Pub Date : 2023-11-27DOI: 10.1080/02587203.2023.2280639
C. J. Visser
This article examines the multi-faceted nature of human dignity as a constitutional value, together with its interplay with other constitutional values, to provide an ideological basis for the cons...
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Pub Date : 2023-11-27DOI: 10.1080/02587203.2023.2277288
Meeschka Diedericks, Felix Dube, Anél du Plessis
Section 24 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, provides that everyone has a right to an environment that is not harmful to their health or well-being. However, the protection...
1996年《南非共和国宪法》第24条规定,人人有权享有对其健康或福祉无害的环境。然而,保护……
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Pub Date : 2023-11-07DOI: 10.1080/02587203.2023.2275311
Jeremy Phillips
AbstractThe International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of antisemitism is routinely invoked to silence legitimate criticism of the State of Israel. According to the definition, comparisons of Israel to apartheid South Africa are antisemitic. Authoritative and compelling research and reports, which conclude that Israel is an apartheid state, are thus regularly disregarded as antisemitic hate speech. This has severely restricted principled pro-Palestine activism and a just resolution of the conflict. But, in South Africa, for no longer. In the 2022 case of SAHRC v Masuku, the South African Constitutional Court, the country’s apex court, considered whether comments accusing Israel of discriminatory apartheid practices constitute antisemitic hate speech. The Constitutional Court held that it does not. This essay discusses the judgment and its implications on the constitutional validity and political relevance of the Alliance definition.Keywords: IsraelZionismantisemitismanti-ZionismInternational Holocaust Remembrance Alliance Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest was declared by the author.Notes1 M Sfard ‘The Israeli occupation of the West Bank and the crime of apartheid: Legal opinion by Adv. Michael Sfard’ (June 2020) Yesh Din Position Paper 57.2 Briefly, the main arguments advanced as to why Israel constitutes an ‘apartheid state’ is that its existence as a ‘Jewish homeland’, with preferential policies and practices towards Jewish citizens and the Jewish diaspora, is that the consequence thereof is that Palestinian land is expropriated and Palestinians are displaced on a mass scale as a result, Palestinians are unlawfully killed, and Palestinians’ civil liberties are severely curtailed. For more detailed discussion, see Sfard (note 1 above).3 Human Rights Watch ‘A threshold crossed: Israeli authorities and the crimes of apartheid and persecution’ (2021).4 Amnesty International ‘Israel’s apartheid against Palestinians: Cruel system of domination and crime against humanity’(2022).5 See U Ram ‘Critical studies of ethnic nationalism in Israel’ (2007) 2 Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 164.6 R Greenstein ‘Colonialism, apartheid and the native question: The case of Israel/Palestine’ in V Satgar (ed) Racism After Apartheid: Challenges for Marxism and Anti-Racism (2019) 75.7 D Gakunzi ‘Anti-Zionism and anti-semitism – African style’ (2017) 3/4 Jewish Political Studies Review 46; J Judaken ‘So what's new? Rethinking the “new antisemitism” in a global age’ (2008) 4/5 Patterns of Prejudice 531, 555; L Topor ‘The covert war: From BDS to de-legitimization to antisemitism’ (2021) 1 Israel Affairs 168, 175–176. Also see, for example: Anti-Defamation League ‘Allegation: Israel is an apartheid state’ (7 August 2021); K Mokgomole ‘I’m South Africa: Calling Israel “apartheid” puts the BS in BDS’ (28 April 2022) Jewish Report; D Horovitz ‘Amnesty’s “apartheid Israel” calumny’ (3 February 2022) The Times of Israel; S Linde ‘No comparison bet
