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‘The Root of All Evil?’: Cash Boom, Trader Misfeasance, and Poverty in World War II Bechuanaland Protectorate “万恶之源?”第二次世界大战贝川纳保护国的现金繁荣、贸易不当行为和贫困
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2023.2205603
P. Molosiwa, Maitseo M. M. Bolaane
ABSTRACT Told here is a story of the manifestations of cash money’s unseen and unpredictable power in the expropriations of Bechuanaland Protectorate Africans by store owners or traders during World War II. Failure to secure essential commodities in a period when cash dominated the market and had become the motif of the colonial economy surprised even the colonial officials who had thought that the ensuing ‘cash boom’ would bring prosperity across the social divide. This article mines the extant war archives to retrieve the neglected history of the repercussions of the first-ever cash boom the Bechuanaland Protectorate experienced since the advent of cash during the nineteenth century. As many people gained access to more cash, traders of predominantly foreign descent hiked prices unduly, in most cases using the war as an excuse. The article addresses two mutually inclusive forms of trader misconduct. First, it explores the trajectory of profiteering as it spread from the urban areas to impact the initially unaffected rural peripheries during the war. Secondly, it demonstrates the differentiated ways in which a tripartite of conditional selling, price differentials, and food rationing became the driving forces of the ‘evil’ that was profiteering.
本文讲述的是第二次世界大战期间,商店老板或商人对贝古纳保护国非洲人的征用,这一事件体现了现金看不见的、不可预测的力量。在现金主导市场并成为殖民地经济主题的时期,无法确保基本商品的供应,甚至连殖民地官员都感到惊讶,他们本以为随之而来的“现金热潮”会给整个社会带来繁荣。本文挖掘了现存的战争档案,以检索自19世纪现金出现以来贝采纳兰保护国经历的第一次现金繁荣的影响的被忽视的历史。由于许多人获得了更多的现金,以外国血统为主的商人不恰当地抬高了价格,在大多数情况下,他们以战争为借口。这篇文章讨论了两种相互包容的交易不端行为。首先,它探讨了战争期间暴利从城市地区蔓延到最初未受影响的农村边缘地区的轨迹。其次,它展示了有条件销售、价格差异和食品配给这三方面的不同方式,它们成为了暴利这一“邪恶”的驱动力。
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引用次数: 0
Red Road to Freedom: A History of the South African Communist Party, 1921–2021 红色自由之路:南非共产党历史,1921-2021
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2142842
Thina Nzo, Irina Filitova, A. Drew, T. Lodge
Uncovering the 10 decades of the history of the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA), now known as the South African Communist Party (SACP), Tom Lodge seamlessly reveals a fraternal journey in the formation of one of the most significant movements in the anti-colonial and anti-apartheid class struggles in South Africa. The archival research material used to knit this book together has given it a very robust intellectual supremacy in terms of its ability to provide a genealogical account of the CPSA through its DNA that is embedded in the class struggles of mine workers and industrial workers (trade unions). From the early formations of socialist groups and their linkages with other international socialist movements, leading up to the formation of the CPSA and forging alliances with national liberation movements, Lodge has managed to add to the existing literature about communism in South Africa, including how it came into existence in South Africa, what role it played in shaping the liberation struggle in exile, and the extent to which it continues to occupy an influential position in the tripartite alliance post liberation. His book provides us with richly detailed descriptions that begin from the revival of gold mines, which lured many African migrants and white immigrants from Continental and Eastern Europe, England, Australia, the Unites States and Asia. He is able to show how the arrival of European immigrants, particularly those who had been part of the Italian Socialist Groups, German Socialist Democrats, Friends of Russian Freedom and Jewish Bund who were exposed to Marxist teachings, brought revolutionary strategies into labour movements from the early 1920s. Lodge demonstrates how, during this period, these groups played a key role in organising mine workers’ strikes and using insurrectionary strategies in labour struggles. In addition, the issue of racial labour reservation also became the nexus through which communists had to carefully think about how to distinguish themselves from exclusive white Socialist and Labour parties that paid