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Energy and Development: Assessing the Viability of Hydroelectricity Trade in the Himalayas 能源与发展:评估喜马拉雅地区水电贸易的可行性
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-28 DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2247767
N. Nayak
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引用次数: 0
France–India Security Partnership: An Assessment of Dynamic Evolution 法印安全伙伴关系:动态演变的评估
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2247764
Manish Barma, Shreya Sinha
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引用次数: 0
Prospects for the Process of Modernization of the Public Power Mechanism: The Experience of Constitutional Reforms in the CIS Countries 公权力机制现代化进程的展望:独联体国家宪政改革的经验
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2247755
A. Klishas
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引用次数: 0
The Economic Weapon: The Rise of Sanctions as a Tool of Modern War 经济武器:制裁作为现代战争工具的兴起
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-11 DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2204590
Subhash Bhambhu
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引用次数: 0
Thirty Years of ASEAN-India Relations: Towards Indo-Pacific 东盟-印度关系30年:迈向印太
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-06 DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2204588
S. Mahalanobis
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引用次数: 0
Seeking the Bomb: Strategies of Nuclear Proliferation 寻求核弹:核扩散战略
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-28 DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2204589
N. A. Mir
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引用次数: 0
COVID-19 and Lessons from ‘Triple Lock’: COVID Containment Strategy of Kerala Police COVID-19和“三重锁定”的教训:喀拉拉邦警方的COVID-19遏制战略
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2202457
D. Pillay, Vijay Sakhare
Abstract This Article reviews Kerala’s efforts to check the spread of novel coronavirus (COVID-19) without additional expenditure or infrastructure and employing the state police forces. This was remarkable in the face of the fact that healthcare systems were stretched the world over and were struggling beyond capacity to treat the number of people affected by the virus. To add to the overstretched healthcare systems, there were reports of attacks on healthcare workers and facilities. The state of Kerala was among the first to report a coronavirus case in January 2020. Against this backdrop, Kerala’s approach to mobilize the state’s resources, particularly the police, ran counter to that of many other states and their demands for assistance and financial support from the central government. This article details how one state addressed the problem during a national and international crisis. It includes a review of Kerala’s lateral thinking and successful case studies from the field. This research provides strategic thinking and solutions that other states could potentially follow when dealing with pandemics within their borders, both today and in the future.
本文回顾了喀拉拉邦在不增加支出或基础设施、不动用邦警察力量的情况下遏制新型冠状病毒(COVID-19)传播的努力。鉴于世界各地的卫生保健系统捉襟见肘,并且正在努力超出治疗受病毒感染人数的能力,这是值得注意的。使不堪重负的医疗系统雪上加霜的是,有报道称,医护人员和医疗设施遭到袭击。2020年1月,喀拉拉邦是首批报告冠状病毒病例的邦之一。在这种背景下,喀拉拉邦动员国家资源,特别是警察的做法,与许多其他邦的做法背道而驰,也与他们要求中央政府提供援助和财政支持的要求背道而驰。本文详细介绍了一个国家如何在国内和国际危机中解决这个问题。它包括对喀拉拉邦横向思维的回顾和来自该领域的成功案例研究。这项研究提供了战略思路和解决方案,其他国家在处理其境内的流行病时可能会遵循,无论是现在还是将来。
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引用次数: 0
Evolution of Pakistan’s Influence Operations in Jammu & Kashmir: An Analysis 巴基斯坦在查谟和克什米尔影响行动的演变分析
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2243079
Tejusvi Shukla
Abstract Influence Operations (IOs) are tailored actions to shape perceptions of a targeted audience within the information domain. They pursue political, economic, social, or military outcomes. Their adaptable transparent nature poses challenges for containment. Pakistan’s IOs, active since Partition, target India a (especially Jammu and Kashmir) through State agencies like the Inter-Services Public Relations and its support to non-State entities. Their objectives vary from destabilization to reshaping the culture of J&K. The Article examines Pakistan’s IOs focussing on core elements: operation narratives and dissemination means for influencing the target audience. It investigates their evolution considering historical roots and categorizing them as ‘Short-term’ and ‘Long-term Projects.’ Author’s depiction of the timeline of IOs in J&K. (Note that IOs overlap in time. Watertight classifications do not exist.).
