Pub Date : 2023-08-28DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2247767
N. Nayak
{"title":"Energy and Development: Assessing the Viability of Hydroelectricity Trade in the Himalayas","authors":"N. Nayak","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2247767","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2247767","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43416738","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-25DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2247755
A. Klishas
{"title":"Prospects for the Process of Modernization of the Public Power Mechanism: The Experience of Constitutional Reforms in the CIS Countries","authors":"A. Klishas","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2247755","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2247755","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47731412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-11DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2204590
Subhash Bhambhu
{"title":"The Economic Weapon: The Rise of Sanctions as a Tool of Modern War","authors":"Subhash Bhambhu","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2204590","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2204590","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42699799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-06DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2204588
S. Mahalanobis
{"title":"Thirty Years of ASEAN-India Relations: Towards Indo-Pacific","authors":"S. Mahalanobis","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2204588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2204588","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42649703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-28DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2204589
N. A. Mir
{"title":"Seeking the Bomb: Strategies of Nuclear Proliferation","authors":"N. A. Mir","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2204589","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2204589","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-04-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47270206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2202457
D. Pillay, Vijay Sakhare
Abstract This Article reviews Kerala’s efforts to check the spread of novel coronavirus (COVID-19) without additional expenditure or infrastructure and employing the state police forces. This was remarkable in the face of the fact that healthcare systems were stretched the world over and were struggling beyond capacity to treat the number of people affected by the virus. To add to the overstretched healthcare systems, there were reports of attacks on healthcare workers and facilities. The state of Kerala was among the first to report a coronavirus case in January 2020. Against this backdrop, Kerala’s approach to mobilize the state’s resources, particularly the police, ran counter to that of many other states and their demands for assistance and financial support from the central government. This article details how one state addressed the problem during a national and international crisis. It includes a review of Kerala’s lateral thinking and successful case studies from the field. This research provides strategic thinking and solutions that other states could potentially follow when dealing with pandemics within their borders, both today and in the future.
{"title":"COVID-19 and Lessons from ‘Triple Lock’: COVID Containment Strategy of Kerala Police","authors":"D. Pillay, Vijay Sakhare","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2202457","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2202457","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This Article reviews Kerala’s efforts to check the spread of novel coronavirus (COVID-19) without additional expenditure or infrastructure and employing the state police forces. This was remarkable in the face of the fact that healthcare systems were stretched the world over and were struggling beyond capacity to treat the number of people affected by the virus. To add to the overstretched healthcare systems, there were reports of attacks on healthcare workers and facilities. The state of Kerala was among the first to report a coronavirus case in January 2020. Against this backdrop, Kerala’s approach to mobilize the state’s resources, particularly the police, ran counter to that of many other states and their demands for assistance and financial support from the central government. This article details how one state addressed the problem during a national and international crisis. It includes a review of Kerala’s lateral thinking and successful case studies from the field. This research provides strategic thinking and solutions that other states could potentially follow when dealing with pandemics within their borders, both today and in the future.","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"159 - 176"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42062767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2243079
Tejusvi Shukla
Abstract Influence Operations (IOs) are tailored actions to shape perceptions of a targeted audience within the information domain. They pursue political, economic, social, or military outcomes. Their adaptable transparent nature poses challenges for containment. Pakistan’s IOs, active since Partition, target India a (especially Jammu and Kashmir) through State agencies like the Inter-Services Public Relations and its support to non-State entities. Their objectives vary from destabilization to reshaping the culture of J&K. The Article examines Pakistan’s IOs focussing on core elements: operation narratives and dissemination means for influencing the target audience. It investigates their evolution considering historical roots and categorizing them as ‘Short-term’ and ‘Long-term Projects.’ Author’s depiction of the timeline of IOs in J&K. (Note that IOs overlap in time. Watertight classifications do not exist.).
