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Vibrant Theory 充满活力的理论
IF 0.6 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00293652.2021.2010125
Alexander Bauer, R. Preucel
Gavin Lucas and Chris Witmore pose the question of what a commitment to theory means in the absence of ‘paradigms.’ We take up their question and seek to engage with and critique the answer that they offer, focusing on three interrelated areas: first, their characterization of ‘strong’ vs. ‘weak’ theory; second, their move to elevate an object-centred approach as a corrective to earlier ‘top-down’ modes of interpretation; third, their discussion of relevance as an emergent process. We close with some thoughts of our own about the future of theory in archaeology. In the spirit of a ‘hermeneutics of generosity’ (Preucel 2021), we seek to engage in a productive dialogue where we take their ideas seriously and offer our own perspectives that are strongly coloured by our commitment to pragmatism and our interest in semiotics. Lucas and Witmore begin by reflecting upon the disunification of the field over the past two decades. They suggest that while theory may not be ‘dead’ (Bintliff and Pearce 2011, Thomas 2015), there seems to be an end to the era of grand theories that sought to synthesize knowledge under a single, overarching paradigm. Sceptical of arguments for new paradigms (e.g. Kristiansen 2014), they make the case that we have entered a phase where concepts and ideas such as gender, agency, and materiality are supplanting approaches such as Marxism, structuralism, processualism, and postprocessualism. They regard this theoretical pluralism as paradigm driven in the sense that it relies on models, patterns, and precedent and seek to challenge us to think more deeply about the work that theory does. They then make a distinction between ‘strong’ and ‘weak’ theory (borrowing from Sedgwick 1997). Strong theory, they argue, is characterized by ‘all those – isms and ologies’ we teach our undergraduate students. It is heavy-handed and acts to place things in readymade boxes as a way of satisfying a priori ideas. They assert that for far too long, archaeologists have relied on paradigmatic strong theories to make ‘mute stones speak.’ They advocate instead for weak theory, an approach that ‘hesitates in the face of things and even sets out on a different path should the situation deem it.’ Pétursdóttir and Olsen (2018, p. 105), whom they cite, characterize weak theory as a theory ‘that replaces suspicion and paranoia with trust and affinity, and as a result becomes vulnerable and mutable.’ While it is true that much ‘strong’ theory can be limiting and proscriptive (e.g. selectionism), we do not see how their understanding of ‘weak theory’ improves upon the approaches advocated by many archaeologists over the past three decades. Indeed, these earlier approaches whether they be characterized as ‘hermeneutics’ (Hodder 1991), ‘tacking back and forth’ (Wylie 1989), or ‘semiosis’ (Preucel and Bauer 2001), all recognize the act of interpretation as provisional, open-ended, and
Gavin Lucas和Chris Witmore提出了一个问题,即在没有“范式”的情况下,对理论的承诺意味着什么我们回答了他们的问题,并试图参与和批评他们提供的答案,重点关注三个相互关联的领域:首先,他们对“强”与“弱”理论的描述;其次,他们将以对象为中心的方法提升为对早期“自上而下”解释模式的纠正;第三,他们对关联性作为一个突发过程的讨论。最后,我们对考古学理论的未来有一些自己的想法。本着“慷慨的解释学”(Preucel 2021)的精神,我们寻求进行富有成效的对话,认真对待他们的想法,并提供我们自己的观点,这些观点深受我们对实用主义的承诺和对符号学的兴趣的影响。Lucas和Witmore首先反思了过去二十年来该领域的不统一。他们认为,虽然理论可能还没有“死”(Bintliff和Pearce,2011年,Thomas,2015年),但试图在单一、总体范式下综合知识的宏大理论时代似乎已经结束。他们对新范式的论点持怀疑态度(例如Kristiansen 2014),认为我们已经进入了一个阶段,性别、能动性和物质性等概念和思想正在取代马克思主义、结构主义、过程主义和后过程主义等方法。他们认为这种理论多元主义是范式驱动的,因为它依赖于模型、模式和先例,并试图挑战我们更深入地思考理论所做的工作。然后,他们区分了“强”和“弱”理论(借用Sedgwick 1997)。他们认为,强大的理论的特点是我们教给本科生的“所有这些主义和技术”。把东西放在现成的盒子里是一种满足先验想法的方式,这是一种高压手段。他们断言,长期以来,考古学家一直依靠典型的有力理论来让“沉默的石头说话”相反,他们提倡弱理论,这种方法“在面对事情时犹豫不决,甚至在情况允许的情况下走上不同的道路”。他们引用的Pétursdóttir和Olsen(2018,第105页)将弱理论描述为一种“用信任和亲和力取代怀疑和偏执,从而变得脆弱和多变”的理论虽然许多“强”理论确实可以是限制性的和禁止性的(例如选择论),但我们看不到他们对“弱理论”的理解如何在过去三十年中改善许多考古学家倡导的方法。事实上,这些早期的方法,无论是被描述为“解释学”(Hodder 1991)、“前后衔接”(Wylie 1989)还是“符号学”(Preucel和Bauer 2001),都承认解释行为是暂时的、开放的
