Pub Date : 2023-04-24DOI: 10.1017/S0008938922001030
Julie Ault
Abstract This article traces the course of the Elbe River from Czechoslovakia through the German Democratic Republic (GDR) into the Federal Republic, where it flows into the North Sea. As the GDR's main water artery, the Elbe's border crossings became a site of security concern for the GDR. Traversing the GDR's border with fellow communist state Czechoslovakia as well as its rival West German state, the river linked the GDR to a larger ecological system as well as transnational sociopolitical dynamics. These connections illuminated the GDR's crucial position in central Europe and beyond. Yet the Elbe also presented challenges for the GDR in terms of controlling information, people, and pollution that streamed into—and out of—the country. The river thus was a precious and contested resource that revealed the communist dictatorship's limited ability to control nature, humans, or interactions between the two. Ultimately, the Elbe's border crossings were a site of transnational and global connection that called into question the GDR's domestic legitimacy and international standing.
{"title":"A River Runs through It: The Elbe, Socialist Security, and East Germany's Borders","authors":"Julie Ault","doi":"10.1017/S0008938922001030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938922001030","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article traces the course of the Elbe River from Czechoslovakia through the German Democratic Republic (GDR) into the Federal Republic, where it flows into the North Sea. As the GDR's main water artery, the Elbe's border crossings became a site of security concern for the GDR. Traversing the GDR's border with fellow communist state Czechoslovakia as well as its rival West German state, the river linked the GDR to a larger ecological system as well as transnational sociopolitical dynamics. These connections illuminated the GDR's crucial position in central Europe and beyond. Yet the Elbe also presented challenges for the GDR in terms of controlling information, people, and pollution that streamed into—and out of—the country. The river thus was a precious and contested resource that revealed the communist dictatorship's limited ability to control nature, humans, or interactions between the two. Ultimately, the Elbe's border crossings were a site of transnational and global connection that called into question the GDR's domestic legitimacy and international standing.","PeriodicalId":45053,"journal":{"name":"Central European History","volume":"56 1","pages":"196 - 213"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43267880","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-24DOI: 10.1017/s0008938922001376
C. Goeschel
From 1934 until 1945, the Nazi regime celebrated the anniversary of January 30, 1933, the day of Hitler's appointment as Reich Chancellor. This article, based on unpublished and published documents from central and local Nazi and state institutions, asks how the Nazis choreographed these celebrations at home and abroad and how they fit into broader Nazi conceptualizations of history. Stage-managed celebrations etched January 30 into the historical consciousness of Germans as beginning of the Third Reich and were a crucial step toward the realization of the Volksgemeinschaft (national community), although the Nazi seizure of power was a process and cannot be pinpointed to a single date. Ambivalence characterized the festivities, reflecting the fact that the Nazis saw their coming to power as both revolutionary and restorative of the natural flow of German history. In the Nazi imaginary, this day was a conjuncture in history, separating the Nazi struggle for power from their triumphant mission to “make Germany great again” and create a racial utopia.