摘要国际大屠杀纪念联盟对反犹主义的定义经常被用来压制对以色列国的合法批评。根据定义,将以色列与种族隔离的南非进行比较是反犹主义的。权威和令人信服的研究和报告得出的结论是,以色列是一个种族隔离国家,因此经常被视为反犹仇恨言论而不予理睬。这严重限制了有原则的亲巴勒斯坦行动主义和公正解决冲突。但是,在南非,不再是这样了。在2022年南非人权委员会诉马苏库案(SAHRC v Masuku)中,南非最高法院南非宪法法院(South African Constitutional Court)考虑了指控以色列实行歧视性种族隔离做法的言论是否构成反犹仇恨言论。宪法法院的判决是否定的。本文讨论了该判决及其对联盟定义的宪法有效性和政治相关性的影响。关键词:以色列犹太复国主义国际大屠杀纪念联盟披露声明作者没有声明利益冲突。注1斯法德先生:“以色列占领西岸和种族隔离罪行;简要地说,关于以色列为什么构成“种族隔离国家”的主要论点是,它作为“犹太家园”的存在,对犹太公民和犹太侨民实行优惠政策和做法,其后果是巴勒斯坦土地被征用,巴勒斯坦人因此而大规模流离失所,巴勒斯坦人被非法杀害。巴勒斯坦人的公民自由受到严重限制。有关更详细的讨论,请参见sard(上面的注释1)3 .人权观察:《跨越门槛:以色列当局与种族隔离和迫害罪行》(2021年)国际特赦组织《以色列对巴勒斯坦人的种族隔离:残酷的统治制度和反人类罪》(2022)参见U Ram“以色列种族民族主义的批判性研究”(2007)2中东研究协会公报164.6 R Greenstein“殖民主义,种族隔离和本土问题:以色列/巴勒斯坦的情况”在V Satgar(编)种族隔离后的种族主义:马克思主义和反种族主义的挑战(2019)75.7 D Gakunzi“反犹太复国主义和反犹太主义-非洲风格”(2017)3/4犹太政治研究评论46;有什么新鲜事吗?重新思考全球化时代的“新反犹主义”(2008)4/5《偏见的模式》531,555;L Topor:“秘密战争:从BDS到非合法化再到反犹主义”(2021)1以色列事务(Israel Affairs),第168期,175-176。另见反诽谤联盟《指控:以色列是种族隔离国家》(2021年8月7日);K Mokgomole:《我是南非:称以色列为“种族隔离”是胡扯》(2022年4月28日)犹太报告;D·霍洛维茨《大赦国际对“种族隔离以色列”的诽谤》(2022年2月3日);S Linde:《以色列与南非种族隔离没有可比性》(2022年2月24日),《耶路撒冷邮报》,《韦氏词典》1999年第10版。南非广播投诉法庭在Dinur v .tv (2003) JOL 11645 (BCTSA)一案中也采用了对“反犹太主义”的同样理解《南非反犹主义的根源:对南部非洲历史的反思》(1994);A Lindemann & R Levy反犹主义:一段历史(2010)国际大屠杀纪念联盟:什么是反犹主义?关于IHRSA对反犹太主义的无法律约束力的工作定义德肖维茨的《以色列案》(2003);演变中的民族主义:1925-2005年以色列的家园、身份和宗教;J . Fishman:“另一种灾难”:犹太复国主义=种族主义,它的开始,以及反对以色列的非法战争”(2011)3 Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs,第75期;D Hirsh“对以色列的敌意和反犹主义:走向社会学的方法”(2013)5反犹主义研究杂志1401.13 J Butler“不,它不是反犹主义”(2003)16伦敦书评;G Bindman“批评以色列不是反犹主义”(2019)1欧洲犹太教111;N·芬克尔斯坦超越放肆:论反犹太主义的误用和对历史的滥用(2005)J Zine、G Bird和S Matthews:《批评以色列不是反犹主义——这是学术自由》(2020年11月15日)《对话》。14参见ET Achiume(联合国当代形式种族主义、种族歧视、仇外心理和相关不容忍问题特别报告员)“打击美化纳粹主义、新纳粹主义和其他助长当代形式种族主义、种族歧视、仇外心理和相关不容忍行为的做法”(2022年)第74-76段;半岛电视台的“128位学者要求联合国不要采用IHRA对反犹太主义的定义”(2022年11月3日)。 15标准(上文注1);人权观察(上文注3);大赦国际(上文注4);Zochrot ' Nakba地图';犹太和平之声“面对浩劫”;B ' tselem团结声明:以色列人权和民间社会组织谴责袭击al-haq(2016年3月15日);犹太和平之声“全球40多个犹太团体反对将反犹太主义等同于批评以色列”(2018年7月17日)联合国西亚经济社会委员会《以色列对巴勒斯坦人民的做法和种族隔离问题:巴勒斯坦和以色列占领》(2017);17 .《巴勒斯坦的种族清洗》(2006)18 .南非人权委员会与南非犹太代表委员会诉马苏库案2022 (7)BCLR 850 (CC) (SAHRC诉马苏库)同上第3-6段。应该注意,因为它是一些相关性、第一个语句作为一个博客,而第二个第四语句都在集会Johannesburg.19的威特沃特斯兰德大学的详细讨论,看到:C曼苏尔的反思对加沙的战争(2009)4《巴勒斯坦研究91.20建立SAHRC ss 184年和185年的南非共和国的宪法,1996年,SAHRC 40的2013。它享有一系列的权力和责任。在这个问题上,南非人权委员会根据《南非人权委员会法》第13(3)条采取行动,通过“代表一个人或一个团体或一类人向主管法院提起诉讼”,“协助申诉人和其他受其影响的人[…]获得补救”22 .南非犹太人代表委员会/南非总工会Bongani Masuku关于:南非总工会Bongani Masuku的声明(2009年)文件编号:GP/2009/0362 (SAHRC)平等法院是根据2000年《促进平等和防止不公平歧视法》(《平等法》)第4章设立的。根据《平等法》第21条,平等法院有权裁决与不公平歧视、仇恨言论或骚扰有关的争端SAHRC obo SAJBD诉Masuku (2017) JOL 38135 (EqCJ)第1-2段。根据Qwelane v SAHRC 2021 (6) SA 579 (CC)第96 - 97段,确定一项陈述是否违反第10条,从而构成仇恨言论的测试是一种“客观测试,考虑围绕该表达的事实和情况,而不仅仅是目标群体做出的推论或假设”。因此,要进行的工作是,一个规范的理性人,考虑到周围的政治和社会背景,以及支持的宪法权利,包括尊严和平等的权利,是否会合理地将该声明解释为构成仇恨言论。参见:S v Mamabolo 2001 (3) SA 409 (CC);伊斯兰统一公约诉独立广播管理局2002 (4)SA 294 (CC);一笑置之促销委员会诉南非国际啤酒厂(金融)BV /a Sabmark国际2006 (1)SA 144 (CC);经济自由战士诉司法和惩教部长2021 (2)SA 1 (CC).24SAHRC与SAJBD诉Masuku(同上)第30.25段同上第1.26段同上27被SAHRC传召的证人是:“David Hirsch
{"title":"<i>South African Human Rights Commission obo South African Jewish Board of Deputies v Masuku:</i> The rejection of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition","authors":"Jeremy Phillips","doi":"10.1080/02587203.2023.2275311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02587203.2023.2275311","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThe International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of antisemitism is routinely invoked to silence legitimate criticism of the State of Israel. According to the definition, comparisons of Israel to apartheid South Africa are antisemitic. Authoritative and compelling research and reports, which conclude that Israel is an apartheid state, are thus regularly disregarded as antisemitic hate speech. This has severely restricted principled pro-Palestine activism and a just resolution of the conflict. But, in South Africa, for no longer. In the 2022 case of SAHRC v Masuku, the South African Constitutional Court, the country’s apex court, considered whether comments accusing Israel of discriminatory apartheid practices constitute antisemitic hate speech. The Constitutional Court held that it does not. This essay discusses the judgment and its implications on the constitutional validity and political relevance of the Alliance definition.Keywords: IsraelZionismantisemitismanti-ZionismInternational Holocaust Remembrance Alliance Disclosure statementNo conflict of interest was declared by the author.Notes1 M