little attention to representing and incorporating African mine workers into the union and labour movements. Here, we begin to see the emergence of a prominent figure amongst communists, Sidney Bunting, who was a member of the International Socialist League. Through the formation of Industrial Workers of Africa, the connections with the Transvaal Native Congress and communists who were members of the International Socialist League began to take shape. However, as we can see in the book, the presence of the Communist Party members and activists was mainly concentrated in Johannesburg and Cape Town, with a growing presence in Port Elizabeth and support of Indians in Durban who were affiliated to the Indian
Tom Lodge揭开了南非共产党(CPSA)(现在被称为南非共产党(SACP))10年的历史,无缝地揭示了南非反殖民和反种族隔离阶级斗争中最重要运动之一的兄弟之旅。用于将这本书编织在一起的档案研究材料使它具有了非常强大的知识优势,因为它能够通过其嵌入矿山工人和工业工人(工会)阶级斗争中的DNA来提供CPSA的家谱描述。从社会主义团体的早期形成及其与其他国际社会主义运动的联系,到CPSA的成立和与民族解放运动的联盟,洛奇成功地为南非现有的共产主义文献增添了内容,包括它是如何在南非产生的,它在塑造流亡中的解放斗争中发挥了什么作用,以及它在解放后的三方联盟中继续占据影响力的程度。他的书为我们提供了丰富详细的描述,这些描述始于金矿的复兴,金矿吸引了许多来自大陆和东欧、英国、澳大利亚、美国和亚洲的非洲移民和白人移民。他能够展示欧洲移民的到来,特别是那些曾加入意大利社会主义团体、德国社会主义民主党人、俄罗斯自由之友和犹太外滩的人,他们接触了马克思主义教义,如何将革命战略带入20世纪20年代初的劳工运动。洛奇展示了在这一时期,这些团体是如何在组织矿工罢工和在劳工斗争中使用叛乱策略方面发挥关键作用的。此外,种族劳工保留问题也成为共产主义者必须仔细思考如何将自己与排外的白人社会党和工党区分开来的纽带,这些政党很少关注代表非洲矿工并将其纳入工会和劳工运动。在这里,我们开始看到共产主义者中出现了一位杰出人物,西德尼·邦廷,他是国际社会主义联盟的成员。通过非洲工业工人的成立,与德兰士瓦原住民大会和国际社会主义联盟成员共产主义者的联系开始形成。然而,正如我们在书中所看到的,共产党员和活动家的存在主要集中在约翰内斯堡和开普敦,伊丽莎白港的存在越来越多,德班的印度人也支持他们,他们隶属于印第安人
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引用次数: 3
‘Think More Clearly than the State Allows’: Rick Turner’s Challenge to the Present “比国家允许的更清晰地思考”:里克·特纳对当下的挑战
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2023.2196608
G. Maré
The Rick Turner Lecture was presented in honour of the 50th anniversary of Rick Turner ’ s book, The Eye of the Needle , and the relevance of his forward-thinking philosophy to the present day, at the Southern Centre for Inequality Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, on 22 February 2022
里克·特纳讲座于2022年2月22日在威特沃特斯兰德大学南方不平等研究中心举行,以纪念里克·特纳的著作《针眼》出版50周年,以及他的前瞻性思维哲学与当今的相关性
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引用次数: 0
The Lion of Azania: A Biography of Zephania Lekoame Mothopeng (1913–1990) 阿扎尼亚之狮:阿扎尼亚·莱科梅·莫索彭传记(1913-1990)
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2102673
C. Kros
1. Sue Onslow, ‘Research Notes Special Collection: The Cold War in Southern Africa’, Cold War History, 22, 3 ()–358. 2. See e.g. Leopold Scholtz, The SADF and Cuito Cuanavale (Johannesburg: Delta Books, 2020). 3. Irina Filatova and Apollon Davidson, The Hidden Thread. Russia and South Africa in the Soviet Era (Roggebaai: Jonathan Ball, 2013). 4. For example, Csaba Bekes sees a meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of the Warsaw Pact in July 1988 as ‘the beginning of the end for the Soviet bloc’: Hungary’s Cold War: International Relations from the End of World War II to the Fall of the Soviet Union (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2022), Introduction. 5. cf. e.g. Chris Saunders, ‘“1989” and Southern Africa’, in Matthias Middell, Ulf Engel, and Frank Hadler, eds, 1989 in a Global Perspective (Leipzig; Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2015); Chris Saunders, ‘External Influences on Southern African Transformations: 1989 in Perspective’, in Comparativ. Zeitschrift für Globalgeschichte und vergleichende Gesellschaftsforschung 29, 4 (2019), 42–53. 6. The fullest discussion is Zwelethu Jolobe, International Mediation in the South African Transition: Brokering Power in Intractable Conflicts (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019). 7. cf. esp. Robert van Niekerk and Vishnu Padayachee, Shadow of Liberation: Contestation and Compromise in the Economic and Social Policy of the African National Congress, 1943–1996 (Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand Press, 2021). 8. Cleophas Johannes Tsokodayi, Namibia’s Independence Struggle: The Role of the United Nations (n.p.: Xlibris Corporation, n.d.). 9. Vladimir Shubin, The Hot “Cold War”: The USSR in Southern Africa (London: Pluto Press; 2008). 10. Nancy Jacobs, ‘How Washington Okumu Became the Mediator Who Saved the 1994 South African Elections’, South African Historical Journal, 73, 2 (2021), 288–317.
