Pub Date : 2021-11-22DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0483
Bardhan, Cutter
Abstract:To commemorate its declaration of a global khilafah in 2014, the Islamic State (IS) began publishing an online magazine, Dabiq, which became one of its primary recruiting tools during its rise to infamy. By using rhetoric that recalls U.S. presidential war rhetoric, specifically, tropes of "justice" and "time," the English-language version of Dabiq fulfilled both subversive and hegemonic functions. It disrupted the reductive discourse that equates Islamic terrorists only with barbaric aggression and rendered IS as a rational global actor. Through this subversive move, IS aligned its anti-imperial interests with potential recruits in English-speaking Western countries with similar proclivities. At the same time, through its use of dominant Western war tropes, IS made a hegemonic attempt to facilitate recruits' cultural identification so they assume a congruence of interests with IS, leading to an alignment of motives. Dabiq thus fulfilled an imperial trajectory through (neo)imperial rhetorics of identification and control. IS's strategic use of(neo)imperial tropes in English—language of the empire—in Dabiq hence complicates monolithic (and Oriental) perceptions of the relationship between empire, imperialism, and Islamic terrorism in contemporary global political discourse. In addition, the significance of (neo) imperial tropes expands the heuristic scope of the rhetoric of terrorism by highlighting the implications of imperial ambitions and use of (neo)imperial rhetoric for the rise of global Islamic terrorism.
{"title":"Recruiting Foreign Warriors: Moral and Temporal Tropes in the Islamic State's Dabiq","authors":"Bardhan, Cutter","doi":"10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0483","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0483","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:To commemorate its declaration of a global khilafah in 2014, the Islamic State (IS) began publishing an online magazine, Dabiq, which became one of its primary recruiting tools during its rise to infamy. By using rhetoric that recalls U.S. presidential war rhetoric, specifically, tropes of \"justice\" and \"time,\" the English-language version of Dabiq fulfilled both subversive and hegemonic functions. It disrupted the reductive discourse that equates Islamic terrorists only with barbaric aggression and rendered IS as a rational global actor. Through this subversive move, IS aligned its anti-imperial interests with potential recruits in English-speaking Western countries with similar proclivities. At the same time, through its use of dominant Western war tropes, IS made a hegemonic attempt to facilitate recruits' cultural identification so they assume a congruence of interests with IS, leading to an alignment of motives. Dabiq thus fulfilled an imperial trajectory through (neo)imperial rhetorics of identification and control. IS's strategic use of(neo)imperial tropes in English—language of the empire—in Dabiq hence complicates monolithic (and Oriental) perceptions of the relationship between empire, imperialism, and Islamic terrorism in contemporary global political discourse. In addition, the significance of (neo) imperial tropes expands the heuristic scope of the rhetoric of terrorism by highlighting the implications of imperial ambitions and use of (neo)imperial rhetoric for the rise of global Islamic terrorism.","PeriodicalId":45013,"journal":{"name":"Rhetoric & Public Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42673864","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-22DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0521
Allison Morris Niebauer
Abstract:This essay investigates how Allied postwar planners sought to overcome a set of legal, political, and pragmatic problems in the punishment of Nazi perpetrators by turning to conspiracy law. In doing so, they sought to glean the rhetorical benefits of conspiracy discourse and argument but were largely thwarted due to the specialized burdens of proof required by law. Here, I suggest that while everyday uses of conspiracy discourse can overcome the problem of assigning individual guilt in the midst of dispersed and collective criminality due to its low burdens of proof, the heart of the Western legal tradition—the fault principle—stymies the effectiveness of conspiracy law as a charge. Despite its relative inefficacy, conspiracy law has had a significant legacy in shaping postwar understandings of World War II and in providing a precedent to hold perpetrators accountable in recent postconflict trials. The continued usage of conspiracy law, despite its shortcomings, points to the limits of legal solutions in the wake of mass atrocities and the need for creative mechanisms for dealing with perceptions of individual and collective guilt.