Sfard ‘The Israeli occupation of the West Bank and the crime of apartheid: Legal opinion by Adv. Michael Sfard’ (June 2020) Yesh Din Position Paper 57.2 Briefly, the main arguments advanced as to why Israel constitutes an ‘apartheid state’ is that its existence as a ‘Jewish homeland’, with preferential policies and practices towards Jewish citizens and the Jewish diaspora, is that the consequence thereof is that Palestinian land is expropriated and Palestinians are displaced on a mass scale as a result, Palestinians are unlawfully killed, and Palestinians’ civil liberties are severely curtailed. For more detailed discussion, see Sfard (note 1 above).3 Human Rights Watch ‘A threshold crossed: Israeli authorities and the crimes of apartheid and persecution’ (2021).4 Amnesty International ‘Israel’s apartheid against Palestinians: Cruel system of domination and crime against humanity’(2022).5 See U Ram ‘Critical studies of ethnic nationalism in Israel’ (2007) 2 Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 164.6 R Greenstein ‘Colonialism, apartheid and the native question: The case of Israel/Palestine’ in V Satgar (ed) Racism After Apartheid: Challenges for Marxism and Anti-Racism (2019) 75.7 D Gakunzi ‘Anti-Zionism and anti-semitism – African style’ (2017) 3/4 Jewish Political Studies Review 46; J Judaken ‘So what's new? Rethinking the “new antisemitism” in a global age’ (2008) 4/5 Patterns of Prejudice 531, 555; L Topor ‘The covert war: From BDS to de-legitimization to antisemitism’ (2021) 1 Israel Affairs 168, 175–176. Also see, for example: Anti-Defamation League ‘Allegation: Israel is an apartheid state’ (7 August 2021); K Mokgomole ‘I’m South Africa: Calling Israel “apartheid” puts the BS in BDS’ (28 April 2022) Jewish Report; D Horovitz ‘Amnesty’s “apartheid Israel” calumny’ (3 February 2022) The Times of Israel; S Linde ‘No comparison bet","PeriodicalId":44989,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal on Human Rights","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135480291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02587203.2022.2158925
David Bilchitz, R. Ziegler
For an increasing number of people, global mobility is a feature of their lives. Employment opportunities may arise in countries far removed from one’s place of birth; one may meet a significant other and seek to re-locate. For some, new citizenships may be acquired for instrumental reasons: ease of movement, as Covid-19 national restrictions have demonstrated, often requires not only applying for permission to reside indefinitely in another country but also naturalisation; for others, it may reflect a deeper significance, representing a stronger connection to a polity to which one wishes to belong and to participate politically. What acquisition of a new citizenship does not ipso facto mean is that an individual wishes to lose the citizenship of their country of origin, to which they may retain intense and deep ties. The legal consequences of the acquisition of foreign citizenship were the subject of Democratic Alliance v Minister of Home Affairs, a 2021 case in the High Court of South Africa (Gauteng division, Pretoria). The Democratic Alliance unsuccessfully challenged the constitutionality of s 6 of the Citizenship Act 68 of 1995. This provision stipulates that adult citizens automatically (de lege) lose their South African citizenship when they ‘freely and voluntarily’ acquire another citizenship (except through marriage) without first applying for and obtaining a ministerial certificate authorising its retention. The applicants argued this policy is irrational and that it violates several
