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"Childish Things": Tragic Conservatism, White Evangelicalism, and The Challenge of Racial Reconciliation “幼稚的事情”:悲剧保守主义、白人福音主义和种族和解的挑战
IF 0.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-12-23 DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.23.3.0587
J. Hatch
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引用次数: 0
Racial Reconciliation Revisited 重新审视种族和解
IF 0.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-12-23 DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.23.3.0527
J. Hatch
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引用次数: 0
Reagan and Israel: Heroic Democracy in the Holy Land 《里根与以色列:圣地的英勇民主》
IF 0.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-12-23 DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.23.3.0455
Randall Fowler
Abstract:While scholars have studied Ronald Reagan's relationship with Israel from a diplomatic, strategic, or political lobbying perspective, few have examined this relationship rhetorically. I argue that despite Reagan's private disagreements with Israel, his public rhetoric consistently depicted Israel within the mythic terms of the Cold War as a heroic democracy like the United States. Drawing on discourses of American exceptionalism, terrorism, and Holocaust remembrance, Reagan's rhetoric constrained his diplomatic ability to deal with Israeli aggression and continues to shape American presidential discourse.
摘要:虽然学者们从外交、战略或政治游说的角度研究罗纳德·里根与以色列的关系,但很少有人从修辞的角度研究这种关系。我认为,尽管里根私下里与以色列有分歧,但他的公开言论始终如一地将以色列描绘成冷战时期神话般的民主国家,就像美国一样。利用美国例外论、恐怖主义和大屠杀纪念的言论,里根的言论限制了他应对以色列侵略的外交能力,并继续影响着美国总统的言论。
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引用次数: 0
A Technocratic Machine: The Memex as Rhetorical Invention 技术官僚机器:作为修辞发明的Memex
IF 0.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-12-23 DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.23.3.0495
Katie P. Bruner
Abstract:The Memex is an icon in the history of computer technology. It was first presented to the public in a 1945 Life Magazine article as "a device in which an individual stores all his books, records, and communications, and which is mechanized so that it may be consulted with exceeding speed and flexibility." The Memex itself was never built, but the image of what machines like it could do captured the imagination of a generation of computer engineers. The Memex was designed by an engineer and science administrator named Vannevar Bush, but he had actually designed the Memex to address inter-war America: the Memex article was written during the tumult of the late 1930s and largely untouched during World War II. This article examines the Memex within this interwar context, paying particular attention to how Bush used the design of a technological prototype to imagine how machines could help humans navigate the modern world. I argue that this effort was an act of rhetorical invention and show that the design of the Memex was a vehicle for Bush to endorse technocratic authority over American life.
摘要:Memex是计算机技术史上的一个标志。1945年《生活杂志》的一篇文章首次向公众展示了Memex,它是“一种个人存储所有书籍、记录和通信的设备,它是机械化的,因此可以以极快的速度和灵活性进行咨询。”Memex本身从未建造过,但像它这样的机器所能做的事情的形象吸引了一代计算机工程师的想象力。Memex是由一位名叫Vannevar Bush的工程师和科学管理员设计的,但他实际上是为了应对战争间的美国而设计的:Memex的文章是在20世纪30年代末的动荡时期写的,在第二次世界大战期间基本上没有受到影响。这篇文章考察了两次世界大战背景下的Memex,特别关注布什如何利用技术原型的设计来想象机器如何帮助人类在现代世界中导航。我认为,这一努力是一种修辞发明,并表明Memex的设计是布什支持技术官僚对美国生活的权威的工具。
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引用次数: 0
(Re)-Signing Reconciliation: Reading Obama's Charleston Eulogy through a Rhetorical Theory of Adaptive Racism (重新)签署和解:从适应性种族主义的修辞理论解读奥巴马的查尔斯顿赞美诗
IF 0.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-12-23 DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.23.3.0529
McPhail
Abstract:One cannot truly understand America without understanding the historical experience of black people in this nation. Simply put, to get to the heart of this country one must examine its racial soul. Though this nation has proudly thought of itself as an ethnic melting pot, in things racial we have always been and I believe continue to be, in too many ways, essentially a nation of cowards.The Roof massacre was a shocking throwback to this country's deplorable racial past. But the vast majority of whites have moved beyond that past. Most whites and most blacks wish only to be allowed to get along, outside enforced race consciousness. Pockets of virulent racial contempt still exist (as much among blacks as among whites), but they are irrelevant to the millions of individual behavioral choices that drive social and economic outcomes.