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引用次数: 0
The materialisation of colour: Reconstructing Egyptian blue manufacture on late Hellenistic Kos 颜色的物质化:重建希腊化晚期科斯的埃及蓝色制造
IF 0.6 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00293652.2022.2052746
Ariadne Kostomitsopoulou Marketou
Contrasting Western views of colour as a de-materialised, abstract value, this paper approaches the technologies of colourant production in Mediterranean antiquity as the active processes of colour materialization by examining the late Hellenistic workshop found on the Aegean Island of Kos as a case study. The challenging pyrotechnological process of Egyptian blue production is the focus of this paper, which aims to illustrate the sequence of material transformations followed to create this saturated blue pigment. Despite the widespread use of Egyptian blue in the ancient Mediterranean world, only scarce archaeological evidence of production sites exists. The Koan workshop, containing an assemblage of successfully and unsuccessfully produced Egyptian blue pellets alongside amorphous lead lumps, litharge rods, and earth pigments, provides the material remains to study the pigment’s manufacture. The process of making blue in the context of this workshop can be broken down into two phases. The first phase includes the production of the initial Egyptian blue pellets and the second the further processing for the creation of different tonalities of blue. Bridging the dematerialised notion of colour to the material remains of production, this paper brings us closer to appreciating ancient conceptualizations of colour.
对比西方将色彩视为一种去物质化、抽象化的价值观,本文以爱琴海科斯岛上发现的希腊化晚期作坊为例,探讨了地中海古代的着色剂生产技术作为色彩物化的积极过程。埃及蓝生产的具有挑战性的高温工艺过程是本文的重点,旨在说明制造这种饱和蓝色颜料所需的材料转换顺序。尽管古地中海世界广泛使用埃及蓝,但只有稀少的生产遗址考古证据。Koan车间包含了一组成功和失败生产的埃及蓝色颗粒,以及无定形铅块、锂棒和地球颜料,为研究颜料的制造提供了剩余材料。在这个研讨会的背景下,制作蓝色的过程可以分为两个阶段。第一阶段包括最初的埃及蓝色颗粒的生产,第二阶段是进一步加工以产生不同色调的蓝色。本文将非物质化的色彩概念与生产的物质遗迹联系起来,使我们更接近于欣赏古老的色彩概念。
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引用次数: 3
Bronze Age Worlds. A Social Prehistory of Britain and Ireland 青铜时代的世界。英国和爱尔兰的社会史前史
IF 0.6 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00293652.2022.2065527
Stefanie Schaefer-Di Maida
The book is a comprehensive presentation of the Bronze Age society of Britain and Ireland and con-sists of three main parts: ‘Gifts’, ‘Dwellings’ and ‘Landmarks’ with kinship as core in the narratives. Johnston starts by introducing the theoretical and terminological foundations of his work. He criticizes approaches that use terms that describe and categor-ize a Bronze Age society in general and favours instead a relational approach that keeps the classifi-cation of societies open and works in a descriptive way. He favours a perspective emphasizing relations and open dialogue between scientific and social enquiries, providing the premises for his work. Johnston's book therefore provides a well of examples and descriptions, and this book review is a reflection of that. indicate
这本书是对青铜时代英国和爱尔兰社会的全面介绍,由三个主要部分组成:“礼物”,“住所”和“地标”,亲属关系是叙事的核心。约翰斯顿首先介绍了他的工作的理论和术语基础。他批评了用术语来描述和分类青铜器时代社会的方法,而倾向于一种关系方法,这种方法保持了社会分类的开放性,并以一种描述性的方式起作用。他喜欢强调科学和社会探究之间的关系和公开对话的观点,这为他的工作提供了前提。因此,约翰斯顿的书提供了大量的例子和描述,这篇书评就是对这一点的反映。表明
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引用次数: 8
Theory Above? Theory Alongside? 上面的理论?理论与否?