{"title":"Is the automatic loss of South African citizenship for those acquiring other citizenships constitutional? Democratic Alliance v Minister of Home Affairs","authors":"David Bilchitz, R. Ziegler","doi":"10.1080/02587203.2022.2158925","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02587203.2022.2158925","url":null,"abstract":"For an increasing number of people, global mobility is a feature of their lives. Employment opportunities may arise in countries far removed from one’s place of birth; one may meet a significant other and seek to re-locate. For some, new citizenships may be acquired for instrumental reasons: ease of movement, as Covid-19 national restrictions have demonstrated, often requires not only applying for permission to reside indefinitely in another country but also naturalisation; for others, it may reflect a deeper significance, representing a stronger connection to a polity to which one wishes to belong and to participate politically. What acquisition of a new citizenship does not ipso facto mean is that an individual wishes to lose the citizenship of their country of origin, to which they may retain intense and deep ties. The legal consequences of the acquisition of foreign citizenship were the subject of Democratic Alliance v Minister of Home Affairs, a 2021 case in the High Court of South Africa (Gauteng division, Pretoria). The Democratic Alliance unsuccessfully challenged the constitutionality of s 6 of the Citizenship Act 68 of 1995. This provision stipulates that adult citizens automatically (de lege) lose their South African citizenship when they ‘freely and voluntarily’ acquire another citizenship (except through marriage) without first applying for and obtaining a ministerial certificate authorising its retention. The applicants argued this policy is irrational and that it violates several","PeriodicalId":44989,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal on Human Rights","volume":"39 1","pages":"97 - 112"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45838168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02587203.2023.2202875
Sebastian William Foster
Abstract The principle of cognitive liberty is assessed as a ground for challenging the constitutionality of the criminalisation of psilocybin mushrooms. To do so, s 12 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, is analysed, determining that s 12(2) is not a numerus clausa and is capable of enforcing further protections and/or entitlements, such as cognitive liberty. Further, it is suggested that the interpretation of s 12(2)(b) offers protection to both body and mind, and as such, also protecting the cognitive liberty right. Having established that the Constitution protects the right afforded by the principle cognitive liberty, it is deduced that the current criminalisation of psilocybin mushrooms – a means through which an individual may exercise their cognitive liberty rights – in terms of the Drugs and Drug Trafficking Act and Medicines and Related Substances Act, conflict with the rights established in s 12 of the Constitution. A s 36 limitation of rights analysis is presented, detailing that the criminalisation of psilocybin mushrooms is not justifiable when the nature and importance of the limited right are weighed against the importance and purpose of the criminalisation. As such, this article concludes that the current criminalising legislation is not justifiable.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02587203.2023.2214373
Gideon Basson
Abstract This article considers the implications of a transformative substantive equality interpretation of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000 (the Equality Act) for the interpretation stage of a claim of poverty-based discrimination. It draws from the work of the critical social and global justice theorist, Nancy Fraser, to briefly develop and extend existing transformative accounts of substantive equality that are faithful to the constitutional text and its legislative expression in the Equality Act. The article shows that the Equality Act could be interpreted to capture poverty discrimination that manifests along three intersecting axes, namely ‘misrepresentation’, ‘maldistribution’, and ‘misrecognition’. These axes highlight the political marginalisation, material disadvantage and pervasive prejudices, violence and stigma that characterise the disadvantages of poverty. The article then proposes three inquiries of an unfair discrimination analysis under the Equality Act that provide adjudicators with a critical legal framework to interpret the various stages in line with a transformative substantive equality approach.