摘要:如果不了解美国黑人的历史经历,就无法真正了解美国。简单地说,要深入这个国家的核心,就必须审视它的种族灵魂。尽管这个国家自豪地认为自己是一个种族大熔炉,但在种族问题上,我们一直是,而且我相信,在很多方面,我们仍然是一个懦弱的国家。Roof大屠杀是对这个国家可悲的种族历史的令人震惊的倒退。但绝大多数白人已经超越了过去。大多数白人和大多数黑人只希望被允许在强制的种族意识之外相处。恶毒的种族蔑视仍然存在(黑人和白人一样多),但它们与推动社会和经济结果的数百万个人行为选择无关。
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引用次数: 1
The Complicity of Racial and Rhetorical Pessimism: The Coherence and Promise of the Long Civil Rights Movement 种族主义和修辞悲观主义的共谋:长期民权运动的连贯性和前景
IF 0.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-12-23 DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.23.3.0553
David A. Frank
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引用次数: 1
The Catastrophe to Come: Prefiguring Hurricane Katrina's Public Memory through the Anxious Melancholic Rhetoric of "The Big One" 即将到来的灾难:通过《大飓风》焦虑忧郁的修辞预示卡特里娜飓风的公众记忆
IF 0.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-12-23 DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.23.3.0417
Grossman
Abstract:The city of New Orleans has long narrated its own demise through reference to "the Big One," a singular hurricane that would destroy the city for good. The "catastrophe to come" is a more or less permanent spectral presence for many of its residents, evidence of which can be traced as far back as the city's founding in 1718. When it comes to memorialization of Katrina, the central question of this essay is: how does one analyze public memory of an event so thoroughly anticipated, indeed, whose historical anticipation is fundamental to the later memory of it? Rather than merely acting as the historical context within which public memory comes to be interpreted, this anticipation and the anxiety that marks its form figures directly into the reading of the later memory object itself. In this essay, I argue that the repeated narrativization of the Big One is an anxious rhetoric that prefigures post-Katrina memory objects through a process of melancholic rhetorical incorporation. I first engage the history of New Orleans and this anxiety, extrapolating my usage of anxiety and melancholy as rhetorical concepts along the way. Then, I tender a critical analysis that first reads two narratives of such destruction to describe memory's prefiguration and then turns symmetrically to two post-Katrina memory objects to demonstrate the work of incorporation in the production of memory objects.