IF 0.6 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00293652.2021.2010127
Christopher L. Witmore, G. Lucas
ions of the world they observed, they also gained greater recognition through the replicability of those abstractions in other situations. If it would be overly reductive to argue that archaeologists as consumers of borrowed theory entered into a pyramid scheme that ultimately produced diminishing returns, then it would be equally one-sided to suggest strong theory only led to redundancy. Rather, the key Theory Above? Theory Alongside? 93
他们观察到的世界的离子,也通过这些抽象在其他情况下的可复制性获得了更大的认可。如果说考古学家作为借来理论的消费者进入了一个最终产生递减回报的金字塔计划,这是过于简化的,那么认为强有力的理论只会导致冗余也是同样片面的。更确切地说,上面的关键理论?理论与否?93
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引用次数: 0
A Glacially Preserved Mesolithic Rock Crystal Extraction Site in the Swiss Alps 瑞士阿尔卑斯山一处保存完好的中石器时代水晶提取遗址
IF 0.6 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00293652.2022.2052747
M. Cornelissen, Christian Auf der Maur, Thomas Reitmaier
The retreating Brunifirn glacier in the Alps of central Switzerland exposed a rock crystal extraction site exploited during the Early and Late Mesolithic. It has yielded organic objects preserved in the ice as well as rock crystal and quartz extraction waste, knapping debris, and tools.
瑞士中部阿尔卑斯山上正在消退的布鲁尼芬冰川暴露了中石器时代早期和晚期开采的岩石晶体提取点。它产生了保存在冰中的有机物体,以及水晶和石英提取废料、粉碎碎片和工具。
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引用次数: 0
A Theoretically Committed Archaeology is a Civilised Archaeology 坚持理论的考古学是文明的考古学
IF 0.6 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00293652.2021.2010123
Marko M. Marila
Systematic theorizing in archaeology today is widely regarded as a thing of the past. The two principal reasons why theory has become so diluted are those theoretical positions addressed also by Lucas and Witmore: (1) the black-boxing tactics of scientific archaeology, where the inner workings of its apparatuses are thought to be so simple or particularistic that their outputs or the societal effects thereof need not be problematized, and (2) the ontologisation of archaeology’s epistemology and the related idea that any indigenous ontology is a better epistemology. Both are good examples of theorizing to the point of systematically and uncritically excluding any theoretical system in conflict. Against this backdrop, I read the article by Lucas and Witmore as a call for a return to the systematic thinking of the basic questions concerning the definition and pragmatics of theory in archaeology: what is it that we talk about when we use the word theory, and why do our theoretical commitments matter? Theoretical archaeology has been around for as long as the discipline has existed, but archaeologists did not always use the word theory (e.g., Müller 1897, pp. 689–702). To add to the confusion, the history of explicitly theoretical archaeology is that of theoretical atomization characterized by a shift from epistemological matters pertaining to scientific explanation in the new archaeology, to an emphasis on the social concerns in the interpretive archaeologies, and, more recently, to the extension of theory to also pertain to the speculative realm of objects. I want to use this opportunity to talk about archaeological theory as a system of thinking. I try to do so in a way that is historically