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Counterinsurgency’s Undead Prose: A Reply to Janet Cherry’s Review of Insurgency and Counterinsurgency in South Africa 反叛乱的不死散文:对珍妮特·切里对南非叛乱和反叛乱评述的回复
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2023.2208770
Daniel L. Douek
Janet Cherry ’ s review of my book is confused, in some places demonstrating a gross misreading and in other places devolving to quibbles over details in ways that do not challenge – and sometimes even con fi rm – my primary thesis. Cherry insists that ‘ to argue that the current problems of South Africa are somehow linked to the counterinsurgency strategy of the past is a “ long stretch ” , to put it mildly, and verges on conspiracy theory ’ . 1 But she vastly over-states her case and makes a crude caricature of my book ’ s actual argument. I do not, as she claims, blame apartheid counterinsurgency for all the ills plaguing South Africa today, including unemployment, corruption, and state capture. Rather, my book shows that during the pivotal 10 to 15 years following South Africa ’ s 1994 transition to democracy, counterinsurgency legacies played a crucial and thus far undertheorised role in undermining state institutions and democratic norms, thereby contributing to the weakness in South Africa ’ s democracy today. As Cherry must know, I am hardly the fi rst to argue that elements of the apartheid regime ’ s covert war continued to destabilise South Africa after April 1994. Previous literature has already explored this phenomenon, giving credence to President Nelson Mandela ’ s claims that in attempting to overcome apartheid ’ s overwhelming legacies of poverty, inequality, and crime, his government faced old-guard security force elements aiming to desta-bilise the new democracy. 2
珍妮特·切里(Janet Cherry)对我的书的评论很混乱,在一些地方表现出严重的误读,而在另一些地方则演变为对细节的争论,这些争论对我的主要论文没有挑战,有时甚至没有定论。Cherry坚持认为,“认为南非目前的问题在某种程度上与过去的反叛乱战略有关,委婉地说,这是一个“漫长的过程”,近乎阴谋论”。1但她过分夸大了自己的观点,并对我书中的实际论点进行了粗鲁的讽刺。正如她所说,我并没有将今天困扰南非的所有弊病归咎于种族隔离反叛乱,包括失业、腐败和国家俘获。相反,我的书表明,在1994年南非向民主过渡后的关键10至15年里,反叛乱遗产在破坏国家机构和民主规范方面发挥了至关重要的作用,迄今为止还没有得到充分的理论支持,从而导致了今天南非民主的薄弱。Cherry必须知道,我并不是第一个认为种族隔离政权的秘密战争在1994年4月后继续破坏南非稳定的人。以前的文献已经探讨过这一现象,证实了纳尔逊·曼德拉总统的说法,即在试图克服种族隔离带来的贫困、不平等和犯罪的巨大遗产时,他的政府面临着旨在破坏新民主的老牌安全部队。2.
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引用次数: 0
Genetic Afterlives: Black Jewish Indigeneity in South Africa 遗传来生:南非黑人犹太人的土著
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2121850
Shirli Gilbert
defected to the better resourced ANC, and the PAC’s woes were exacerbated it was expelled from various countries where it had bases. Even so, when Mothopeng was released from ‘Sun City’ (to which he had been transferred from the Island a few years earlier) on the grounds of ill-health in 1988, there were signs of the PAC’s resuscitation. Its president, however, was beyond help. Although he continued to make speeches at home and abroad and to mentor the youth, from whom he earned the title ‘Lion of Azania’, he was suffering from terminal cancer. He opposed negotiations with the apartheid government, calling instead for an intensification of the struggle. Hlongwane alludes to the conflict within the PAC about participation in the negotiations, suggesting that things might have turned out differently had Mothopeng not passed away, consumed by cancer, just as the now unbanned PAC was preparing for its first congress inside the country. The PAC’s successes should not be forgotten. It is important to recognise the forms in which the organisation endured into the 1980s through parts of the labour movement, the Azanian National Youth Unity, of which Hlongwane was a member, and the African Women’s Organisation under the leadership of Urbania Bebe Mothopeng. Her achievements deserve more exploration. Hlongwane has paid eloquent tribute to Mothopeng’s 50 years of service, suffering, sacrifice, and ‘consistent soldiering’ (200), while persuasively arguing for a better understanding of the ‘Lion of Azania’ and the PAC’s role ‘in the ideas of struggle and national liberation’ (206).