{"title":"January 30, 1933, in the Nazi Historical Imaginary","authors":"C. Goeschel","doi":"10.1017/s0008938922001376","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0008938922001376","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 From 1934 until 1945, the Nazi regime celebrated the anniversary of January 30, 1933, the day of Hitler's appointment as Reich Chancellor. This article, based on unpublished and published documents from central and local Nazi and state institutions, asks how the Nazis choreographed these celebrations at home and abroad and how they fit into broader Nazi conceptualizations of history. Stage-managed celebrations etched January 30 into the historical consciousness of Germans as beginning of the Third Reich and were a crucial step toward the realization of the Volksgemeinschaft (national community), although the Nazi seizure of power was a process and cannot be pinpointed to a single date. Ambivalence characterized the festivities, reflecting the fact that the Nazis saw their coming to power as both revolutionary and restorative of the natural flow of German history. In the Nazi imaginary, this day was a conjuncture in history, separating the Nazi struggle for power from their triumphant mission to “make Germany great again” and create a racial utopia.","PeriodicalId":45053,"journal":{"name":"Central European History","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44808860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-24DOI: 10.1017/S0008938922001066
J. Folland
Abstract This article explores East German responses to HIV/AIDS and the emergence of sex as a site of border insecurity in the imagination of the East German state in the mid-1980s. Existing histories often dismiss the East German response to HIV/AIDS as ineffective or negligible on account of its illiberalism and insularity. These narratives, however, ignore the tense debates and wide variety of state and activist responses to the AIDS epidemic that developed within the GDR over the course of its final decade. I argue that as scientists and health officials sought to integrate East German institutions into the “global AIDS community,” the specter of African sexuality loomed larger in their characterizations of this epidemiological threat (notably, in ways that do not neatly correlate with rates of HIV prevalence in the GDR). Explanations of East German AIDS policy should therefore focus less on the GDR's illiberalism and more on its liberalization—that is, its entrance in the mid-1980s into a global moral economy of AIDS that elided and disincentivized socialist commitments to the Global South.
{"title":"“Not Even the Highest Wall Can Stop AIDS”: Expertise and Viral Politics at the German-German Border","authors":"J. Folland","doi":"10.1017/S0008938922001066","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938922001066","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores East German responses to HIV/AIDS and the emergence of sex as a site of border insecurity in the imagination of the East German state in the mid-1980s. Existing histories often dismiss the East German response to HIV/AIDS as ineffective or negligible on account of its illiberalism and insularity. These narratives, however, ignore the tense debates and wide variety of state and activist responses to the AIDS epidemic that developed within the GDR over the course of its final decade. I argue that as scientists and health officials sought to integrate East German institutions into the “global AIDS community,” the specter of African sexuality loomed larger in their characterizations of this epidemiological threat (notably, in ways that do not neatly correlate with rates of HIV prevalence in the GDR). Explanations of East German AIDS policy should therefore focus less on the GDR's illiberalism and more on its liberalization—that is, its entrance in the mid-1980s into a global moral economy of AIDS that elided and disincentivized socialist commitments to the Global South.","PeriodicalId":45053,"journal":{"name":"Central European History","volume":"56 1","pages":"255 - 269"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47138172","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-24DOI: 10.1017/S0008938922001054
L. Stokes
Abstract The German Democratic Republic (GDR) treated the Berlin Wall as an official state border, but the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) did not recognize it as an official state border and thus did not impose entry controls. This asymmetric recognition opened up a gap in the regime of border policing and turned divided Berlin into one of the most significant sources of unauthorized migration into the FRG, creating tensions in Berlin, West Germany, and western Europe more broadly. Countries including France, Denmark, and the Netherlands all pressured the FRG to shut the open border in Berlin. This article examines how West German authorities sought to respond to their demands without recognizing the Berlin Wall as a state border. West German authorities pursued two broad strategies. The first involved internalizing the border through institutionalized racial profiling in West Berlin. The second entailed externalizing the border by asking the GDR to enforce FRG visa and passport requirements. Although both forms of border policing have often been associated with the end of the Cold War, this article shows that they were adopted earlier, and in response to Cold War imperatives.