sensitive but also cautious of the definitions of ‘systematic’ and ‘thinking’. In doing so I am also, at least implicitly, addressing the fault lines of contemporary archaeological theorizing and the opportunities we might have for thinking across the disparate realms of ontology and epistemology. In archaeology, systematic thinking means engaging in (at least) four types of theory. I use the term component to stress their systematic entanglement: 1. The empirical component. With empirical I refer to the type of low-level inferences and generalizations or the straight-forward creation of ideas from the sensuous observation of a given body of archaeological material without much theoretical intervention or critical reflection. What the empirical component then suggests is not a naive empiricism but an empirical sensitivity; that some sort evolutionary or cosmological closeness – however translative – is to be expected between impression and object. In my reading, the empirical component is the same as Lucas and Witmore’s fidelity: theories characterized by unfinishedness and slowness as well as the patience to resist the urge to
在今天的考古学中,系统的理论化被广泛认为是过去的事情。理论被如此稀释的两个主要原因是Lucas和Witmore也提到的那些理论立场:(1)科学考古学的黑箱战术,其设备的内部工作被认为是如此简单或特殊,以至于它们的产出或其社会影响不需要被质疑;(2)考古学认识论的本体论化,以及任何本土本体论都是更好的认识论的相关观点。两者都是理论化到系统地、不加批判地排除任何有冲突的理论体系的好例子。在这样的背景下,我把卢卡斯和维特莫尔的文章看作是对考古学中理论的定义和语用学的基本问题的系统思考的呼吁:当我们使用理论这个词时,我们谈论的是什么?为什么我们的理论承诺很重要?理论考古学自从这门学科存在以来就一直存在,但考古学家并不总是使用理论这个词(例如,m勒1897,pp. 689-702)。更令人困惑的是,明确的理论考古学的历史是理论原子化的历史,其特征是从新考古学中与科学解释有关的认识论问题,转向解释考古学中对社会问题的强调,以及最近的理论扩展,也涉及到物体的投机领域。我想利用这个机会谈谈作为一种思维体系的考古理论。我试图以一种对历史敏感的方式来做这件事,但同时也要谨慎对待“系统”和“思考”的定义。在这样做的过程中,我也在,至少是含蓄地,解决当代考古理论化的断层线,以及我们可能有机会跨越存在论和认识论的不同领域进行思考。在考古学中,系统思考意味着参与(至少)四种类型的理论。我使用“组件”一词来强调它们的系统性纠缠:经验成分。我所说的经验主义指的是低层次的推断和概括,或者是在没有太多理论干预或批判性反思的情况下,从对给定考古材料的感官观察中直接创造出想法。经验成分所暗示的不是朴素的经验主义,而是经验的敏感性;在印象和物体之间,某种进化或宇宙学上的接近——无论如何翻译——是可以期待的。在我的阅读中,实证成分与Lucas和Witmore的忠诚是一样的:以未完成和缓慢为特征的理论,以及耐心地抵制冲动
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引用次数: 0
Diverse Masculinities in Violence and Warfare: A Case Study of Individuals with Perimortem Weapon-related Trauma Buried at a Dominican Priory in Västerås, Sweden 暴力和战争中的多元男性:瑞典Västerås多米尼加修道院埋葬的死前武器相关创伤个体的案例研究
IF 0.6 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00293652.2021.2010798
Elin Ahlin Sundman
Masculinities can be regarded as performative configurations of practices. The practices in which individuals engage define the concept of masculinity, and at the same time shape the male bodies performing them. Previous research has suggested that the use of physical violence – in the right manner – was an important way of enacting masculinity in medieval northern Europe. Acts of violence can leave identifiable marks on the body, and be detectable in human skeletal remains. This case study analysed individuals with weapon-related trauma, buried at the Dominican priory in Västerås, Sweden (thirteenth to sixteenth century AD). It focuses on ten males with injuries sustained around or shortly before the time of death, and the results are used to examine how masculinities were performed in activities associated with violence and battle, and how warrior masculinities were embodied. The text discusses battle-related activities, such as fighting, fleeing, being injured, healing and dying.