{"title":"Poverty discrimination under the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act: A transformative substantive equality approach","authors":"Gideon Basson","doi":"10.1080/02587203.2023.2214373","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02587203.2023.2214373","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article considers the implications of a transformative substantive equality interpretation of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000 (the Equality Act) for the interpretation stage of a claim of poverty-based discrimination. It draws from the work of the critical social and global justice theorist, Nancy Fraser, to briefly develop and extend existing transformative accounts of substantive equality that are faithful to the constitutional text and its legislative expression in the Equality Act. The article shows that the Equality Act could be interpreted to capture poverty discrimination that manifests along three intersecting axes, namely ‘misrepresentation’, ‘maldistribution’, and ‘misrecognition’. These axes highlight the political marginalisation, material disadvantage and pervasive prejudices, violence and stigma that characterise the disadvantages of poverty. The article then proposes three inquiries of an unfair discrimination analysis under the Equality Act that provide adjudicators with a critical legal framework to interpret the various stages in line with a transformative substantive equality approach.","PeriodicalId":44989,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal on Human Rights","volume":"39 1","pages":"26 - 51"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45152560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-21eCollection Date: 2022-12-01DOI: 10.36519/idcm.2022.199
Deniz Gökengin
Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is an effective prevention tool for controlling the HIV epidemic. Since its approval in the United States in 2012 and Europe in 2016, it has become available on a global scale offered as a registered strategy in clinical studies or demonstration projects with a slow and steady increase. In the second quarter of 2022, PrEP became available in 78 countries globally, with around 3 million people having started using PrEP. Europe has been much slower than the rest of the world to roll out PrEP; nevertheless, currently, PrEP is nationally available and reimbursed in 21 countries; generics are available but not reimbursed in 14 countries. PrEP is not formally implemented in 20 countries, which are mostly Central and Eastern European countries. There are significant disparities between countries in terms of PrEP availability, accessibility, and usage, most likely due to social, cultural, and political differences. The major barriers to PrEP use are reported to be lack of knowledge of people in need, not being reimbursed, and low perception of HIV. PrEP uptake globally and regionally still lacks the power to have an impact on controlling the epidemic. High prioritization of PrEP targets will offer us a realistic chance of reaching the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) goal of a 90% reduction in HIV infections by 2030 compared to 2010.