{"title":"Assigning Guilt and Dispersing Blame: Conspiracy Discourse and the Limits of Law in the Nuremberg Trials","authors":"Allison Morris Niebauer","doi":"10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0521","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0521","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This essay investigates how Allied postwar planners sought to overcome a set of legal, political, and pragmatic problems in the punishment of Nazi perpetrators by turning to conspiracy law. In doing so, they sought to glean the rhetorical benefits of conspiracy discourse and argument but were largely thwarted due to the specialized burdens of proof required by law. Here, I suggest that while everyday uses of conspiracy discourse can overcome the problem of assigning individual guilt in the midst of dispersed and collective criminality due to its low burdens of proof, the heart of the Western legal tradition—the fault principle—stymies the effectiveness of conspiracy law as a charge. Despite its relative inefficacy, conspiracy law has had a significant legacy in shaping postwar understandings of World War II and in providing a precedent to hold perpetrators accountable in recent postconflict trials. The continued usage of conspiracy law, despite its shortcomings, points to the limits of legal solutions in the wake of mass atrocities and the need for creative mechanisms for dealing with perceptions of individual and collective guilt.","PeriodicalId":45013,"journal":{"name":"Rhetoric & Public Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41868637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-22DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0413
S. McKinnon
Abstract:In 2009, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights ruled in González et al. ("Cotton Field") v. Mexico that Mexico and the state of Chihuahua were responsible for cultivating conditions of feminicidio and pervasive structural violence against women. Drawing on theories of justice, agency, and responsibility, this essay examines the court's legal decision to understand the power of rhetoric in creating the conditions for justice in the face of state-complicit structural violence. The court crafted a series of definitional, commemorative, and deliberative stipulations that Mexico had to recognize and implement to do justice to past and future victims of feminicidio. The Inter-American Court does important definitional work toward naming gender violence as structural violence, yet the court limits possibilities for justice in two important ways. The court figures Mexico as responsible and uses that frame to suggest that the state is the primary agent responsible for ensuring justice. While this is a common equation of agency and responsibility in legal cases, in matter of state-complicit structural violence, such configurations end up foreclosing the possibility of justice and augmenting the powers of the state.
摘要:2009年，美洲人权法院在González et al. ("Cotton Field")诉墨西哥一案中裁定，墨西哥和奇瓦瓦州对滋生杀害女性和普遍存在的针对妇女的结构性暴力负有责任。借鉴正义、代理和责任理论，本文考察了法院的法律判决，以了解在面对国家同谋的结构性暴力时，修辞在创造正义条件方面的力量。法院制定了一系列定义性、纪念性和审议性的规定，墨西哥必须承认并实施这些规定，以为过去和未来的女性杀戮受害者伸张正义。美洲法院在将性别暴力定义为结构性暴力方面做了重要的定义工作，但法院在两个重要方面限制了正义的可能性。法院认为墨西哥负有责任，并利用这一框架暗示，国家是确保正义的主要代理人。虽然这是法律案件中机构和责任的常见等式，但在国家同谋的结构性暴力问题上，这种配置最终排除了正义的可能性，并扩大了国家的权力。
{"title":"Feminicidio in the International Courts: Agency and Responsibility in the Making of Justice","authors":"S. McKinnon","doi":"10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0413","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In 2009, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights ruled in González et al. (\"Cotton Field\") v. Mexico that Mexico and the state of Chihuahua were responsible for cultivating conditions of feminicidio and pervasive structural violence against women. Drawing on theories of justice, agency, and responsibility, this essay examines the court's legal decision to understand the power of rhetoric in creating the conditions for justice in the face of state-complicit structural violence. The court crafted a series of definitional, commemorative, and deliberative stipulations that Mexico had to recognize and implement to do justice to past and future victims of feminicidio. The Inter-American Court does important definitional work toward naming gender violence as structural violence, yet the court limits possibilities for justice in two important ways. The court figures Mexico as responsible and uses that frame to suggest that the state is the primary agent responsible for ensuring justice. While this is a common equation of agency and responsibility in legal cases, in matter of state-complicit structural violence, such configurations end up foreclosing the possibility of justice and augmenting the powers of the state.","PeriodicalId":45013,"journal":{"name":"Rhetoric & Public Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43707934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-22DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0447
Anne C. Kretsinger-Harries
Abstract:This essay examines Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s campaign for President John F. Kennedy to issue a second emancipation proclamation, which involved a series of public speeches delivered across the nation from 1961 through 1963 as well as a 60-page Appeal memorandum composed for Kennedy by Southern Christian Leadership Conference lawyers. King challenged Kennedy's conservative, accommodating understanding of prudence by harnessing the inventional resources of Civil War centennial commemoration, folding together the past and present to offer a vision of audacious presidential leadership. Examination of this historical moment provides insight into how commemoration creates kairotic opportunities for advocates of social change to renegotiate prudence and call forth new, bolder forms of political action.