{"title":"Racial Profiling on the U-Bahn: Policing the Berlin Gap in the Schönefeld Airport Refugee Crisis","authors":"L. Stokes","doi":"10.1017/S0008938922001054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938922001054","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The German Democratic Republic (GDR) treated the Berlin Wall as an official state border, but the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) did not recognize it as an official state border and thus did not impose entry controls. This asymmetric recognition opened up a gap in the regime of border policing and turned divided Berlin into one of the most significant sources of unauthorized migration into the FRG, creating tensions in Berlin, West Germany, and western Europe more broadly. Countries including France, Denmark, and the Netherlands all pressured the FRG to shut the open border in Berlin. This article examines how West German authorities sought to respond to their demands without recognizing the Berlin Wall as a state border. West German authorities pursued two broad strategies. The first involved internalizing the border through institutionalized racial profiling in West Berlin. The second entailed externalizing the border by asking the GDR to enforce FRG visa and passport requirements. Although both forms of border policing have often been associated with the end of the Cold War, this article shows that they were adopted earlier, and in response to Cold War imperatives.","PeriodicalId":45053,"journal":{"name":"Central European History","volume":"56 1","pages":"236 - 254"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49119664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-24DOI: 10.1017/S0008938922001042
Ned Richardson-Little
Abstract Although it lacked a significant domestic market for internationally trafficked drugs, East Germany emerged as an important corridor for narcotics smugglers in the 1970s due to its position between supply countries in Asia and consumer countries in the West. The unique geography of West Berlin created a large market of consumers surrounded by East German territory, forcing traffickers to pass through the GDR border. Efforts by officials in both Germanys and the United States to cooperate on the problem of narcotics trafficking revealed conflicts between the geography of the Cold War—where the GDR border was the front line in the ideological conflict between East and West—and the international drug prohibition system, which sought global interstate collaboration in the name of a “universal international society,” against the common threat of crime. As Cold War tensions declined in the 1980s, border enforcement cooperation between East and West became increasingly viable as both sides reoriented toward the view that Europe had to defend itself from the threats posed by mobilities of those in the global south.
{"title":"Cold War Narcotics Trafficking, the Global War on Drugs, and East Germany's Illicit Transnational Entanglements","authors":"Ned Richardson-Little","doi":"10.1017/S0008938922001042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938922001042","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Although it lacked a significant domestic market for internationally trafficked drugs, East Germany emerged as an important corridor for narcotics smugglers in the 1970s due to its position between supply countries in Asia and consumer countries in the West. The unique geography of West Berlin created a large market of consumers surrounded by East German territory, forcing traffickers to pass through the GDR border. Efforts by officials in both Germanys and the United States to cooperate on the problem of narcotics trafficking revealed conflicts between the geography of the Cold War—where the GDR border was the front line in the ideological conflict between East and West—and the international drug prohibition system, which sought global interstate collaboration in the name of a “universal international society,” against the common threat of crime. As Cold War tensions declined in the 1980s, border enforcement cooperation between East and West became increasingly viable as both sides reoriented toward the view that Europe had to defend itself from the threats posed by mobilities of those in the global south.","PeriodicalId":45053,"journal":{"name":"Central European History","volume":"56 1","pages":"214 - 235"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49287831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-24DOI: 10.1017/S0008938922001017
Ned Richardson-Little, L. Stokes
Abstract No state has ever been as identified with its borders as the German Democratic Republic (GDR). The guest editors’ introduction to this special issue analyzes the development of the historiography of the borders of the GDR, showing how new approaches to the country's history have also impacted scholarship on the everyday history of the border. We argue for approaches that understand the border simultaneously as a site of conflict and cooperation and that situate the border not just alongside its geographical neighbors, but within broader flows of natural resources, pollution, narcotics, migration, and disease. Drawing on the interdisciplinary field of border studies, we argue that global approaches can help contextualize the exceptional and encourage scholars to ask new questions about which elements of GDR bordering practices were part of the globally emerging normalcy of border regimes, and which were unique to East Germany. In these ways, this special issue seeks to reveal new aspects of East German history and, in turn, make the GDR more legible within border studies.