转而投奔了资源更充足的ANC, PAC的困境也随之加剧,它被驱逐出了多个拥有基地的国家。即便如此,当Mothopeng于1988年因健康状况不佳被从“太阳城”释放(几年前他被从岛上转移到那里)时,PAC有复苏的迹象。然而,它的总裁已无可救药。尽管他继续在国内外发表演讲,并指导青年,他因此赢得了“阿扎尼亚之狮”的称号,但他患有晚期癌症。他反对与种族隔离政府谈判,而是呼吁加强斗争。Hlongwane暗示了PAC内部关于参与谈判的冲突,暗示如果Mothopeng没有死于癌症,事情可能会有不同的结果,就在现在被禁止的PAC准备在国内举行第一次代表大会的时候。政治行动委员会的成功不应被遗忘。重要的是要认识到该组织在20世纪80年代通过工人运动的部分形式,阿扎尼亚民族青年联盟(Hlongwane是其成员)和Urbania Bebe Mothopeng领导下的非洲妇女组织(African Women’s organization)。她的成就值得进一步探索。洪瓦恩对莫索彭50年的服役、苦难、牺牲和“始终如一的战士”(200)表达了雄辩的敬意,同时有说服力地主张更好地理解“阿扎尼亚之狮”和PAC“在斗争和民族解放思想”中的作用(206)。
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引用次数: 2
US Foreign Policy and the End of the Cold War In Africa: A Bridge Between Global Conflict and the New World Order, 1988–1994 美国外交政策与非洲冷战的结束:全球冲突与世界新秩序之间的桥梁,1988-1994
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2121851
C. Saunders
because it seemed that Sedibe ‘had bought into the regime’. For Ebrahim, Sedibe’s actions were ‘betrayal, on a profound and destructive level’ (217). Perhaps it is Ebrahim’s experience with betrayal that makes him reluctant to comment on problems afflicting the ANC today. In the conclusion to Beyond Fear, he recalls how on Robben Island ANC leaders discussed being ‘servants of the people [that] were steadfastly against corruption, factionalism and ill-discipline’ (284). Though Ebrahim concedes ‘these values have become eroded’, his memoir gives no sense of how this erosion occurred (285). His views on the ANC’s degeneration would be valuable, especially because of his closeness to Jacob Zuma. But as Kasrils recalls, Ebrahim ‘didn’t like to raise his voice publicly [...] but rather within the movement and to comrades. It was that kind of loyalty’. This loyalty permeates the book and, with it, the impressive emotional and physical fortitude Ebrahim possessed that enabled him to endure banning, exile, imprisonment, and torture. But this loyalty also limits the book’s utility for scholars. While it affords valuable insight into the lived experiences of a South African freedom fighter, Beyond Fear does not take us far beyond the existing frontiers of South Africa’s political history. It might have.