{"title":"HIV Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis in Central and Eastern Europe-Gains and Challenges in An Ever-Changing World.","authors":"Deniz Gökengin","doi":"10.36519/idcm.2022.199","DOIUrl":"10.36519/idcm.2022.199","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is an effective prevention tool for controlling the HIV epidemic. Since its approval in the United States in 2012 and Europe in 2016, it has become available on a global scale offered as a registered strategy in clinical studies or demonstration projects with a slow and steady increase. In the second quarter of 2022, PrEP became available in 78 countries globally, with around 3 million people having started using PrEP. Europe has been much slower than the rest of the world to roll out PrEP; nevertheless, currently, PrEP is nationally available and reimbursed in 21 countries; generics are available but not reimbursed in 14 countries. PrEP is not formally implemented in 20 countries, which are mostly Central and Eastern European countries. There are significant disparities between countries in terms of PrEP availability, accessibility, and usage, most likely due to social, cultural, and political differences. The major barriers to PrEP use are reported to be lack of knowledge of people in need, not being reimbursed, and low perception of HIV. PrEP uptake globally and regionally still lacks the power to have an impact on controlling the epidemic. High prioritization of PrEP targets will offer us a realistic chance of reaching the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) goal of a 90% reduction in HIV infections by 2030 compared to 2010.</p>","PeriodicalId":44989,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal on Human Rights","volume":"24 1","pages":"223-228"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10986726/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82019949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-19DOI: 10.1080/02587203.2022.2156919
Waheeda Amien
Abstract With reference to places of worship, this article considers the justifiable extent to which freedom of religion may be limited within the context of a global pandemic. While the article focuses on the 2020 South African case of Muhammed Bin Hassam Mohamed v The President of the Republic of South Africa, it also draws on five USA cases for comparative purposes. The article demonstrates that the judiciary in both jurisdictions relied on the jurisprudence of their domestic freedom of religion clauses to determine the outcome of their cases. During the earlier stages of the Covid-19 pandemic, it appears that the South African and USA judiciaries were inclined to sacrifice freedom of religion in the interests of the greater good. However, this was achieved at the cost of applying their jurisprudence on freedom of religion incorrectly. By doing so, they unjustifiably treated religious activities more harshly than secular activities. The later three US cases illustrate that, even during a global pandemic that has killed millions of people worldwide, the judiciary remains under an obligation to ensure that freedom of religion is protected, especially when less restrictive means are available to do so.
{"title":"Freedom of religion and places of worship during Covid-19","authors":"Waheeda Amien","doi":"10.1080/02587203.2022.2156919","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02587203.2022.2156919","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract With reference to places of worship, this article considers the justifiable extent to which freedom of religion may be limited within the context of a global pandemic. While the article focuses on the 2020 South African case of Muhammed Bin Hassam Mohamed v The President of the Republic of South Africa, it also draws on five USA cases for comparative purposes. The article demonstrates that the judiciary in both jurisdictions relied on the jurisprudence of their domestic freedom of religion clauses to determine the outcome of their cases. During the earlier stages of the Covid-19 pandemic, it appears that the South African and USA judiciaries were inclined to sacrifice freedom of religion in the interests of the greater good. However, this was achieved at the cost of applying their jurisprudence on freedom of religion incorrectly. By doing so, they unjustifiably treated religious activities more harshly than secular activities. The later three US cases illustrate that, even during a global pandemic that has killed millions of people worldwide, the judiciary remains under an obligation to ensure that freedom of religion is protected, especially when less restrictive means are available to do so.","PeriodicalId":44989,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal on Human Rights","volume":"39 1","pages":"52 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45930292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02587203.2023.2173721
S. Lutchman, S. Lutchman