摘要:新奥尔良市长期以来一直通过提及“大飓风”来讲述自己的消亡,这是一场将永远摧毁这座城市的独特飓风。对许多居民来说,“即将到来的灾难”或多或少是一种永久性的光谱存在,其证据可以追溯到1718年该市成立之时。当谈到纪念卡特里娜飓风时,这篇文章的中心问题是:如何分析公众对一个事件的记忆,事实上,这个事件的历史预期是后来记忆的基础?这种预期和标记其形式的焦虑不仅仅是作为解释公共记忆的历史背景,而是直接影响到对后来记忆对象本身的解读。在这篇文章中,我认为《大人物》的重复叙事是一种焦虑的修辞,它通过一个忧郁的修辞融合过程来预示卡特里娜飓风后的记忆对象。我首先接触了新奥尔良的历史和这种焦虑,推断出我在这一过程中对焦虑和忧郁作为修辞概念的使用。然后,我进行了一个批判性分析,首先阅读两个关于这种破坏的叙述来描述记忆的预构,然后对称地转向两个卡特里娜飓风后的记忆对象,以展示在记忆对象的产生中融入的工作。
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引用次数: 0
Homeless Advocacy and the Rhetorical Construction of the Civic Home by Melanie Loehwing (review) 无家可归者的倡导与公民之家的修辞建构梅勒妮·洛因(书评)
IF 0.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.23.4.0767
Jay P. Childers
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引用次数: 0
Citizen Science in the Digital Age: Rhetoric, Science, and Public Engagement by James Wynn (review) 詹姆斯·韦恩的《数字时代的公民科学:修辞、科学与公众参与》(综述)
IF 0.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.23.4.0764
Karen Schroeder Sorensen
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引用次数: 0
After Gun Violence: Deliberation and Memory in an Age of Political Gridlock by Craig Rood (review) 《枪支暴力之后:政治僵局时代的思考与记忆》克雷格·鲁德著(书评)
IF 0.8 Q3 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.23.4.0797
Christopher M. Duerringer
Aparadox lies at the heart of the debate over guns and gun control in the United States. A clear majority of the voting public supports a number of different proposals to regulate access to firearms and the type of firearms available for sale. According to a May 2019 Quinnipiac University poll, nearly three-quarters of Americans say that more needs to be done to address gun violence; 94 percent support universal background checks for those purchasing firearms; and 63 percent support a nationwide ban on the sale of assault weapons. However, there seems to be little sign of any progress with these issues. In fact, there is even evidence from a Pew Research Center study published in March 2018 that gun laws have been loosened in the years since the mass murder of 20 children and six teachers at Sandy Hook Elementary School in 2012. In After Gun Violence, Craig Rood leverages scholarship on public memory to help explain the general gridlock that marks contemporary discourse about guns and gun control in the United States. Putting public memory in conversation with deliberation invites an analysis that cuts both ways: “First, public deliberation shapes public memory . . . Second, public memory shapes public deliberation” (24). A product of rhetoric itself, public memory influences the choices we make when deciding what is worth talking about; what meanings we make about what is happening now; and what courses of action are warranted, feasible, and virtuous. These acts will undoubtedly, although partially, be remembered when future interlocutors find themselves pressed to make meaning about what is happening in their own time. Rood explains the effectiveness of the gun lobby in resisting legal reform largely in terms of its highly selective remembrance of the Founding
Aparadox是美国枪支和枪支管制争论的核心。绝大多数投票公众支持一系列不同的提案,以规范枪支的获取和可供出售的枪支类型。根据昆尼皮亚克大学2019年5月的一项民意调查,近四分之三的美国人表示,需要采取更多措施来解决枪支暴力问题;94%的人支持对购买枪支的人进行普遍背景调查;63%的人支持在全国范围内禁止销售攻击性武器。然而,在这些问题上似乎没有任何进展的迹象。事实上,皮尤研究中心2018年3月发表的一项研究甚至有证据表明,自2012年桑迪胡克小学20名儿童和6名教师被大规模谋杀以来,枪支法已经放松。在《枪支暴力事件之后》一书中,克雷格·罗德利用公众记忆方面的学术知识,帮助解释了当代美国枪支和枪支管制话语中普遍存在的僵局。将公众记忆与深思熟虑进行对话,引发了一种双向分析:“首先,公众深思熟虑塑造了公众记忆……其次,公众记忆塑造了公众深思熟虑”(24)。作为修辞本身的产物,公共记忆影响着我们在决定什么值得谈论时所做的选择;我们对现在发生的事情有什么意义;以及采取哪些行动是合理的、可行的和有益的。当未来的对话者发现自己被要求对自己时代正在发生的事情有意义时,这些行为无疑会被铭记,尽管部分会被铭记。Rood解释了枪支游说团体在抵制法律改革方面的有效性,主要是因为他们对建国的高度选择性纪念
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