因为塞迪贝似乎“接受了政权”。对易卜拉欣来说,塞迪贝的行为是“背叛,具有深刻的破坏性”(217)。也许正是易卜拉欣的背叛经历让他不愿对今天困扰非国大的问题发表评论。在《超越恐惧》的结论中,他回忆起在罗本岛,非国大领导人如何讨论成为“坚决反对腐败、派系斗争和纪律不良的人民的仆人”(284)。尽管易卜拉欣承认“这些价值观已经被侵蚀”,但他的回忆录并没有说明这种侵蚀是如何发生的(285)。他对非国大堕落的看法是有价值的,尤其是因为他与雅各布·祖马关系密切。但正如Kasrils回忆的那样,易卜拉欣“不喜欢公开发声[…],而是在运动内部和同志们面前。”。就是那种忠诚。这种忠诚渗透在这本书中,也渗透到易卜拉欣令人印象深刻的情感和身体毅力中,使他能够忍受禁令、流放、监禁和酷刑。但这种忠诚也限制了这本书对学者的效用。虽然《超越恐惧》为我们深入了解一位南非自由战士的生活经历提供了宝贵的见解,但它并没有让我们远远超越南非政治史的现有前沿。可能有。
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引用次数: 0
This Year in History: The 1922 Rand Revolt 历史上的这一年:1922年兰德起义
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2023.2193867
D. Money, Danelle van Zyl-Hermann
In the opening decades of the twentieth century, the most serious challenge to South Africa’s newly established settler state came not, as might be expected, from Africans displaced by the 1913 Native Land Act or corralled into compounds as cheap labour for the brutal mining industry. It came, instead, from white workers: a racially privileged but structurally vulnerable class of men – and women – living and labouring on ‘the margins of a capitalist society where charity was in short supply and social contempt abundant’. The perpetual threat of displacement with cheap black labour animated white industrial conflict throughout the first two decades of the century, with major strikes in 1907, 1913, and 1914. All centred on the mining industry, the axis of the South African economy. In each case, the state forces intervened in favour of mining interests. At least 20 strikers were killed in 1913 when troops opened fire on crowds outside the Rand Club, and in 1914 a largescale military mobilisation halted strikes. 1922, however, was of a different magnitude. Amid rampant inflation and falling gold prices, the Chamber of Mines moved to replace 2000 semi-skilled white workers with cheaper black workers. The broader white mining workforce, fearing it would soon face the same fate, reacted with outrage. In January, a major strike broke out on the gold and coal mines, escalating by early March to a general strike across the Transvaal. This took a revolutionary direction as armed strikers seized control over parts of the Rand and formed commandos to directly confront the state. This challenge took two main forms: republican strikers, animated by the memory of the Boer conflict with Britain, sought the formation of an independent republic; anti-capitalist strikers, drawing on revolutionary currents influential in the white labour movement, sought the formation of a communist state. Many strikers had military experience, and intense violence engulfed the Rand. White working-class women, too, formed commandos that attacked police and
在20世纪的头几十年里,南非新建立的定居者国家面临的最严重挑战并不像人们所预期的那样,来自因1913年《原住民土地法》而流离失所的非洲人,也不是被残酷的采矿业作为廉价劳动力关入大院的非洲人。相反,它来自白人工人:一个种族特权但结构脆弱的男女阶层,生活和劳动在“慈善短缺、社会蔑视泛滥的资本主义社会边缘”。廉价黑人劳动力流离失所的永久威胁在本世纪头二十年引发了白人工业冲突,1907年、1913年和1914年发生了大规模罢工。所有这些都集中在采矿业,这是南非经济的轴心。在每一个案例中,国家军队都进行了有利于矿业利益的干预。1913年,军队在兰德俱乐部外向人群开火,造成至少20名罢工者死亡。1914年,大规模的军事动员阻止了罢工。然而,1922年的情况则不同。在通货膨胀猖獗和金价下跌的情况下,矿业商会采取行动,用更便宜的黑人工人取代2000名半熟练白人工人。更广泛的白人采矿工人担心自己很快会面临同样的命运,他们的反应是愤怒。1月,金矿和煤矿爆发了一场大罢工,到3月初升级为德兰士瓦省的大罢工。这是一个革命性的方向,武装罢工者夺取了兰德部分地区的控制权,并组建了突击队直接对抗国家。这一挑战主要有两种形式:共和国罢工者因布尔人与英国冲突的记忆而活跃起来,寻求建立一个独立的共和国;反资本主义罢工者利用在白人劳工运动中有影响力的革命潮流,寻求建立一个共产主义国家。许多罢工者都有军事经验,激烈的暴力席卷了兰德号。白人工人阶级妇女也组成了突击队,袭击警察和
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引用次数: 0
A Reluctant Rebel: John Msikinya and Secession at Aliwal North 一个不情愿的叛乱者:约翰·姆斯金亚和阿利瓦尔北部的分裂
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2023.2205602
J. Crump
ABSTRACT This article traces the course of the secession of John Msikinya from the Primitive Methodist Church in 1908. Msikinya was feted by the church as one of its first African ministers and toured the UK in 1899 to raise funds for the development of the church in Aliwal North. Denied further advancement, in particular leadership of his congregation unsupervised by English ministers, Msikinya’s relationship with European ministers and lay church leaders deteriorated. He was expelled, taking with him a significant part of his congregation. Msikinya established his own church, the Native Presbyterian Church of South Africa, and was still active in Aliwal North in the 1920s. The secession had a dispiriting effect on the Primitive Methodists’ missionary work in South Africa. Msikinya’s experience is familiar from the careers of other African ministers in the period 1880–1910. Msikinya’s case is distinguished by the tenacity with which he sought to remain a Primitive Methodist and his efforts to use the church’s procedures to bolster his case. Against a background of growing constraints on the Europeanised African elite to which Msikinya belonged, his secession demonstrated the inability of the missionary church to devolve leadership to the local community.