男子气概可以被看作是实践的表演性配置。个人参与的实践定义了男子气概的概念,同时塑造了执行这些行为的男性身体。先前的研究表明,在中世纪的北欧,以正确的方式使用身体暴力是塑造男子气概的重要方式。暴力行为可以在身体上留下可识别的痕迹,并可以在人类骨骼遗骸中检测到。本案例研究分析了在瑞典Västerås多米尼加修道院埋葬的与武器有关的创伤个体(公元13至16世纪)。研究的重点是10名在死亡前后或死亡前不久受伤的男性,研究结果用于研究男性气概在与暴力和战斗有关的活动中是如何表现的,以及战士的男性气概是如何体现的。文中讨论了与战斗有关的活动,如战斗、逃跑、受伤、康复和死亡。
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引用次数: 0
An Overlooked Frontier? Scenes from Development-led Archaeology Today 被忽视的前沿?《今日以发展为主导的考古学》中的场景
IF 0.6 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00293652.2021.2010124
Anna Severine Beck
It is with great interest, that I have read Gavin Lucas’ and Christopher Witmore’s thoughtprovoking paper on the commitment to theory in contemporary archaeology. Particularly, as the central question – what is theory in archaeology and how does it work – resonates with thoughts coming out of my own recent explorations of the conditions and processes of knowledge formation in development-led archaeology (Beck 2019, 2021, in press). Today, development-led archaeology is in a situation where increasing demands of societal relevance and decreasing understanding among developers and politicians simultaneously challenge the existing practice and create a need for rethinking how things are done (e.g. Statsrevisorerne 2018, Milek 2018, Barreiro et al. 2018, Knoop et al. 2021). At the same time, I find that the challenges development-led archaeology meets today serve as an excellent illustration of the conflict between ‘weak’ and ‘strong’ theorization as described by Lucas and Witmore. Therefore, I will follow their call and join the conversation by asking, if development-led archaeology could be a hitherto overlooked frontier for rethinking theory in archaeology? My studies show that knowledge formation within development-led archaeology is not directed by any specific theoretical paradigm in the traditional sense but instead refers to a messy, complex, undefined – and sometimes even contradictory – mix of ideas including elements from all of the major archaeological paradigms. Discussing theory in development-led archaeology is therefore not a matter of discussing one theoretical paradigm against another. Instead, the formation of knowledge can be said to take place in a tension between two different kinds of theorization: the practice of fieldwork and the structure of heritage management. The practice of fieldwork includes the processes of uncovering, exploring, interpreting and documenting the archaeological material as a source for theorization (Edgeworth 2012, Marila 2017, Sørensen 2018). Even if the actual practices can vary, these processes can be recognized in all kinds of archaeological fieldwork. What differentiates fieldwork in development-led archaeology from other archaeological fieldwork, though, is that the site has been picked out by modern development, and not as the result of a long and thorough research process. The object of research, thus, is most often unknown or at least only provisionally identified. This circumstance, I will argue, gives the fieldwork in development-led archaeology a particular sensitivity towards the unpredicted and possible, which necessarily puts the investigated object at the centre. Following the object, moreover, means that methods and strategies need to be flexible and ready to adapt if demanded by the object and can as such not always be predefined (Andersson et al. 2010,
