷克斯洛伐克、加纳和新加坡富有魅力和权威的外交政策领导人的智力宣传,以说明这些见解。结论表明,从小国家行动者的角度来看,小国家理论可以丰富主流的IR理论。
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引用次数: 0
To Live in Peace: Women Ex‐combatants in Burundi and Northern Uganda Envision Psychosocial Well‐being 生活在和平中:布隆迪和乌干达北部的妇女前战斗人员设想社会心理健康
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-16 DOI: 10.1111/PECH.12452
Martha Bragin, Carol Tosone, Bree Akesson, Janepher Taaka, Generose Nzeyimana
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引用次数: 0
Preemptive Strikes: Women Strike for Peace, Antinuclear Pacifism, and the Movement for a Biological Democracy, 1961–1963 先发制人的打击:妇女争取和平、反核和平主义和生物民主运动,1961-1963
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-15 DOI: 10.1111/PECH.12456
A. Ross
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引用次数: 1
When an American Pacifist Became an Alien in Her own Homeland (and Had to be Ready to Kill to Reclaim Her Citizenship) 当一个美国和平主义者在她自己的祖国成为一个外星人(并且不得不准备好杀人来夺回她的公民身份)
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-05 DOI: 10.1111/PECH.12451
Duane C. S. Stoltzfus
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引用次数: 0
The FTA Show: Jane Fonda, the GI Movement, and Celebrity Activism in the Late Vietnam War 自由贸易协定秀:简·方达、GI运动和越南战争后期的名人行动主义
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1111/PECH.12458
Sarah King
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引用次数: 0
StefaniaBartoloni. Donne di fronte alla guerra: Pace, diritti e democrazia (1878–1918). [Women in the Face of War: Peace, Rights and Democracy (1878–1918).] Urbino: Editori Laterza, 2017. StefaniaBartoloni。战争中的妇女:和平、权利和民主(1878 - 1918年)。《战争中的妇女:和平、权利和民主》(1878 - 1918年)。出版商Laterza, 2017年。
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1111/PECH.12454
Sandi E. Cooper
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引用次数: 0
The United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan: analysis of perceptions in India and Pakistan 联合国驻印度和巴基斯坦军事观察小组:对印度和巴基斯坦看法的分析
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-31 DOI: 10.1080/14781158.2021.1910227
Z. Ahmed, S. Bhatnagar, Ahmad AlQadri
ABSTRACT In Kashmir, the worst fallout from the current state of India and Pakistan’s confrontations at the Line of Control (LoC) is the total disregard for the 2003 ceasefire agreement. While political parties, governments and armed forces on both sides of the conflict are key actors in the current dynamics, also stationed on the LoC are military observers as part of the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), first instituted in 1949. While India is opposed to the presence of the UN military observers, little is known about the perceptions of the group’s role and its potential capacity to play a constructive role in keeping peace along the border. This research project is an endeavour to gain this understanding based on the views of selected elites and opinion makers in India and Pakistan. The data points to challenges to UNMOGIP’s mandate following the Simla Agreement of 1972 and the change in the status of the ceasefire line to the LoC. Compounded further by the severity of the conflict between India and Pakistan, New Delhi’s opposition to UNMOGIP’s mandate further weakened its operational capacity to effectively monitor and report ceasefire violations.
在克什米尔,印巴在控制线(LoC)对峙的现状所带来的最严重后果是双方完全无视2003年的停火协议。虽然冲突双方的政党、政府和武装部队是当前局势的关键行动者,但作为1949年首次设立的联合国驻印度和巴基斯坦军事观察组(印巴观察组)一部分的军事观察员也驻扎在实际控制线。虽然印度反对联合国军事观察员的存在,但人们对该组织的作用及其在维持边境和平方面发挥建设性作用的潜在能力的看法知之甚少。本研究项目旨在根据印度和巴基斯坦选定的精英和舆论制造者的观点,努力获得这种理解。这些数据表明,1972年《西姆拉协定》签订后,印巴观察组的任务受到挑战,停火线对实际控制线的地位发生了变化。再加上印度和巴基斯坦之间冲突的严重程度,新德里对印巴观察组任务的反对进一步削弱了其有效监测和报告违反停火行为的行动能力。
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引用次数: 2
Annika ElisabetFrieberg. Peace at All Costs: Catholic Intellectuals, Journalists, and Media in Postwar Polish–German Reconciliation. New York: Berghahn Books, 2019. 安妮卡ElisabetFrieberg。不惜一切代价的和平:战后波德和解中的天主教知识分子、记者和媒体。纽约:Berghahn Books, 2019。
IF 0.9 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-31 DOI: 10.1111/PECH.12453
Joanna Kulska
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引用次数: 0
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