本文追溯了1908年约翰·姆西金亚脱离原始卫理公会的历程。Msikinya作为其首批非洲牧师之一受到了教会的款待,并于1899年访问了英国,为Aliwal North教堂的发展筹集资金。由于被拒绝进一步晋升,特别是在英国牧师的监督下领导他的会众,姆西金亚与欧洲牧师和世俗教会领袖的关系恶化。他被驱逐了,带走了会众中的重要一部分。Msikinya建立了自己的教会,南非原住民长老会,并在20世纪20年代仍活跃在Aliwal North。分离对原始卫理公会在南非的传教工作产生了令人沮丧的影响。姆西金亚的经历在1880-1910年间其他非洲部长的职业生涯中很熟悉。Msikinya案件的特点是他坚持不懈地寻求保持原始卫理公会教徒的身份,并努力利用教会的程序来支持他的案件。在姆西金亚所属的欧洲化非洲精英受到越来越大的限制的背景下,他的分离表明教会无法将领导权移交给当地社区。
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引用次数: 0
Colonial Intrusion and the Dispute over Leadership of the Nzama People in Kranskop, KwaZulu-Natal, 1880s to 1928 1880年代至1928年夸祖鲁-纳塔尔州克兰斯科普的殖民入侵和恩扎马人的领导权之争
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2023.2179657
Siyabonga Nxumalo
ABSTRACT The Nzama were an independent chiefdom, but because of the colonial divide-and-rule strategy, they ultimately were made subservient to the rival Ngubane chief, who then connived with the local white magistrate to install his son Tshutshutshu as his successor. This brewed tensions between the Nzama leaders and Chief Tshutshutshu. Their differences ended up in court, but the white authorities sided with Tshutshutshu. The friction between the Nzama and the Ngubane has continued for decades but is generally reduced to the term izimpi zemibango (faction fights), a catch-all term that fails to address the underlying causes of the conflict and its long historical roots. This article deals with the interventions by the Natal colonial state in the areas to the south of the uThukela River, where Kranskop and Greytown are located, before the outbreak of the Anglo-Zulu War in 1879 to highlight what changed after the war. Within this it explores the different ways in which the Ngubane and Nzama people were treated, which intensified tensions and held within it the seed for the outbreak of the izimpi zemibango between the 1880s and 1928.
摘要恩扎马是一个独立的酋长国,但由于殖民地的分治策略,他们最终臣服于竞争对手恩古班酋长,恩古班首领随后纵容当地白人治安官任命他的儿子茨胡舒舒为他的继任者。这导致了恩扎马领导人和茨胡舒舒酋长之间的紧张关系。他们的分歧最终诉诸法庭,但白人当局站在了舒舒舒一边。Nzama和Ngubane之间的摩擦已经持续了几十年,但通常被简化为izimpi zemibango(派系斗争)一词,这是一个包罗万象的术语,未能解决冲突的根本原因及其长期历史根源。本文论述了1879年盎格鲁-祖鲁战争爆发前,纳塔尔殖民国家对克兰斯科普和格雷敦所在的乌图克拉河以南地区的干预,以强调战争后的变化。在这本书中,它探讨了Ngubane人和Nzama人受到的不同对待方式,这加剧了紧张局势,并为1880年代至1928年间爆发的izmpi zemibango埋下了种子。
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引用次数: 0
Revisioning the Ethnographic Photograph 修订民族志照片
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2144940
Candice Steele
ABSTRACT This paper attempts to destabilise the ethnographic photographic genre through an exploration of some of the photographs contained in the Pauline Ingle Photographic Evaluation and Realisation (PIPER) project. By locating the collection alongside contemporary recuperative attempts to refigure the archive, the paper explores both the mutability of photographic genres and the ways in which the approaches and techniques of her photography in a rural area complicate an ethnographic reading.