{"title":"Evolution of Pakistan’s Influence Operations in Jammu & Kashmir: An Analysis","authors":"Tejusvi Shukla","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2243079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2243079","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Influence Operations (IOs) are tailored actions to shape perceptions of a targeted audience within the information domain. They pursue political, economic, social, or military outcomes. Their adaptable transparent nature poses challenges for containment. Pakistan’s IOs, active since Partition, target India a (especially Jammu and Kashmir) through State agencies like the Inter-Services Public Relations and its support to non-State entities. Their objectives vary from destabilization to reshaping the culture of J&K. The Article examines Pakistan’s IOs focussing on core elements: operation narratives and dissemination means for influencing the target audience. It investigates their evolution considering historical roots and categorizing them as ‘Short-term’ and ‘Long-term Projects.’ Author’s depiction of the timeline of IOs in J&K. (Note that IOs overlap in time. Watertight classifications do not exist.).","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"123 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44973703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2190616
Muneeb Yousuf
A sserting sovereignty across its territories remains the primary purpose of the modern State. There exist two kinds of sovereignties: legal sovereignty and de facto sovereignty. While legal sovereignty encompasses the formal ideologies of rule and legality, de facto sovereignty includes the actual ability to kill, punish, and discipline a specific fragment of society or a section of it. Non-State actors can also perform the latter deeds. In the context of de facto sovereignty, the post-colonial State of Pakistan offers a distinctive understanding of the enmeshment of ‘multiple sovereignties’––ranging from militant and tribal groups to America’s drone strikes within its territories. Both the Pakistani State and non-State actors, such as the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), indulge in violence as an expression of claiming their sovereignty and control over the life and death of the people in Pakistan. Besides this, the claimants to sovereignty fight through other means, although not necessarily in a violent manner with a sole purpose of cultivating sovereign attachments. The TTP, an amalgam of several Pakistan-based militant groups, was formed in 2007 and ever since has not only resorted to violence but also used old and new media and information and communication technology to project the Pakistani State and military as un-Islamic. Shenila Khoja-Moolji’s Sovereign Attachments studies print and online contents including videos, songs, magazine articles, and essays of both the Pakistani State and the TTP. The book argues that through these cultural productions both are trying to capture the attention of the same sets of religiously inclined people to prove their Islamic credentials. The TTP’s invoking of Khilafat in their magazines is done with a specific purpose— that of arousing past Muslim glory and reproducing such political order, for which they conceive themselves as ‘chosen’ by God, and also with the aim of fostering ambivalence towards the State of Pakistan (p.14). For the TTP, sovereignty belongs exclusively to Allah and this belief sharply opposes the State’s sovereignty. In the public relations production of the Pakistani Army, Khoja-Moolji argues that mourning mothers of slain soldiers are cast in a manner so as to generate reattachment to the State. A blend of Islam and masculinity that Khoja-Moolji terms Islamo-masculinity occurs as a dominant conception through which the Pakistani State and the TTP Strategic Analysis, 2023 Vol. 47, No. 2, 180–182, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2190616
{"title":"Sovereign Attachments: Masculinity, Muslimness, and Affective Politics in Pakistan","authors":"Muneeb Yousuf","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2190616","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2190616","url":null,"abstract":"A sserting sovereignty across its territories remains the primary purpose of the modern State. There exist two kinds of sovereignties: legal sovereignty and de facto sovereignty. While legal sovereignty encompasses the formal ideologies of rule and legality, de facto sovereignty includes the actual ability to kill, punish, and discipline a specific fragment of society or a section of it. Non-State actors can also perform the latter deeds. In the context of de facto sovereignty, the post-colonial State of Pakistan offers a distinctive understanding of the enmeshment of ‘multiple sovereignties’––ranging from militant and tribal groups to America’s drone strikes within its territories. Both the Pakistani State and non-State actors, such as the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), indulge in violence as an expression of claiming their sovereignty and control over the life and death of the people in Pakistan. Besides this, the claimants to sovereignty fight through other means, although not necessarily in a violent manner with a sole purpose of cultivating sovereign attachments. The TTP, an amalgam of several Pakistan-based militant groups, was formed in 2007 and ever since has not only resorted to violence but also used old and new media and information and communication technology to project the Pakistani State and military as un-Islamic. Shenila Khoja-Moolji’s Sovereign Attachments studies print and online contents including videos, songs, magazine articles, and essays of both the Pakistani State and the TTP. The book argues that through these cultural productions both are trying to capture the attention of the same sets of religiously inclined people to prove their Islamic credentials. The TTP’s invoking of Khilafat in their magazines is done with a specific purpose— that of arousing past Muslim glory and reproducing such political order, for which they conceive themselves as ‘chosen’ by God, and also with the aim of fostering ambivalence towards the State of Pakistan (p.14). For the TTP, sovereignty belongs exclusively to Allah and this belief sharply opposes the State’s sovereignty. In the public relations production of the Pakistani Army, Khoja-Moolji argues that mourning mothers of slain soldiers are cast in a manner so as to generate reattachment to the State. A blend of Islam and masculinity that Khoja-Moolji terms Islamo-masculinity occurs as a dominant conception through which the Pakistani State and the TTP Strategic Analysis, 2023 Vol. 47, No. 2, 180–182, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2190616","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"180 - 182"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49212210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/09700161.2023.2191418