This book is an important read for anyone interested in child rights and child health. It will prove useful for researchers and litigators alike. It explains in detail how childhood obesity cannot be classified simply as the result of poor eating habits – obesity stems from harmful commercial practices that leave children and their families with few alternatives. Importantly, the book illustrates how the tools of international human rights law can be used to end childhood obesity. The book stems from the work of the Law and Non-Communicable Diseases (NCD) Research Unit and its global partners at the University of Liverpool. The editors – Amandine Garde, Joshua Curtis (both at the University of Liverpool) and Olivier De Schutter (Catholic University of Louvain) – are experts in global health law, international economic law and international human rights law respectively. Notably, Schutter was the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food and is the current Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights. The book follows the United Nations High Level meeting on NCDs in 2017 (WHO Montevideo Road Map 2018–2030 on NCDs as a Sustainable Development Priority) and the commitment made to take action to reduce by a third premature mortality caused by NCDs. Other relevant soft law instruments (such as the World Health Organisation (WHO) Global Action Plan for the Prevention and Control of Non-communicable Diseases 2013–2030) urge States to provide more information to consumers to enable healthy food choices and calls for measures to address the food environment to ensure the availability, accessibility and affordability of healthier food. Ending Childhood Obesity is an important contribution on the intersecting relationships between children’s rights, international economic law and global health law. One does not need to have expertise in all (or any) of these areas to understand the general premise of the arguments made. The book is easy to read and is written for a non-scientific audience. While the researchers are based in the Global North and write from such perspective, the book resonates with the complexities and challenges posed by childhood obesity in the Global South. Indeed, childhood obesity is on the rise in developing states, existing uncomfortably alongside childhood undernutrition. In this way, childhood obesity creates a double malnutrition burden on developing countries. South Africa is no exception. A recent report indicates that stunting (an indication of chronic undernutrition) is ‘exceptionally high’ in South Africa, while childhood obesity is causing a national increase in NCDs. The statistics are stark – one in four children under the age of five in South Africa are stunted, and
对于任何对儿童权利和儿童健康感兴趣的人来说,这本书都是一本重要的读物。事实证明,它对研究人员和诉讼律师都很有用。它详细解释了儿童肥胖不能简单地归类为不良饮食习惯的结果——肥胖源于有害的商业行为,使儿童及其家庭几乎没有其他选择。重要的是,这本书阐述了如何利用国际人权法的工具来结束儿童肥胖。这本书源于利物浦大学法律与非传染性疾病研究所及其全球合作伙伴的工作。编辑Amandine Garde、Joshua Curtis(均在利物浦大学)和Olivier De Schutter(天主教卢旺大学)分别是全球卫生法、国际经济法和国际人权法专家。值得注意的是,舒特曾任联合国食物权问题特别报告员,现任赤贫与人权问题特别报告官。本书介绍了2017年联合国非传染性疾病高级别会议(世界卫生组织蒙得维的亚路线图2018-2030关于非传染性疾病作为可持续发展优先事项)以及采取行动将非传染性疾病导致的过早死亡率降低三分之一的承诺。其他相关软性法律文书(如世界卫生组织(世界卫生组织)《2013-2030年预防和控制非传染性疾病全球行动计划》)敦促各国向消费者提供更多信息,使其能够选择健康的食品,并呼吁采取措施解决食品环境问题,确保更健康的食品的供应、可及性和可负担性。终止儿童肥胖是对儿童权利、国际经济法和全球卫生法之间交叉关系的重要贡献。一个人不需要在所有(或任何)这些领域都有专业知识就可以理解所提出论点的一般前提。这本书很容易阅读,而且是为非科学读者而写的。虽然研究人员驻扎在全球北方,从这样的角度写作,但这本书与全球南方儿童肥胖带来的复杂性和挑战产生了共鸣。事实上,儿童肥胖在发展中国家呈上升趋势,与儿童营养不良同时存在,令人不安。通过这种方式,儿童肥胖给发展中国家造成了双重营养不良负担。南非也不例外。最近的一份报告表明,发育迟缓(慢性营养不良的一种迹象)在南非“异常严重”,而儿童肥胖正在导致全国非传染性疾病的增加。统计数据十分严峻——南非五岁以下的儿童中,四分之一发育迟缓
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/02587203.2023.2221451
Tess N. Peacock
Abstract This article details various interpretations of local governments’ responsibilities relating to their ‘child care facilities’ function in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. It concludes that municipalities have historically had the primary function of ensuring a healthy and safe physical environment for young children, and this function must continue. There is room, however, for a broader interpretation of this function – to include building and providing facilities to advance access to early childhood development programmes. Given the importance of these programmes to a young child’s development, these responsibilities should be mandatory. Based on several rights in the Constitution and a child’s right to development, local governments arguably have positive obligations to provide these facilities, particularly in poor communities. This requires enabling legislation and committing capacity and budget. A ring-fenced conditional grant should be explored for the provision of childcare facilities, and the Department of Basic Education must monitor and support municipalities in carrying out this function.
{"title":"Advancing early childhood development: The role of local government","authors":"Tess N. Peacock","doi":"10.1080/02587203.2023.2221451","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02587203.2023.2221451","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article details various interpretations of local governments’ responsibilities relating to their ‘child care facilities’ function in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. It concludes that municipalities have historically had the primary function of ensuring a healthy and safe physical environment for young children, and this function must continue. There is room, however, for a broader interpretation of this function – to include building and providing facilities to advance access to early childhood development programmes. Given the importance of these programmes to a young child’s development, these responsibilities should be mandatory. Based on several rights in the Constitution and a child’s right to development, local governments arguably have positive obligations to provide these facilities, particularly in poor communities. This requires enabling legislation and committing capacity and budget. A ring-fenced conditional grant should be explored for the provision of childcare facilities, and the Department of Basic Education must monitor and support municipalities in carrying out this function.","PeriodicalId":44989,"journal":{"name":"South African Journal on Human Rights","volume":"38 1","pages":"285 - 308"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42575100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}