{"title":"Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s Second Emancipation Proclamation: Reimagining Prudence through Commemoration","authors":"Anne C. Kretsinger-Harries","doi":"10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0447","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This essay examines Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s campaign for President John F. Kennedy to issue a second emancipation proclamation, which involved a series of public speeches delivered across the nation from 1961 through 1963 as well as a 60-page Appeal memorandum composed for Kennedy by Southern Christian Leadership Conference lawyers. King challenged Kennedy's conservative, accommodating understanding of prudence by harnessing the inventional resources of Civil War centennial commemoration, folding together the past and present to offer a vision of audacious presidential leadership. Examination of this historical moment provides insight into how commemoration creates kairotic opportunities for advocates of social change to renegotiate prudence and call forth new, bolder forms of political action.","PeriodicalId":45013,"journal":{"name":"Rhetoric & Public Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41842634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0578
E. Kimball
In chapter 2 of A Responsive Rhetorical Art: Artistic Methods for Contemporary Public Life, Elenore Long offers her readers some advice. She suggests that if we are uncertain about theory, we skip ahead to read chapters 4 and 5 first, which explain her real-world cases, then loop back to the earlier chapters for setting out questions and defining terms. Being sure of myself as a theorist—and being a cowriter with Elenore on a related project—I was certain I could read the book as it was ordered, and so I ignored her advice. But it was not until chapter 6 that I finally began to feel I had the sea legs for the journey that Long asks us to take. In that chapter, we meet the Gambian American student organization. We are brought to the scene of a beauty pageant, organized by the college students as a fundraiser for tuition for girls at the Sajuka Community School in the Gambia. At first glance, the event traverses the familiar contours of charity work. It is some kind of gala night, meant to get people out to raise money and good feelings. Epideictic speeches promote the cause. After, the money raised is donated to people in need. Surely a beauty pageant is not the setting of radical change that we in public rhetoric long to create. But as Long unfolds the story beyond this initial description, she reveals the complex performative work of these young people, who strive to make a world together. Yes, they contend with dominant aid-to-Africa discourses and neoliberal economics (95–100). While these discourses are pervasive and “sedimented,” they are not “cemented” (142), and it is in this difference that Long ekes out her methods for rhetorical world making. Long shows us how to see the possibilities for the “what next” in the rhetorical work of these independent, hopeful college students.
{"title":"A Responsive Rhetorical Art: Artistic Methods for Contemporary Public Life by Elenore Long (review)","authors":"E. Kimball","doi":"10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0578","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0578","url":null,"abstract":"In chapter 2 of A Responsive Rhetorical Art: Artistic Methods for Contemporary Public Life, Elenore Long offers her readers some advice. She suggests that if we are uncertain about theory, we skip ahead to read chapters 4 and 5 first, which explain her real-world cases, then loop back to the earlier chapters for setting out questions and defining terms. Being sure of myself as a theorist—and being a cowriter with Elenore on a related project—I was certain I could read the book as it was ordered, and so I ignored her advice. But it was not until chapter 6 that I finally began to feel I had the sea legs for the journey that Long asks us to take. In that chapter, we meet the Gambian American student organization. We are brought to the scene of a beauty pageant, organized by the college students as a fundraiser for tuition for girls at the Sajuka Community School in the Gambia. At first glance, the event traverses the familiar contours of charity work. It is some kind of gala night, meant to get people out to raise money and good feelings. Epideictic speeches promote the cause. After, the money raised is donated to people in need. Surely a beauty pageant is not the setting of radical change that we in public rhetoric long to create. But as Long unfolds the story beyond this initial description, she reveals the complex performative work of these young people, who strive to make a world together. Yes, they contend with dominant aid-to-Africa discourses and neoliberal economics (95–100). While these discourses are pervasive and “sedimented,” they are not “cemented” (142), and it is in this difference that Long ekes out her methods for rhetorical world making. Long shows us how to see the possibilities for the “what next” in the rhetorical work of these independent, hopeful college students.","PeriodicalId":45013,"journal":{"name":"Rhetoric & Public Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46906063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0570
Charles C. Howard