我怀着极大的兴趣阅读了加文·卢卡斯和克里斯托弗·威特莫尔关于当代考古学理论承诺的发人深省的论文。特别是,作为核心问题——考古学中的理论是什么以及它是如何运作的——与我最近对发展主导的考古学中知识形成的条件和过程的探索产生了共鸣(Beck 20192021,出版)。如今,以发展为主导的考古学正处于这样一种情况:对社会相关性的需求不断增加,开发商和政治家之间的理解不断减少,同时挑战了现有的实践,并产生了重新思考如何做事的需求(例如,Statsrevisorne 2018,Milek 2018,Barreiro等人2018,Knoop等人2021)。与此同时,我发现发展主导的考古学今天所面临的挑战,很好地说明了卢卡斯和威特莫尔所描述的“弱”和“强”理论之间的冲突。因此,我将听从他们的号召,加入对话,问:发展主导的考古学是否可以成为迄今为止被忽视的重新思考考古学理论的前沿?我的研究表明,以发展为导向的考古学中的知识形成不是由传统意义上的任何特定理论范式指导的,而是指一种混乱、复杂、不明确——有时甚至是矛盾的——思想的混合,包括所有主要考古范式的元素。因此,在以发展为主导的考古学中讨论理论并不是讨论一种理论范式与另一种理论模式的问题。相反,知识的形成可以说是在两种不同理论之间的紧张关系中发生的:实地调查的实践和遗产管理的结构。实地调查的实践包括发掘、探索、解释和记录考古材料的过程,作为理论来源(Edgeworth 2012,Marila 2017,Sørensen 2018)。即使实际实践可能有所不同,这些过程也可以在各种考古实地调查中得到认可。然而,以发展为导向的考古学中的田野调查与其他考古田野调查的区别在于,该遗址是由现代发展挑选出来的,而不是漫长而彻底的研究过程的结果。因此,研究对象往往是未知的,或者至少只是暂时确定的。我认为,这种情况使以发展为导向的考古学中的田野调查对不可预测和可能的事物具有特别的敏感性,这必然会将研究对象置于中心。此外,遵循对象意味着方法和策略需要灵活,并在对象要求时随时准备适应,因此并不总是预定义的(Andersson等人,2010,
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引用次数: 1
Agricultural Resilience during the 6th Century Crisis: Exploring Strategies and Adaptations Using Plant-Macrofossil Data from Hove-Sørbø and Forsandmoen in Southwestern Norway 6世纪危机期间的农业韧性:利用挪威西南部Hove-Sørbø和Forsandmoen的植物宏化石数据探索策略和适应
IF 0.6 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/00293652.2022.2071331
S. Westling, E. Fredh, P. Lagerås, K. Oma
Major changes in the archaeological material in Rogaland, southwestern Norway, from the mid-6th century AD have been interpreted as a population decline and an economic recession connected to the 6th century crisis. This event is known from historical and archaeological sources in continental Europe and has recently gained much attention in the Scandinavian archaeological debate. Sudden climate change, pandemic and collapsed trading networks likely induced new conditions, which would have had a major impact on the society in southwestern Norway. This paper uses plant-macrofossil data, supplemented by zooarchaeological data, and radiocarbon dates, from two archaeological sites with different prerequisites and trajectories, to reconstruct agricultural development. Based on this reconstruction, it explores agricultural resilience in connection with the 6th century crisis and investigates the merits of various agricultural strategies and adaptations. The macrofossil data reveals a change in crop composition, with a temporary introduction of rye at one of the sites, suggesting an adjustment to new circumstances. The studied sites display different subsistence strategies based on local conditions, and the data suggests complete abandonment of the site that probably depended on trade, while the people living at the more self-sufficient site were able to adapt their agriculture and survive the crisis.
从公元6世纪中期开始,挪威西南部罗加兰的考古材料发生了重大变化,这被解释为与6世纪危机有关的人口减少和经济衰退。从欧洲大陆的历史和考古资料来看,这一事件是已知的,最近在斯堪的纳维亚考古辩论中引起了很大的关注。突然的气候变化、流行病和崩溃的贸易网络可能引发了新的情况,这将对挪威西南部的社会产生重大影响。本文利用两个具有不同先决条件和发展轨迹的考古遗址的植物-宏观化石数据,辅以动物考古数据和放射性碳测年,重建了农业的发展。在此基础上,它探讨了与6世纪危机有关的农业恢复力,并调查了各种农业战略和适应的优点。宏观化石数据揭示了作物组成的变化,其中一个遗址暂时引入了黑麦,这表明他们对新环境的适应。被研究的遗址显示出基于当地条件的不同生存策略,数据表明,可能依赖贸易的遗址完全被遗弃,而生活在更自给自足的遗址的人们能够适应他们的农业并在危机中生存下来。
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引用次数: 2
Strength in Weakness 弱中求强
IF 0.6 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.1080/00293652.2021.2010126
Matthew H. Johnson
