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Critical Reflections on Physical Culture at the Edges of Empire 对帝国边缘体育文化的批判性思考
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2081356
Anell Stacey Daries
instructive to hear how and why this transition happened, and what challenges these women faced and continue to face. Maliehe’s book fills a lacuna in Lesotho’s historiography by providing a narration of Lesotho’s history fromMoshoeshoe to the present. Not since Gill’s 1993 survey, which is a difficult book to find outside Lesotho, has a historian attempted such a feat, and Maliehe is to be commended for succeeding admirably. But it is not just Lesotho specialists who should read this book, as its exploration of the linkages between politics and economics has lessons that cut across national boundaries in twenty-first-century southern Africa. The book, especially the last few chapters, is a damning indictment of the injustices of colonial rule, but also of the economic mismanagement of the political classes since independence. Writing about rigid national boundaries and policies that seem to benefit only politicians and senior bureaucrats, Maliehe notes that ‘rigid constructions of national identity work mostly for the rulers, not the majority who continue to struggle to break through forces confining their self-determination’ (161). Setting the long-term story of the Basotho struggle against a variety of foreign dominations in commerce, Politics as Commerce not only points out where political decisions have disenfranchised the majority, but also points to the potential for grassroots efforts, mass mobilisation, and mobile money to help make a better future for Basotho individuals and Lesotho as a whole.
了解这种转变是如何发生的以及为什么发生的,以及这些女性面临并将继续面临的挑战,都很有启发性。马利赫的书填补了莱索托史学的一个空白,讲述了莱索托从莫斯科到现在的历史。吉尔1993年的调查是一本在莱索托以外很难找到的书,自那以来,还没有历史学家尝试过这样的壮举,马利赫的成功值得称赞。但不仅仅是莱索托的专家应该阅读这本书,因为它对政治和经济之间联系的探索在21世纪的南部非洲有着跨越国界的经验教训。这本书,尤其是最后几章,是对殖民统治不公正的谴责,也是对独立以来政治阶层经济管理不善的谴责。Maliehe在谈到僵化的国家边界和似乎只对政治家和高级官僚有利的政策时指出,“僵化的国家身份建构主要为统治者服务,而不是为那些继续努力突破限制其自决权的力量的大多数人服务”(161)。《商业政治》讲述了巴索托人与外国在商业中的各种统治进行斗争的长期故事,它不仅指出了政治决策剥夺了大多数人的权利,还指出了基层努力、大规模动员和流动资金的潜力,以帮助巴索托个人和整个莱索托创造更美好的未来。
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引用次数: 0
Book Forum 本论坛
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2136741
Darrell P. Rowbottom
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引用次数: 0
African Nurses and Everyday Work in Twentieth-Century Zimbabwe 非洲护士与二十世纪津巴布韦的日常工作
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2070775
Shokahle R. Dlamini
exploratory rather than expository. Consequently, engagement on key prompts tends to be rather brief. This is most notable in the proposal in the conclusion to look at the farm novel from the perspective of the dockside. For readers uninitiated into this genre, a more extensive argument would have been beneficial. Nevertheless, Dockside Reading is an invitation to think about water and words together, to consider the migratory nature of hydrocolonial practices, to travel to the unpredictable landscape of the seaside in all its dampness and with all its scents. If an epidemiological hermeneutics informed the imperial world of customs officials, we are obliged, I think, to question excessive concerns with contagion.
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引用次数: 0
Experiment at KwaPoyinandi: African Engagement with the Local Health Commission of the Edendale and District Public Health Area, 1942–c.1957 在KwaPoyinandi的实验:非洲人与Edendale地方卫生委员会和地区公共卫生区的接触,1942年至1957年
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2131893
M. Epprecht
ABSTRACT KwaPoyinandi was the Zulu term for the Local Health Commission (LHC), a unique but now little-remembered form of local authority that governed the freehold community of Edendale and contiguous farms, townships, and informal settlements from 1942 to 1974. Its early mandate was to rehabilitate the once prosperous community within the social medicine paradigm (primary health care attentive to the social determinants of health) and with the promise of transition to self-governance. Through to the late 1950s, ‘monumental work’ toward that mandate was achieved, including a multiracial advisory board with an African majority and an African chair. KwaPoyinandi also bucked the national apartheid trend for longer than most, if not all, major urban centres in South Africa, with a racially diverse population well into the 1970s. The experiment was hamstrung and ultimately shut down due to its incompatibility with apartheid. I argue that Africans’ active engagement with KwaPoyinandi in diverse and complex ways was an important factor in its early relative success and that this history provides insights pertinent to current debates around the revitalisation of peri-urban communities around South Africa.