{"title":"Civic Hope: How Ordinary Americans Keep Democracy Alive by Roderick P. Hart (review)","authors":"Charles C. Howard","doi":"10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0570","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0570","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45013,"journal":{"name":"Rhetoric & Public Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48897111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-01DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0559
Ali Na
Bringing new evidence and thinking to examples of racially charged cases of U.S. naturalization, Douglas Coulson’s Race, Nation, and Refuge: The Rhetoric of Race in Asian American Citizenship Cases offers a rhetorical emphasis in legal studies. The text focuses on pivotal cases and legislative debates that set precedents on eligibility for naturalized citizenship during a time when only white immigrants could be granted citizenship by the courts. The first two examples in the book are Supreme Court cases that declared Japanese (Ozawa, 1922) and high-caste Hindus (Thind, 1923) were not white for the purposes of naturalization. The third federal case came out of Oregon and was met with success; Cartozian (1925) allowed Armenians to naturalize on the basis of the case’s appeal to whiteness. In addition to the three case-focused chapters, Coulson examines the context of WorldWar II alliances. Working through these studies, Coulson argues that success or failure largely hinged on their appeal to sharing external threats and adversaries to the United States. Unlike Ozawa for Japanese naturalization and Thind for high-caste Hindu naturalization, which argued their status as equals or greater to white Europeans, Cartozian appealed to harm by an external threat (x). Coulson refers to contested cases of naturalization as “racial eligibility cases” (xi). In contrast to what Coulson describes as an existing legal studies bias toward technical language, he emphasizes “racial eligibility discourse” through a critical rhetorical approach (xi, xii, xv). Coulson distinguishes his book in two additional ways. First, it is supported by newly addressed primary sources, including often unexamined and underpreserved materials (e.g., trial exhibits, congressional hearings and debates, and memoranda from the U.S. Bureau of Naturalization) (xx–xxi). Second,
{"title":"Race, Nation, and Refuge: The Rhetoric of Race in Asian American Citizenship Cases by Doug Coulson (review)","authors":"Ali Na","doi":"10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0559","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.3.0559","url":null,"abstract":"Bringing new evidence and thinking to examples of racially charged cases of U.S. naturalization, Douglas Coulson’s Race, Nation, and Refuge: The Rhetoric of Race in Asian American Citizenship Cases offers a rhetorical emphasis in legal studies. The text focuses on pivotal cases and legislative debates that set precedents on eligibility for naturalized citizenship during a time when only white immigrants could be granted citizenship by the courts. The first two examples in the book are Supreme Court cases that declared Japanese (Ozawa, 1922) and high-caste Hindus (Thind, 1923) were not white for the purposes of naturalization. The third federal case came out of Oregon and was met with success; Cartozian (1925) allowed Armenians to naturalize on the basis of the case’s appeal to whiteness. In addition to the three case-focused chapters, Coulson examines the context of WorldWar II alliances. Working through these studies, Coulson argues that success or failure largely hinged on their appeal to sharing external threats and adversaries to the United States. Unlike Ozawa for Japanese naturalization and Thind for high-caste Hindu naturalization, which argued their status as equals or greater to white Europeans, Cartozian appealed to harm by an external threat (x). Coulson refers to contested cases of naturalization as “racial eligibility cases” (xi). In contrast to what Coulson describes as an existing legal studies bias toward technical language, he emphasizes “racial eligibility discourse” through a critical rhetorical approach (xi, xii, xv). Coulson distinguishes his book in two additional ways. First, it is supported by newly addressed primary sources, including often unexamined and underpreserved materials (e.g., trial exhibits, congressional hearings and debates, and memoranda from the U.S. Bureau of Naturalization) (xx–xxi). Second,","PeriodicalId":45013,"journal":{"name":"Rhetoric & Public Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46789118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-24DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.1-2.0307
Eunil Kim
Abstract:While many have critiqued the racist, sexist, and otherwise prejudiced nature of comedic rhetorics, few have considered how identity-based comedy, particularly racial comedy, functions productively, rather than merely oppressively. Studies of comedic rhetorics have primarily focused on Black and white comedians, but the increasing number and variety of popular comedians of color demands investigation into how comedians from different racial backgrounds use humor to rhetorically articulate the boundaries of their racial(ized) identities. This essay theorizes comedic rhetoric, particularly stereotypes in comedy, as a constitutive form of rhetoric that can articulate generative racial identities as they exist within the ambivalent spaces of in-group stereotypes. By pairing polysemy, Mikhail Bakhtin's theory of polyphony, and Tina Chen's theory of impersonation to analyze the standup performances of Asian American comedian Ali Wong, this essay ultimately represents a necessary intervention into understanding racial comedy and stereotypes as potentially productive sites for examining racial identity.