Gavin Lucas and Christopher Witmore have written a thoughtful, engaging and well argued article. As with their previous work, their arguments encourage the reader to think about the nature and practice of archaeology in new ways. They raise questions about how we practice archaeology that are quite simple but quite profound. In this brief response, I want to respectfully differ over two aspects of their overall thesis. I am not persuaded that there is, or has been, a decisive move away from what Lucas and Witmore term paradigmatic thought and strong theory. First, as they point out, in some circles strong theory is stronger than ever: they mention Kristiansen and others, and could have pointed to Kintigh et al. (2014), which was a quite explicit attempt to impose a research agenda on the discipline, and to Kohler et al. (2017). The co-existence of stronger-than-strong theory of this kind with the ‘weaker’ approaches and sensibilities advocated by Lucas and Witmore might suggest not a shift from one mode to another, but rather a fragmentation in archaeological thinking and practice. Alternatively, it might suggest that we are mistaken in seeing strong theory and weak theory as competing. I suggest that we might see strong and weak theory instead as mutually interdependent. Weak theory is only possible, can only carve out an intellectual space for itself, within a wider paradigm that is broadly post-positivist and dare I say it postmodern. Such a comment may sound out-of-date but I think it still retains validity. I suggest that strong theory may not be overtly articulated within the sort of account offered by Lucas and Witmore but it is very much present nevertheless. Consider the very practical question of how it is that Witmore came to be doing archaeological research in Napflion in the first place. To obtain the travel and project funds, he must have written a formal proposal complete with research design. Explicitly or implicitly, such documents tend to be framed around Big Questions and to lay out a formal structure of archaeological research in which the collection of evidence is brought to bear on moreor-less paradigmatic questions. I have never seen or refereed a research proposal that foregrounded a process of ‘slow archaeology’ or which proposed the sort of archaeological process presented by Lucas and Witmore. I am pointing here not just towards the interdependence of strong and weak theory, but also towards a more basic disconnect between what archaeologists say they do and what they actually do. Archaeologists (some? many?) do, in practice, spend much of their time engaging in the sort of slow archaeology described and dissected in the Napflion and pottery analysis vignettes. This kind of practice, however, is systematically written out of most theoretical accounts. It is a major achievement of constructivist approaches to have written it back in. I have a second respectful difference, which is the degree to which a shift to weak theo
加文·卢卡斯(Gavin Lucas)和克里斯托弗·威特莫尔(Christopher Witmore)写了一篇深思熟虑、引人入胜、论点充分的文章。与他们之前的工作一样,他们的论点鼓励读者以新的方式思考考古学的本质和实践。它们提出了关于我们如何实践考古学的问题,这些问题很简单,但也很深刻。在这简短的回应中,我想在他们整体论文的两个方面有所不同。我不相信Lucas和Witmore所说的范式思想和强有力的理论已经或已经发生了决定性的转变。首先,正如他们所指出的,在一些圈子里,强大的理论比以往任何时候都更强大:他们提到了克里斯蒂安森和其他人,本可以指出Kintigh等人(2014),这是一个非常明确的尝试,旨在将研究议程强加给该学科,以及Kohler等人(2017)。这种强于强的理论与Lucas和Witmore所倡导的“弱”的方法和情感的共存可能并不意味着从一种模式向另一种模式的转变,而是考古思维和实践的碎片化。或者,这可能表明我们错误地将强理论和弱理论视为竞争。我建议我们可以把强理论和弱理论看作是相互依存的。弱理论是唯一可能的,只能在一个更广泛的后实证主义范式中为自己开辟一个知识空间,我敢说它是后现代的。这样的评论听起来可能已经过时了,但我认为它仍然有效。我认为,强有力的理论可能不会在Lucas和Witmore提供的那种描述中公开阐述,但它仍然存在。想想一个非常实际的问题,Witmore最初是如何在Napflion进行考古研究的。为了获得差旅和项目资金,他必须写一份正式的提案,并完成研究设计。无论是明示还是暗示,这些文件都倾向于围绕大问题展开,并为考古研究提供一个正式的结构,在这个结构中,证据的收集或多或少涉及到一些典型的问题。我从未见过或引用过一项研究提案,该提案预测了“缓慢考古”的过程,或提出了卢卡斯和威特莫尔提出的那种考古过程。我在这里不仅指出了强理论和弱理论的相互依存性,还指出了考古学家所说的他们所做的和他们实际所做的之间更基本的脱节。在实践中,考古学家(一些人?很多人?)确实把大部分时间花在了Napflion和陶器分析小插曲中描述和剖析的那种缓慢的考古学上。然而,这种实践是从大多数理论叙述中系统地写出来的。把它写回来是建构主义方法的一个重大成就。我还有第二个尊重的区别,那就是向弱理论的转变在多大程度上依赖于面向对象
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Norwegian Archaeological Review
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