摘要KwaPoyinandi是祖鲁语中地方卫生委员会(LHC)的术语,这是一种独特但现在鲜为人知的地方当局形式,从1942年到1974年,它管理着Edendale的自由保有社区以及邻近的农场、乡镇和非正规住区。其早期任务是在社会医学范式(关注健康的社会决定因素的初级卫生保健)范围内恢复曾经繁荣的社区,并承诺向自治过渡。直到20世纪50年代末,实现了这一任务的“重大工作”,包括成立了一个由非洲人占多数的多种族咨询委员会和一名非洲主席。KwaPoyinandi也在比南非大多数(如果不是全部的话)主要城市中心更长的时间里反抗国家种族隔离趋势,直到20世纪70年代,南非的人口种族多元化。由于与种族隔离制度不兼容,该实验受到阻碍,最终被关闭。我认为,非洲人以多种复杂的方式积极参与KwaPoyinandi是其早期相对成功的一个重要因素,这段历史为当前围绕振兴南非周边城市社区的辩论提供了相关的见解。
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引用次数: 0
Commerce As Politics: The Two Centuries of Struggle for Basotho Economic Independence 商业即政治:巴索托经济独立的两个世纪斗争
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2085316
John Aerni-Flessner
1. For this context, see Alan Lester, Kate Boehme, and Peter Mitchell, Ruling the World: Freedom, Civilisation and Liberalism in the Nineteenth Century British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021). 2. See Alan Lester, Deny and Disavow: Distancing the British Empire in the Culture Wars (London: SunRise, 2022). 3. Shillington’s excellent and concise Cecil Rhodes: The Man Behind the Statues (Bath: Brown Dog Books, 2021) has been revised in light of these developments and the Rhodes Must Fall campaigns in Cape Town and Oxford. 4. See, for example, the remark by the UK equalities minister on how we should be teaching the empire’s ‘positive features’. Zaina Alibhai, ‘Equalities Minister Kemi Badenoch Says British Empire Achieved “Good Things” throughout Its Rule’, Independent, 21 March 2022, https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/kemi-badenoch-britishempire-colonialism-b2040002.html, accessed 10/04/2022.
1. 关于这方面,请参阅艾伦·莱斯特、凯特·伯姆和彼得·米切尔,《统治世界:19世纪大英帝国的自由、文明和自由主义》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2021年)。2. 参见艾伦·莱斯特,《否认与否认:在文化战争中疏远大英帝国》(伦敦:SunRise, 2022)。3.希灵顿优秀而简洁的《塞西尔·罗兹:雕像背后的人》(巴斯:Brown Dog Books, 2021)已经根据这些发展和开普敦和牛津的“罗兹必须倒台”运动进行了修订。例如,看看英国平等部长关于我们应该如何教授大英帝国的“积极特征”的言论吧。Zaina Alibhai,“平等部长Kemi Badenoch说大英帝国在其统治期间取得了“好东西””,独立报,2022年3月21日,https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/kemi-badenoch-britishempire-colonialism-b2040002.html,访问10/04/2022。
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引用次数: 0
What Can We Learn from Mrs. Ples? – The 75th Anniversary of a Fossil 我们能从普莱斯太太身上学到什么?——纪念化石诞生75周年
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2132695
Christa Kuljian
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引用次数: 0
The Bounds of Compassion? Medical Ethics and the Politics of Medical Mercy Killings in South Africa, 1930s to 1976 同情的界限?20世纪30年代至1976年南非的医学伦理与医疗安乐死政治
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2136740
J. Parle
ABSTRACT The 1975 trial of Dr Alby Hartman for the killing of his father, in September the previous year at the small hospital at Ceres just over 100 kms from Cape Town, galvanised South African debates about medical euthanasia. After the trial, the obligations and duties of doctors faced with extreme suffering, profound disability, or inevitable death were widely discussed. The first study of medical mercy killings in South Africa, this article provides context, from the 1930s to the 1970s, for the Hartman trial and its controversial sentence. I consider why Dr Hartman admitted to ending his father's life, but also entered the plea of not guilty to murder. ‘Compassion was my motive’, he said. Several complexities of compassion and medical ethics in South Africa before 1976 are explored through attention to the role of Dr Guy A. Elliott. Through attention to South African medical politics under apartheid, I explain the contradictory positions on censuring Dr Hartman taken in 1976 by the South African Medical and Dental Council (SAMDC). Finally, I point to how the sentence passed on Dr Hartman – which made him a criminal ‘non-law’- has had a complex legacy for the issue of doctor-assisted dying in South Africa.