摘要影响操作(IO)是在信息领域内为塑造目标受众的感知而量身定制的行动。他们追求政治、经济、社会或军事成果。其适应性强、透明性强,对遏制构成挑战。巴基斯坦的IOs自分治以来一直很活跃,通过三军公共关系等国家机构及其对非国家实体的支持,以印度a(尤其是查谟和克什米尔)为目标。他们的目标各不相同,从破坏稳定到重塑J&K的文化。该文章审查了巴基斯坦的IOs,重点关注核心要素:运营叙事和影响目标受众的传播手段。它调查了它们的演变,考虑到历史根源,并将其归类为“短期”和“长期项目”作者在J&K中对IO时间线的描述。(请注意,IO在时间上重叠。不存在防水分类。)。
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引用次数: 0
Sovereign Attachments: Masculinity, Muslimness, and Affective Politics in Pakistan 主权依恋:巴基斯坦的男子气概、穆斯林和情感政治
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2190616
Muneeb Yousuf
A sserting sovereignty across its territories remains the primary purpose of the modern State. There exist two kinds of sovereignties: legal sovereignty and de facto sovereignty. While legal sovereignty encompasses the formal ideologies of rule and legality, de facto sovereignty includes the actual ability to kill, punish, and discipline a specific fragment of society or a section of it. Non-State actors can also perform the latter deeds. In the context of de facto sovereignty, the post-colonial State of Pakistan offers a distinctive understanding of the enmeshment of ‘multiple sovereignties’––ranging from militant and tribal groups to America’s drone strikes within its territories. Both the Pakistani State and non-State actors, such as the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), indulge in violence as an expression of claiming their sovereignty and control over the life and death of the people in Pakistan. Besides this, the claimants to sovereignty fight through other means, although not necessarily in a violent manner with a sole purpose of cultivating sovereign attachments. The TTP, an amalgam of several Pakistan-based militant groups, was formed in 2007 and ever since has not only resorted to violence but also used old and new media and information and communication technology to project the Pakistani State and military as un-Islamic. Shenila Khoja-Moolji’s Sovereign Attachments studies print and online contents including videos, songs, magazine articles, and essays of both the Pakistani State and the TTP. The book argues that through these cultural productions both are trying to capture the attention of the same sets of religiously inclined people to prove their Islamic credentials. The TTP’s invoking of Khilafat in their magazines is done with a specific purpose— that of arousing past Muslim glory and reproducing such political order, for which they conceive themselves as ‘chosen’ by God, and also with the aim of fostering ambivalence towards the State of Pakistan (p.14). For the TTP, sovereignty belongs exclusively to Allah and this belief sharply opposes the State’s sovereignty. In the public relations production of the Pakistani Army, Khoja-Moolji argues that mourning mothers of slain soldiers are cast in a manner so as to generate reattachment to the State. A blend of Islam and masculinity that Khoja-Moolji terms Islamo-masculinity occurs as a dominant conception through which the Pakistani State and the TTP Strategic Analysis, 2023 Vol. 47, No. 2, 180–182, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2190616
在其领土上宣布主权仍然是现代国家的首要宗旨。主权有两种:法律主权和事实主权。虽然法律主权包括统治和合法性的正式意识形态,但事实上的主权包括杀害、惩罚和惩罚社会某一特定部分或某一部分的实际能力。非国家行为者也可以实施后一种行为。在事实上的主权背景下,后殖民国家巴基斯坦对“多重主权”的纠缠有着独特的理解——从激进和部落团体到美国在其领土内的无人机袭击。巴基斯坦国家和非国家行为者,如巴基斯坦塔利班(TTP),都沉迷于暴力,以此来表达他们对巴基斯坦人民生死的主权和控制。除此之外,主权要求者通过其他方式进行斗争,尽管不一定以暴力的方式进行,其唯一目的是培养主权依恋。TTP是几个巴基斯坦激进组织的混合体,成立于2007年,自那以后,它不仅诉诸暴力,还利用新旧媒体以及信息和通信技术,将巴基斯坦国家和军队描绘成非伊斯兰国家。Shenila Khoja Moolji的Sovereign Attachments研究印刷品和在线内容,包括巴基斯坦政府和TTP的视频、歌曲、杂志文章和文章。这本书认为,通过这些文化作品,两者都试图吸引同一批有宗教倾向的人的注意力,以证明他们的伊斯兰身份。TTP在其杂志中援引Khilafat是出于一个特定的目的——唤起过去穆斯林的荣耀,重现他们认为自己被上帝“选中”的政治秩序,也是为了培养对巴基斯坦国的矛盾心理(第14页),主权完全属于真主,这种信仰强烈反对国家主权。在巴基斯坦军队的公共关系制作中,Khoja Moolji认为,为被杀士兵哀悼的母亲是以一种重新连接国家的方式铸造的。Khoja Moolji称之为伊斯兰男子气概的伊斯兰教和男子气概的融合是巴基斯坦政府和TTP战略分析的一个主导概念,2023年第47卷第2期,180-182,https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2190616
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引用次数: 0
India’s Space Policy and Counter-Space Capabilities 印度的太空政策和反太空能力
IF 0.9 Q3 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-03-04 DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2191238
Anushka Saxena
Abstract As contestation in outer space has evolved into increased militarization since the Cold War era, multiple stakeholders have come to play a significant role in shaping the international regime governing activities of State and non-State actors in outer space. India has interacted with this international regime in a dynamic manner, and currently contributes about 2 per cent to the US$ 360 billion global space industry. Its own security compulsions in outer space are shaped by its national interests vis-a-vis data collection, C4ISR, satellite communications, and of course, deterrence against the rising military might of hostile countries in its neighbourhood—China and Pakistan. In this light, this article looks at the potential of India’s domestic material and policy-based space architecture, including the functioning of ISRO and its collaboration with the private sector, as well as India’s current space-based assets and ASAT capabilities. On the basis of this assessment of India’s current institutional and infrastructural assets for outer space, the article also attempts to chart a trajectory forward for India’s space policy and counter-space capabilities.
摘要自冷战时期以来,随着外层空间的竞争演变为日益军事化,多个利益攸关方在制定管理国家和非国家行为者外层空间活动的国际制度方面发挥了重要作用。印度以一种充满活力的方式与这一国际制度互动,目前为3600亿美元的全球航天工业贡献了约2%。它自己在外层空间的安全冲动是由其在数据收集、C4ISR、卫星通信方面的国家利益决定的,当然还有对周边敌对国家——中国和巴基斯坦——不断增强的军事力量的威慑。有鉴于此,本文着眼于印度国内基于材料和政策的空间架构的潜力,包括印度空间研究组织的运作及其与私营部门的合作,以及印度目前的天基资产和反卫星能力。在对印度目前外层空间机构和基础设施资产进行评估的基础上,文章还试图为印度的空间政策和反空间能力绘制一条前进轨迹。
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引用次数: 0
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Strategic Analysis
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