1. 苏·昂斯洛,《研究笔记特辑:南部非洲的冷战》,《冷战历史》22,第3期,第358页。2. 参见利奥波德·肖尔茨,SADF和奎托·夸纳瓦莱(约翰内斯堡:德尔塔图书,2020)。3.伊琳娜·菲拉托娃和阿波罗·戴维森,《隐藏的线索》苏联时代的俄罗斯和南非(Roggebaai: Jonathan Ball, 2013)。4. 例如,Csaba Bekes认为1988年7月华沙条约政治协商委员会的一次会议是“苏联集团结束的开始”:匈牙利的冷战:从第二次世界大战结束到苏联垮台的国际关系(教堂山:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2022),引言。参见克里斯·桑德斯,“1989年”和南部非洲”,见马蒂亚斯·米德尔、乌尔夫·恩格尔和弗兰克·哈德勒主编,1989年全球视角(莱比锡;莱比锡Universitätsverlag, 2015);克里斯·桑德斯,《对南部非洲转型的外部影响:1989年的视角》,《比较》杂志。世界科学学报,29(2019),42-53。6. 最充分的讨论是zwelthu Jolobe的《南非转型中的国际调解:棘手冲突中的斡旋力量》(阿宾登:劳特利奇出版社,2019)。7. 特别是罗伯特·范·尼克尔克和维什努·帕达亚奇,《解放的阴影:1943-1996年非洲国民大会经济和社会政策中的争论与妥协》(约翰内斯堡:威特沃特斯兰德大学出版社,2021年)。8. 克娄帕斯·约翰内斯·佐科达伊,纳米比亚的独立斗争:联合国的作用(Xlibris Corporation, n.d.)。9. 弗拉基米尔·舒宾,热的“冷战”:苏联在南部非洲(伦敦:冥王星出版社;2008). 10. 南希·雅各布斯,《华盛顿·奥库姆如何成为拯救1994年南非选举的调解人》,《南非历史杂志》,73,2(2021),288-317。
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引用次数: 1
The Imperialist Dream of João Albasini, a Portuguese Trader in South-East Africa, 1847–1870 1847-1870年,葡萄牙商人jo<e:1>奥·阿尔巴西尼在东南非洲的帝国主义梦想
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2023.2189128
Linell Chewins
ABSTRACT In the early nineteenth century, João Albasini established himself as a slave and ivory trader at Delagoa Bay, current-day Maputo, Mozambique. In the 1850s, he moved west, crossing the Lubombo Mountains into the northern areas which in 1852 became the Transvaal, also known as the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek. He aimed to revive the Portuguese economy at Delagoa Bay through the trading possibilities offered by the Boer population inland. In 1953, the Afrikaans historian Johannes Bernadus de Vaal gave a detailed account of Albasini’s life. He, however, did not consider the Portuguese and Mozambican dimensions to Albasini’s economic activities in the Transvaal because he saw him as a true-blue Transvaler determined to promote the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek’s interests. While Albasini did attach himself to the Afrikaner community, he remained a staunch Portuguese patriot. He dreamt of establishing a Portuguese colony in current-day Mpumalanga to further Portugal’s hypothetical authority in Delagoa Bay’s hinterland. Although deeply interesting, De Vaal’s analysis lacks insight into the obstructive nature of the Portuguese policy towards the economic development of the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek. However, the independent spirit of the Boers (the Dutch population) and the lack of political will and resources of the Portuguese metropole stifled João Albasini’s imperialist dream.
19世纪初,jo奥·阿尔巴西尼在德拉戈阿湾(今莫桑比克马普托)从事奴隶和象牙贸易。在19世纪50年代,他向西迁移,越过卢邦博山脉进入1852年成为德兰士瓦省的北部地区,也被称为南非荷兰语共和国。他的目标是通过内陆布尔人提供的贸易机会,重振德拉戈亚湾的葡萄牙经济。1953年,南非荷兰历史学家Johannes Bernadus de Vaal详细描述了阿尔巴西尼的一生。但是,他不认为阿尔巴西尼在德兰士瓦的经济活动有葡萄牙和莫桑比克的方面,因为他认为阿尔巴西尼是一个决心促进南非荷兰语共和国利益的真正的德兰士瓦人。虽然阿尔巴西尼确实与阿非利卡人社区关系密切,但他仍然是一个坚定的葡萄牙爱国者。他梦想在今天的普马兰加省建立一个葡萄牙殖民地,以进一步巩固葡萄牙在德拉戈亚湾腹地的假想权威。德瓦尔的分析虽然非常有趣,但缺乏对葡萄牙对南非荷兰语共和国经济发展政策的阻碍性质的洞察力。然而,布尔人(荷兰人)的独立精神和葡萄牙大都市缺乏政治意愿和资源,扼杀了阿尔巴西尼的帝国主义梦想。
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引用次数: 0
The Drama of the Peace Process in South Africa. I Look Back 30 Years 南非和平进程的戏剧性。我回顾30年
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-06-09 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2083218
C. Saunders
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引用次数: 0
South Africa’s Century of Cannabis Politics, 1922–2022 南非大麻政治世纪,1922–2022
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2128274
T. Waetjen