1975年9月,在距开普敦100多公里的谷神星小医院,阿尔比·哈特曼医生因杀害父亲一案在南非引发了关于医疗安乐死的辩论。审判结束后,面对极度痛苦、严重残疾或不可避免的死亡,医生的义务和职责被广泛讨论。这篇文章首次研究了南非的医疗安乐死,为哈特曼审判及其有争议的判决提供了从20世纪30年代到70年代的背景。我在想为什么哈特曼医生承认结束了他父亲的生命,但同时又不承认谋杀。“同情是我的动机,”他说。通过关注盖伊·艾略特医生的角色,探讨了1976年之前南非同情心和医学伦理的几个复杂性。通过关注种族隔离制度下的南非医学政治,我解释了南非医学和牙科委员会(SAMDC)在1976年谴责哈特曼医生时所采取的相互矛盾的立场。最后,我指出,对哈特曼医生的判决——使他成为一个“非法律”罪犯——对南非医生协助死亡问题产生了复杂的影响。
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引用次数: 0
‘A Livestock Country Cannot Be Improvised’: Cattle Improvement, Economic Ambitions, and the Environment in Southern Mozambique, 1910s–1940s 《畜牧国家不能临时凑合》:1910 - 1940年莫桑比克南部的养牛改良、经济抱负和环境
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2064909
Bárbara Direito
ABSTRACT Due to the absence of the tsetse fly and the existence of large areas of pasture and fertile river valleys, bovine cattle have historically been central in the lives of African agro-pastoral societies in southern Mozambique. In the beginning of the twentieth century, Portuguese officials became interested in the expansion of the livestock economy to supply internal and external markets. But various diseases, irregular rainfall, and periodic drought posed numerous challenges. Echoing familiar tropes, colonial officials perceived local animal husbandry practices as backward and uneconomic, and argued that Landim cattle, the indigenous breed, was mostly useless. Debates ensued on whether the Landim breed could be improved or popular imported breeds successfully acclimatised to local conditions. This article discusses the evolution of official livestock policies for southern Mozambique between the 1910s and the 1940s. It investigates the way zootechnical debates concerning cattle improvement were influenced by popular scientific theories, economic aspirations, and a specific regional context, but also by perceptions of African and exotic breeds and attitudes towards the local environment. The article sheds light on how Africans, the main cattle owners in the region, responded in significant ways to these developments.
摘要由于没有采采蝇,而且有大片的牧场和肥沃的河谷,历史上,牛一直是莫桑比克南部非洲农牧社会生活的中心。二十世纪初,葡萄牙官员开始对扩大畜牧业经济以供应国内外市场感兴趣。但各种疾病、不规律的降雨和周期性的干旱带来了许多挑战。与熟悉的比喻相呼应,殖民地官员认为当地畜牧业做法落后且不经济,并认为本土品种兰迪姆牛基本上毫无用处。关于兰迪姆品种是否可以改进,或者流行的进口品种是否能够成功适应当地条件,争论随之而来。本文讨论了1910年代至1940年代莫桑比克南部官方畜牧政策的演变。它调查了关于养牛的动物技术辩论是如何受到流行科学理论、经济愿望和特定地区背景的影响的,也受到对非洲和外来品种的看法以及对当地环境的态度的影响。这篇文章揭示了该地区主要的养牛者非洲人是如何对这些事态发展做出重大反应的。
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引用次数: 0
‘The Involvement of the State Had to Be a Secret’: The Impact of Vrye Weekblad and Weekly Mail Exposés on the Apartheid Government and its Conservative Apologists in the United States “国家的介入必须是一个秘密”:《周末报》和《每周邮报》对美国种族隔离政府及其保守派辩护者的影响
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2110611
Bryan Trabold
ABSTRACT In its final stages, the apartheid government in South Africa sought to promote an image that it was committed to reform and that it represented the only entity in the country capable of containing ‘black-on-black’ violence. At the same time, it created death squads and supported black counter-revolutionary forces to weaken the African National Congress. For the government’s strategy to work, it was essential that the violence it was using and fomenting remain hidden. Conservatives in the United States served as a willing accomplice of the apartheid government throughout its existence and particularly during this time period. This article examines two exposés published in South Africa: the Vrye Weekblad revelations about the death squads in 1989 and the Weekly Mail articles about the apartheid government’s support for Inkatha in 1991. These exposés, often viewed as separate, distinct stories, are connected in two meaningful ways. First, these newspapers, which reached small readerships in South Africa, published stories that would subsequently be featured in major newspapers in the United States. Secondly, by revealing the apartheid government’s use of covert violence, these exposés undermined the image it was cultivating and the policies it was pursuing to remain in power and, in the process, refuted every claim made by conservatives in the US.