{"title":"Bordering the GDR: Everyday Transnationalism, Global Entanglements and Regimes of Mobility at the Edges of East Germany","authors":"Ned Richardson-Little, L. Stokes","doi":"10.1017/S0008938922001017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938922001017","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract No state has ever been as identified with its borders as the German Democratic Republic (GDR). The guest editors’ introduction to this special issue analyzes the development of the historiography of the borders of the GDR, showing how new approaches to the country's history have also impacted scholarship on the everyday history of the border. We argue for approaches that understand the border simultaneously as a site of conflict and cooperation and that situate the border not just alongside its geographical neighbors, but within broader flows of natural resources, pollution, narcotics, migration, and disease. Drawing on the interdisciplinary field of border studies, we argue that global approaches can help contextualize the exceptional and encourage scholars to ask new questions about which elements of GDR bordering practices were part of the globally emerging normalcy of border regimes, and which were unique to East Germany. In these ways, this special issue seeks to reveal new aspects of East German history and, in turn, make the GDR more legible within border studies.","PeriodicalId":45053,"journal":{"name":"Central European History","volume":"56 1","pages":"159 - 172"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44179901","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1017/S0008938922001558
Alfred C. Mierzejewski
being forced into prostitution, both as punishment for their transgression of official policy and as moral judgment regarding their sexual behavior. By highlighting this example, Röger takes a phenomenon thathadhitherto “remainedafootnote in academia” (39) andplaces it at the centerof her study. Characteristic of the dignity with which Röger handles women’s stories is her emphasis on their individual humanity; women who were trafficked from their hometowns to brothels in other Polish cities had families, meaning that “children were left without mothers, men without wives” (42). The example of forced prostitution also exposes the gendered assumptions that were so foundational to the occupiers’ regulation of sexuality—that men’s active sexual desire was a givenanddeserved tobe sated, and thatwomen’sexpressionof sexualdesirewasdeemed tobewanton,corrupt, anddeviant, andthereforeneededtoberegulated.Thesphereof regulatedprostitution ismore easily documented than other forms of sexual contact and therefore offers a clearer picture ofwhatdaily lifemayhave looked like forPolishprostitutes: howmanyclients visited certainbrothels each day? What did prostitutes get paid? What was their average age and typical class background? Röger answers these questions in a frank, straightforward manner, pointing to gaps in the archives when necessary and noting patterns while avoiding sweeping generalizations. Röger’s steadfast commitment to nuance is evident throughout the book. Despite clear differences in age, education, and gender privilege—German political power notwithstanding—not all Polishwomenwere victims, andnot all Germanmenwere perpetrators. Soldierswerenot anundifferentiated mass, nor were the women who may have seen those soldiers as their only means of survival when food and money were scarce. Some Polish women recognized the power relations that existed in their country and used them to their and their family’s own advantage. Some were even Nazi sympathizers, and some were declared ethnic Germans by having their names added to the Volksliste. Power was not always split according to a gender binary; there were Polish women who exploited underage Polish girls, and there were German occupiers who raped Polish men. This degree of nuance does not lapse into moral relativism, however; Röger makes it very clear to her readers who had more agency, who regulated the public sphere, and who was denied rights. Jewishwomen are the clearest example of the latter; theywere systematically disenfranchised,manywere coerced into sex by the Poleswhohid them, andmanywere rapedorabused before they were murdered by the Nazis. Röger’s book does not gloss over these facts; it presents readers with individual examples of sexual violence against Jewish women which remind us that occupied Poland was the ground on which the mass murder of Jews was carried out. Eminently readable, rigorously researched, and thoughtfully constructed, Maren Röger’s book demonstrates how important nuanc