本文试图通过对宝琳·英格尔(Pauline Ingle)摄影评估与实现(PIPER)项目中包含的一些照片的探索,来动摇民族志摄影流派。通过将这些收藏与当代重新塑造档案的尝试放在一起,本文探讨了摄影类型的可变性,以及她在农村地区摄影的方法和技术使民族志阅读复杂化的方式。
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引用次数: 0
‘The Root of All Evil?’: Cash Boom, Trader Misfeasance, and Poverty in World War II Bechuanaland Protectorate “万恶之源?”第二次世界大战贝川纳保护国的现金繁荣、贸易不当行为和贫困
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2023.2205603
P. Molosiwa, Maitseo M. M. Bolaane
ABSTRACT Told here is a story of the manifestations of cash money’s unseen and unpredictable power in the expropriations of Bechuanaland Protectorate Africans by store owners or traders during World War II. Failure to secure essential commodities in a period when cash dominated the market and had become the motif of the colonial economy surprised even the colonial officials who had thought that the ensuing ‘cash boom’ would bring prosperity across the social divide. This article mines the extant war archives to retrieve the neglected history of the repercussions of the first-ever cash boom the Bechuanaland Protectorate experienced since the advent of cash during the nineteenth century. As many people gained access to more cash, traders of predominantly foreign descent hiked prices unduly, in most cases using the war as an excuse. The article addresses two mutually inclusive forms of trader misconduct. First, it explores the trajectory of profiteering as it spread from the urban areas to impact the initially unaffected rural peripheries during the war. Secondly, it demonstrates the differentiated ways in which a tripartite of conditional selling, price differentials, and food rationing became the driving forces of the ‘evil’ that was profiteering.
本文讲述的是第二次世界大战期间,商店老板或商人对贝古纳保护国非洲人的征用,这一事件体现了现金看不见的、不可预测的力量。在现金主导市场并成为殖民地经济主题的时期,无法确保基本商品的供应,甚至连殖民地官员都感到惊讶,他们本以为随之而来的“现金热潮”会给整个社会带来繁荣。本文挖掘了现存的战争档案,以检索自19世纪现金出现以来贝采纳兰保护国经历的第一次现金繁荣的影响的被忽视的历史。由于许多人获得了更多的现金,以外国血统为主的商人不恰当地抬高了价格,在大多数情况下,他们以战争为借口。这篇文章讨论了两种相互包容的交易不端行为。首先,它探讨了战争期间暴利从城市地区蔓延到最初未受影响的农村边缘地区的轨迹。其次,它展示了有条件销售、价格差异和食品配给这三方面的不同方式,它们成为了暴利这一“邪恶”的驱动力。
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引用次数: 0
Red Road to Freedom: A History of the South African Communist Party, 1921–2021 红色自由之路:南非共产党历史,1921-2021
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2142842
Thina Nzo, Irina Filitova, A. Drew, T. Lodge
Uncovering the 10 decades of the history of the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA), now known as the South African Communist Party (SACP), Tom Lodge seamlessly reveals a fraternal journey in the formation of one of the most significant movements in the anti-colonial and anti-apartheid class struggles in South Africa. The archival research material used to knit this book together has given it a very robust intellectual supremacy in terms of its ability to provide a genealogical account of the CPSA through its DNA that is embedded in the class struggles of mine workers and industrial workers (trade unions). From the early formations of socialist groups and their linkages with other international socialist movements, leading up to the formation of the CPSA and forging alliances with national liberation movements, Lodge has managed to add to the existing literature about communism in South Africa, including how it came into existence in South Africa, what role it played in