摘要在南非种族隔离政府的最后阶段,它试图宣传一种致力于改革的形象,即它代表了该国唯一能够遏制“黑人对黑人”暴力的实体。与此同时,它成立了敢死队,并支持黑人反革命势力削弱非洲人国民大会。为了使政府的战略发挥作用,政府使用和煽动的暴力必须隐藏起来。美国的保守派在种族隔离政府的整个存在过程中,特别是在这段时间里,都是其心甘情愿的帮凶。这篇文章考察了在南非发表的两篇文章:1989年《Vrye Weekblad》对敢死队的揭露,以及1991年《每周邮报》关于种族隔离政府支持因卡塔的文章。这些展览通常被视为独立、独特的故事,以两种有意义的方式联系在一起。首先,这些报纸在南非的读者人数很少,它们发表的故事随后会在美国的主要报纸上刊登。其次,通过揭露种族隔离政府使用秘密暴力的行为,这些揭露破坏了它正在培养的形象和它为继续执政而推行的政策,并在这个过程中驳斥了美国保守派的每一个说法。
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引用次数: 0
The Production of Space at Pieter Roos Park: Public Space as a Lens into Johannesburg’s Changing Public Culture 1968–2019 彼得鲁斯公园的空间生产:公共空间作为透视约翰内斯堡不断变化的公共文化的镜头,1968-2019
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/02582473.2022.2071973
Temba John Dawson Middelmann
ABSTRACT Johannesburg and South Africa’s history and contingencies of colonisation, apartheid and a complex transition to democracy shaped different iterations of Pieter Roos Park. I argue that the dynamics and contingencies of the park in turn played a role in shaping those same histories. Using public space as a lens into history is revealing of how the formation of different publics and their resultant conflicts have produced a public culture of contestation that is embedded in Johannesburg. These dynamics were refracted and reflected in Pieter Roos Park, the development, management and use of which contributed to the changing public culture of the city. Lefebvre’s spatial triad helps reveal how different drivers, motivations and processes interact to produce space, cutting through different levels of complexity and temporality in the interactions between public space and spatial (in)justice. Based primarily on archival research and interviews, this article shows how historical contestations that shaped the production of space at Pieter Roos Park demonstrate its shifting potential for publicness and spatial justice. This offers new insight into the micro-level realities of tensions and opposing sentiments that shaped public space and public culture during apartheid and the transition to democracy.
摘要约翰内斯堡和南非的历史以及殖民、种族隔离和向民主的复杂过渡的偶然性,塑造了Pieter Roos公园的不同迭代。我认为,公园的动态和偶然性反过来也在塑造同样的历史中发挥了作用。利用公共空间作为历史的镜头,揭示了不同公众的形成及其由此产生的冲突是如何产生一种植根于约翰内斯堡的公共竞争文化的。这些动态在Pieter Roos公园中得到了折射和反映,公园的开发、管理和使用促进了城市公共文化的变化。列斐伏尔的空间三位一体有助于揭示不同的驱动因素、动机和过程如何相互作用以产生空间,在公共空间和空间正义之间的相互作用中突破了不同层次的复杂性和时间性。本文主要基于档案研究和采访,展示了塑造彼得罗斯公园空间生产的历史争论如何展示其公共性和空间正义的转变潜力。这让我们对种族隔离和向民主过渡期间塑造公共空间和公共文化的紧张局势和对立情绪的微观现实有了新的认识。
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引用次数: 2
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South African Historical Journal
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