Anubhav Gupta
T he defining feature of contemporary international politics is the global power struggle taking place at the intersection of technology and geopolitics. This power struggle has given way to a new ‘tech cold war’ between the United States and China. While the United States remains at the forefront of technological innovations, China has through decades of investment in gaining technological knowhow—at times through questionable means as well as through research and development—begun to compete with the best in the world. The quest for technological innovation and gaining an edge over competitors, however, does not remain confined to the United States and China, as other big and middle powers too have indulged in the struggle for acquiring advance technology both through technology transfer and innovation. There is a growing set of literature, coming especially from the United States, that tends to project this quest for technological superiority into the Cold War paradigm of bloc politics and struggle between democracies and authoritarian States for upholding the liberal international order. Jacob Helberg’s The Wires of War: Technology and the Global Struggle for Power is one such work that divides the world into the two camps focused on a rather self-fulfilling prophecy of a tech cold war. Helberg’s book essentially revolves around two competing narratives around technology: one, the United States’ liberal democratic narrative; and the other of the China–Russia authoritarian narrative. According to the author, the authoritarian techno bloc, which is characterised by opaqueness, centralisation, technology-based mass surveillance, State-sponsored attacks on democratic political systems and disinformation warfare, is an existential threat to the liberal democracies and the liberal international order. Helberg argues that today there is a war happening between liberal democracies and authoritarian States. This war is not a direct/hot war but an ambiguous, asymmetrical, indirect ‘grey’ war. He explains this grey war taking place at two levels; one is the battle for data and information including software, and the other is the quest for hardware and technological infrastructure like undersea cables and so on (p.19). Although the idea of a ‘grey war’ is not new and has been part of military strategies for a long time, it was a key feature of the Cold War period wherein the Strategic Analysis, 2023 Vol. 47, No. 2, 177–179, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2191418
{"title":"The Wires of War: Technology and the Global Struggle for Power","authors":"Anubhav Gupta","doi":"10.1080/09700161.2023.2191418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2191418","url":null,"abstract":"T he defining feature of contemporary international politics is the global power struggle taking place at the intersection of technology and geopolitics. This power struggle has given way to a new ‘tech cold war’ between the United States and China. While the United States remains at the forefront of technological innovations, China has through decades of investment in gaining technological knowhow—at times through questionable means as well as through research and development—begun to compete with the best in the world. The quest for technological innovation and gaining an edge over competitors, however, does not remain confined to the United States and China, as other big and middle powers too have indulged in the struggle for acquiring advance technology both through technology transfer and innovation. There is a growing set of literature, coming especially from the United States, that tends to project this quest for technological superiority into the Cold War paradigm of bloc politics and struggle between democracies and authoritarian States for upholding the liberal international order. Jacob Helberg’s The Wires of War: Technology and the Global Struggle for Power is one such work that divides the world into the two camps focused on a rather self-fulfilling prophecy of a tech cold war. Helberg’s book essentially revolves around two competing narratives around technology: one, the United States’ liberal democratic narrative; and the other of the China–Russia authoritarian narrative. According to the author, the authoritarian techno bloc, which is characterised by opaqueness, centralisation, technology-based mass surveillance, State-sponsored attacks on democratic political systems and disinformation warfare, is an existential threat to the liberal democracies and the liberal international order. Helberg argues that today there is a war happening between liberal democracies and authoritarian States. This war is not a direct/hot war but an ambiguous, asymmetrical, indirect ‘grey’ war. He explains this grey war taking place at two levels; one is the battle for data and information including software, and the other is the quest for hardware and technological infrastructure like undersea cables and so on (p.19). Although the idea of a ‘grey war’ is not new and has been part of military strategies for a long time, it was a key feature of the Cold War period wherein the Strategic Analysis, 2023 Vol. 47, No. 2, 177–179, https://doi.org/10.1080/09700161.2023.2191418","PeriodicalId":45012,"journal":{"name":"Strategic Analysis","volume":"47 1","pages":"177 - 179"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46217139","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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