shaping the liberation struggle in exile, and the extent to which it continues to occupy an influential position in the tripartite alliance post liberation. His book provides us with richly detailed descriptions that begin from the revival of gold mines, which lured many African migrants and white immigrants from Continental and Eastern Europe, England, Australia, the Unites States and Asia. He is able to show how the arrival of European immigrants, particularly those who had been part of the Italian Socialist Groups, German Socialist Democrats, Friends of Russian Freedom and Jewish Bund who were exposed to Marxist teachings, brought revolutionary strategies into labour movements from the early 1920s. Lodge demonstrates how, during this period, these groups played a key role in organising mine workers’ strikes and using insurrectionary strategies in labour struggles. In addition, the issue of racial labour reservation also became the nexus through which communists had to carefully think about how to distinguish themselves from exclusive white Socialist and Labour parties that paid little attention to representing and incorporating African mine workers into the union and labour movements. Here, we begin to see the emergence of a prominent figure amongst communists, Sidney Bunting, who was a member of the International Socialist League. Through the formation of Industrial Workers of Africa, the connections with the Transvaal Native Congress and communists who were members of the International Socialist League began to take shape. However, as we can see in the book, the presence of the Communist Party members and activists was mainly concentrated in Johannesburg and Cape Town, with a growing presence in Port Elizabeth and support of Indians in Durban who were affiliated to the Indian
Tom Lodge揭开了南非共产党(CPSA)(现在被称为南非共产党(SACP))10年的历史,无缝地揭示了南非反殖民和反种族隔离阶级斗争中最重要运动之一的兄弟之旅。用于将这本书编织在一起的档案研究材料使它具有了非常强大的知识优势,因为它能够通过其嵌入矿山工人和工业工人(工会)阶级斗争中的DNA来提供CPSA的家谱描述。从社会主义团体的早期形成及其与其他国际社会主义运动的联系,到CPSA的成立和与民族解放运动的联盟,洛奇成功地为南非现有的共产主义文献增添了内容,包括它是如何在南非产生的,它在塑造流亡中的解放斗争中发挥了什么作用,以及它在解放后的三方联盟中继续占据影响力的程度。他的书为我们提供了丰富详细的描述,这些描述始于金矿的复兴,金矿吸引了许多来自大陆和东欧、英国、澳大利亚、美国和亚洲的非洲移民和白人移民。他能够展示欧洲移民的到来,特别是那些曾加入意大利社会主义团体、德国社会主义民主党人、俄罗斯自由之友和犹太外滩的人,他们接触了马克思主义教义,如何将革命战略带入20世纪20年代初的劳工运动。洛奇展示了在这一时期,这些团体是如何在组织矿工罢工和在劳工斗争中使用叛乱策略方面发挥关键作用的。此外,种族劳工保留问题也成为共产主义者必须仔细思考如何将自己与排外的白人社会党和工党区分开来的纽带,这些政党很少关注代表非洲矿工并将其纳入工会和劳工运动。在这里,我们开始看到共产主义者中出现了一位杰出人物,西德尼·邦廷,他是国际社会主义联盟的成员。通过非洲工业工人的成立,与德兰士瓦原住民大会和国际社会主义联盟成员共产主义者的联系开始形成。然而,正如我们在书中所看到的,共产党员和活动家的存在主要集中在约翰内斯堡和开普敦,伊丽莎白港的存在越来越多,德班的印度人也支持他们,他们隶属于印第安人
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引用次数: 3
‘Think More Clearly than the State Allows’: Rick Turner’s Challenge to the Present “比国家允许的更清晰地思考”:里克·特纳对当下的挑战
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2023.2196608
G. Maré
The Rick Turner Lecture was presented in honour of the 50th anniversary of Rick Turner ’ s book, The Eye of the Needle , and the relevance of his forward-thinking philosophy to the present day, at the Southern Centre for Inequality Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, on 22 February 2022
里克·特纳讲座于2022年2月22日在威特沃特斯兰德大学南方不平等研究中心举行,以纪念里克·特纳的著作《针眼》出版50周年,以及他的前瞻性思维哲学与当今的相关性
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引用次数: 0
期刊
South African Historical Journal
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