A century ago, the Smuts government legally restricted cannabis as a ‘dangerous drug’ in a 1922 Customs and Excise Act. This year in February, President Ramaphosa declared the African National Congress (ANC) government’s intention to promote a domestic hemp and cannabis ‘sector’, to aid the country’s Coviddepressed economy. How can we make sense of dagga’s official legislative history between these two moments? The question is linked to the peculiarities of South Africa’s colonial and apartheid pasts. Yet, to account for continuities of policy into the democratic period – as well as of persistent realities of economic injustice related to domestic relations of ‘everyday narco-capitalism’ –we should also consider global, comparative frames of historical reference. In South Africa, dagga has a long history of indigenous uses and meanings, which began to change more dramatically with its simultaneous commodification and legal restriction during processes of industrial development, migrant wage labour and racial segregation. The 1922 cannabis prohibition was largely the triumph of imperial and medical progressives, who had sought earlier
一个世纪前,斯穆特政府在1922年的《海关和消费税法》中合法限制大麻作为“危险药物”。今年2月,拉马福萨总统宣布非洲人国民大会(ANC)政府打算促进国内大麻和大麻“行业”,以帮助该国新冠肺炎经济。在这两个时刻之间,我们如何理解达格的官方立法历史?这个问题与南非殖民和种族隔离历史的特殊性有关。然而,为了解释民主时期政策的连续性,以及与“日常毒品资本主义”的国内关系相关的经济不公正的持续现实,我们还应该考虑全球的比较历史参照框架。在南非,dagga有着悠久的土著用途和含义历史,在工业发展、移民雇佣劳动和种族隔离过程中,随着其同时商品化和法律限制,这种用途和含义开始发生更大的变化。1922年的大麻禁令在很大程度上是帝国主义和医学进步派的胜利,他们早些时候曾寻求
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引用次数: 0
Dockside Reading: Hydrocolonialism and the Custom House 码头边阅读:水殖民主义与海关
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2086903
P. Mnyaka
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引用次数: 6
Prelude to Unilateralism: Foreclosed Independence Bids in Pre-Federation Southern Rhodesia, 1948 and 1950 单边主义的前奏:1948年和1950年联邦前南罗得西亚丧失赎回权的独立投标
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2149847
Brooks Marmon
ABSTRACT This article recovers two resolutions, in 1948 and 1950, respectively, by the all-white parliament in Southern Rhodesia (colonial Zimbabwe) that expressed support for the colony’s independence within the British Commonwealth. The examination of these post-war pushes for sovereignty illuminate how Rhodesia’s political leadership was sensitive to wider changes in the imperial status quo, well before the broader white electorate became similarly seized by colonial withdrawal. The motions highlight the gulf between the metropole and local settler leadership, even when the latter were ostensibly firmly backed by imperial policy and domestic black political opposition was comparatively muted. Additionally, the two parliamentary debates elucidate domestic interparty differences. The article is primarily informed by verbatim transcripts of the pertinent legislative proceedings. The deliberations have largely disappeared from the colony’s historiography – a significant omission given the considerable scholarly interest surrounding Southern Rhodesia’s unilateral declaration of independence from Britain in 1965. This article shows that nearly two decades before that fateful step, changing international factors motivated Rhodesia’s political class to consider major steps that would ensure the maintenance of white dominance.
本文回顾了1948年和1950年,南罗得西亚(殖民地津巴布韦)白人议会通过的两项决议,表示支持该殖民地在英联邦内独立。对战后争取主权的努力的考察表明,早在更广泛的白人选民同样被殖民撤退所困扰之前,罗得西亚的政治领导层就对帝国现状的更广泛变化非常敏感。这些动议凸显了大都市和当地定居者领导层之间的鸿沟,尽管后者表面上得到帝国政策的坚定支持,而国内黑人政治反对派相对较弱。此外,两次议会辩论阐明了国内的党派分歧。该条主要以有关立法程序的逐字记录为依据。考虑到1965年南罗得西亚单方面宣布脱离英国独立引起了学术界的极大兴趣,这些讨论基本上从该殖民地的史学中消失了。本文表明,在这一决定命运的步骤发生近20年前,不断变化的国际因素促使罗得西亚的政治阶层考虑采取确保维持白人统治的重大步骤。
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引用次数: 1
Christopher Bethell, Charles Warren and the Colonisation of the Southern Batswana 克里斯托弗·贝瑟尔、查尔斯·沃伦与南部巴特瓦纳的殖民
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2086288
Alan Lester
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引用次数: 0
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South African Historical Journal
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