{"title":"Nationale Solidarität und ihre Grenzen. Die deutsche “Nationalsozialistische Volkswohlfahrt” und der französische “Secours national” im Zweiten Weltkrieg By Daniel Hadwiger. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2021. Pp. 405. Paperback €64.00. ISBN: 978-3515130257.","authors":"Alfred C. Mierzejewski","doi":"10.1017/S0008938922001558","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938922001558","url":null,"abstract":"being forced into prostitution, both as punishment for their transgression of official policy and as moral judgment regarding their sexual behavior. By highlighting this example, Röger takes a phenomenon thathadhitherto “remainedafootnote in academia” (39) andplaces it at the centerof her study. Characteristic of the dignity with which Röger handles women’s stories is her emphasis on their individual humanity; women who were trafficked from their hometowns to brothels in other Polish cities had families, meaning that “children were left without mothers, men without wives” (42). The example of forced prostitution also exposes the gendered assumptions that were so foundational to the occupiers’ regulation of sexuality—that men’s active sexual desire was a givenanddeserved tobe sated, and thatwomen’sexpressionof sexualdesirewasdeemed tobewanton,corrupt, anddeviant, andthereforeneededtoberegulated.Thesphereof regulatedprostitution ismore easily documented than other forms of sexual contact and therefore offers a clearer picture ofwhatdaily lifemayhave looked like forPolishprostitutes: howmanyclients visited certainbrothels each day? What did prostitutes get paid? What was their average age and typical class background? Röger answers these questions in a frank, straightforward manner, pointing to gaps in the archives when necessary and noting patterns while avoiding sweeping generalizations. Röger’s steadfast commitment to nuance is evident throughout the book. Despite clear differences in age, education, and gender privilege—German political power notwithstanding—not all Polishwomenwere victims, andnot all Germanmenwere perpetrators. Soldierswerenot anundifferentiated mass, nor were the women who may have seen those soldiers as their only means of survival when food and money were scarce. Some Polish women recognized the power relations that existed in their country and used them to their and their family’s own advantage. Some were even Nazi sympathizers, and some were declared ethnic Germans by having their names added to the Volksliste. Power was not always split according to a gender binary; there were Polish women who exploited underage Polish girls, and there were German occupiers who raped Polish men. This degree of nuance does not lapse into moral relativism, however; Röger makes it very clear to her readers who had more agency, who regulated the public sphere, and who was denied rights. Jewishwomen are the clearest example of the latter; theywere systematically disenfranchised,manywere coerced into sex by the Poleswhohid them, andmanywere rapedorabused before they were murdered by the Nazis. Röger’s book does not gloss over these facts; it presents readers with individual examples of sexual violence against Jewish women which remind us that occupied Poland was the ground on which the mass murder of Jews was carried out. Eminently readable, rigorously researched, and thoughtfully constructed, Maren Röger’s book demonstrates how important nuanc","PeriodicalId":45053,"journal":{"name":"Central European History","volume":"56 1","pages":"126 - 128"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42996606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1017/s0008938922001583
Tracie Provost
Departing from traditional historiography, this work posits that most of the diplomatic events between the United States and Austria-Hungary during the Great War could have taken alternate courses and that the dismemberment of the Dual Monarchy at the end of the conflict was not a fait accompli. It should come as no surprise that the relationship between the upstart democratic republic and the venerable autocratic monarchy was fraught. Neither country understood nor cared for the other. Belated inquiries and official reports made by US scholars and diplomats about the condition of the Habsburg Empire before the Paris peace talks were ignored by Woodrow Wilson. These factors, melded with the US president ’ s hubris led the US to act “ negligently against better knowledge in allowing, even encouraging, the familiar structure in Central Europe to splinter (without a trustworthy surrogate in place) ” (xiii). Relations between Austria-Hungary and the United States have long been overshadowed and relegated to a back burner. Kurt Bednar seeks to refocus the narrative.