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Pub Date : 2021-08-24DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.1-2.0191
Matthew Detar
Abstract:Rhetorical studies as a discipline relies on a set of theories and a geography of case studies that circularly reinforce one another to authorize white-Euro-American traditions of knowledge beholden to colonial ways of knowing the world. Calls to "internationalize" the cases and topics of rhetorical studies are easily subsumed by the self-authorizing racist epistemology of the discipline, since additive models of "diverse" cases repurpose diversity to reinforce the authority of the discipline as it already exists. How should the globalization of rhetorical studies address the disciplinary logic of white, colonial, U.S. normativity? Studying non-U.S., non-Western rhetorical practice must be an anticolonial political intervention to fundamentally reimagine the discipline or it will risk reproducing a racist disciplinary structure.This essay maps three ways that scholars studying "international" cases have led a restructuring of the discipline by challenging the presumptions of universality that creep into scholarship. Anticolonial rhetorical scholars challenge processes of universalization as method, as rhetorical practice, and as ontology. When these processes of universalization become the object of study for rhetorical scholars, there is a possibility that rhetorical studies can develop the reflexivity to challenge its own circularly reinforcing, exclusionary disciplinary logic of white-U.S. normativity.
{"title":"Why \"Anticolonial\" International Rhetorical Studies?","authors":"Matthew Detar","doi":"10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.1-2.0191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.1-2.0191","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Rhetorical studies as a discipline relies on a set of theories and a geography of case studies that circularly reinforce one another to authorize white-Euro-American traditions of knowledge beholden to colonial ways of knowing the world. Calls to \"internationalize\" the cases and topics of rhetorical studies are easily subsumed by the self-authorizing racist epistemology of the discipline, since additive models of \"diverse\" cases repurpose diversity to reinforce the authority of the discipline as it already exists. How should the globalization of rhetorical studies address the disciplinary logic of white, colonial, U.S. normativity? Studying non-U.S., non-Western rhetorical practice must be an anticolonial political intervention to fundamentally reimagine the discipline or it will risk reproducing a racist disciplinary structure.This essay maps three ways that scholars studying \"international\" cases have led a restructuring of the discipline by challenging the presumptions of universality that creep into scholarship. Anticolonial rhetorical scholars challenge processes of universalization as method, as rhetorical practice, and as ontology. When these processes of universalization become the object of study for rhetorical scholars, there is a possibility that rhetorical studies can develop the reflexivity to challenge its own circularly reinforcing, exclusionary disciplinary logic of white-U.S. normativity.","PeriodicalId":45013,"journal":{"name":"Rhetoric & Public Affairs","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43751312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-24DOI: 10.14321/rhetpublaffa.24.1-2.0069
Johnson, Mckerrow
Abstract:We have been asked to engage in a conversation about the current role of ideology—as critique, as rhetoric, as a framework within which academics operate. Our approach will not seek to write the history of rhetorical critique from an ideological perspective, nor work from extant literature as one might in a traditional research essay. Still, we reference ideas emanating from that literature; instead of the normal "source citation in text," we will list references at the end. Our ideas do not exist in a vacuum—they are stimulated by our own reading/writing in the area of ideology critique—from the original "ideological turn" to the present day. Hence it seems appropriate to acknowledge where ideas, especially about missing elements or future trajectories in research, come from. This conversation touches on the Cold War afterlife of the public as an ideological force, whiteness's role in gatekeeping the field, and how political liberalism and those interpellated by it constrain the field's future(s).
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