{"title":"Transatlantic Relations and the Great War: Austria-Hungary and the United States By Kurt Bednar. New York: Routledge, 2022. Pp. 230. Cloth $160.00. ISBN: 978-1132064086.","authors":"Tracie Provost","doi":"10.1017/s0008938922001583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0008938922001583","url":null,"abstract":"Departing from traditional historiography, this work posits that most of the diplomatic events between the United States and Austria-Hungary during the Great War could have taken alternate courses and that the dismemberment of the Dual Monarchy at the end of the conflict was not a fait accompli. It should come as no surprise that the relationship between the upstart democratic republic and the venerable autocratic monarchy was fraught. Neither country understood nor cared for the other. Belated inquiries and official reports made by US scholars and diplomats about the condition of the Habsburg Empire before the Paris peace talks were ignored by Woodrow Wilson. These factors, melded with the US president ’ s hubris led the US to act “ negligently against better knowledge in allowing, even encouraging, the familiar structure in Central Europe to splinter (without a trustworthy surrogate in place) ” (xiii). Relations between Austria-Hungary and the United States have long been overshadowed and relegated to a back burner. Kurt Bednar seeks to refocus the narrative.","PeriodicalId":45053,"journal":{"name":"Central European History","volume":"56 1","pages":"118 - 119"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48739835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1017/S0008938922001674
Marc Volovici
quality characterizing the popular memory of German Jewry and its material 154 Book Reviews
描述大众对德国犹太人的记忆及其材料的品质
{"title":"The Future of the German-Jewish Past: Memory and the Question of Antisemitism Edited by Gideon Reuveni and Diana Franklin. West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2021. Pp. 332. Paperback $34.99. ISBN: 978-1557537119.","authors":"Marc Volovici","doi":"10.1017/S0008938922001674","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938922001674","url":null,"abstract":"quality characterizing the popular memory of German Jewry and its material 154 Book Reviews","PeriodicalId":45053,"journal":{"name":"Central European History","volume":"40 1","pages":"153 - 155"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56743048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1017/S0008938922001698
J. Zimmerman
experience into a way of seeing, the problem of people remembering not through photographs but only the photographs, would have enriched the book (On Photography [1978] and Regarding the Pain of Others). In an age obsessed with photographs, from Instagram food snaps to selfies posted by the armed men occupying Ukraine today, anyone with a smartphone adds to the historical record. The images can serve as evidence of crimes and culpability, they can offer us a glimpse of territories inaccessible due to occupation. They are capable of traumatising and retraumatising those affected by the violence they depict. Lower is conscious of the power that images carry, and she uses it to bring at least symbolic justice to the victims of the crime depicted in the photograph at the heart of The Ravine.
将经验转化为一种观看方式，人们不是通过照片而只是通过照片来记忆的问题，将丰富这本书(On Photography[1978]和concerning the Pain of Others)。在一个痴迷于照片的时代，从Instagram上的美食照片到今天占领乌克兰的武装分子发布的自拍，任何拥有智能手机的人都在创造历史记录。这些图像可以作为犯罪和罪责的证据，它们可以让我们一瞥由于占领而无法进入的领土。它们能够一次次地给那些受到它们所描绘的暴力影响的人造成创伤。Lower意识到图像所携带的力量，她用它来为《峡谷》中心的照片中所描绘的犯罪的受害者带来至少象征性的正义。
{"title":"Jews in Southern Tuscany during the Holocaust: Ambiguous Refuge By Judith Roumani. New York and London: Lexington Books, 2021. Pp. 226. Hardcover $100.00. ISBN: 978-1793629791.","authors":"J. Zimmerman","doi":"10.1017/S0008938922001698","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008938922001698","url":null,"abstract":"experience into a way of seeing, the problem of people remembering not through photographs but only the photographs, would have enriched the book (On Photography [1978] and Regarding the Pain of Others). In an age obsessed with photographs, from Instagram food snaps to selfies posted by the armed men occupying Ukraine today, anyone with a smartphone adds to the historical record. The images can serve as evidence of crimes and culpability, they can offer us a glimpse of territories inaccessible due to occupation. They are capable of traumatising and retraumatising those affected by the violence they depict. Lower is conscious of the power that images carry, and she uses it to bring at least symbolic justice to the victims of the crime depicted in the photograph at the heart of The Ravine.","PeriodicalId":45053,"journal":{"name":"Central European History","volume":"56 1","pages":"132 - 134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45554752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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