{"title":"Techniques and methods for investigating speech articulation: The centrality of instruments","authors":"L. Spreafico, A. Vietti","doi":"10.16995/labphon.8538","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.8538","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>NA</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48866948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Prior studies suggest that listeners are more likely to categorize a sibilant ranging acoustically from [∫] to [s] as /s/ if provided auditory or visual information about the speaker that suggests male gender. Social cognition can also be affected by experimentally induced differences in power. A powerful individual’s impression of another tends to show greater consistency with the other person’s broad social category, while a powerless individual’s impression is more consistent with the specific pieces of information provided about the other person. This study investigated whether sibilant categorization would be influenced by power when the listener is presented with inconsistent sources of information about speaker gender. Participants were experimentally primed for behavior consistent with powerful or powerless individuals. They then completed a forced choice identification task: They saw a visual stimulus (a male or female face) and categorized an auditory stimulus (ranging from ‘shy’ to ‘sigh’) as /∫/ or /s/. As expected, participants primed for high power were sensitive to a single cue to gender, while those who received the low power prime were sensitive to both, even if the cues did not match. This result suggests that variability in listener power may cause systematic differences in phonetic perception.
{"title":"Power mediates the processing of gender during sibilant categorization","authors":"Ian C. Calloway","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6466","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6466","url":null,"abstract":"Prior studies suggest that listeners are more likely to categorize a sibilant ranging acoustically from [∫] to [s] as /s/ if provided auditory or visual information about the speaker that suggests male gender. Social cognition can also be affected by experimentally induced differences in power. A powerful individual’s impression of another tends to show greater consistency with the other person’s broad social category, while a powerless individual’s impression is more consistent with the specific pieces of information provided about the other person. This study investigated whether sibilant categorization would be influenced by power when the listener is presented with inconsistent sources of information about speaker gender. Participants were experimentally primed for behavior consistent with powerful or powerless individuals. They then completed a forced choice identification task: They saw a visual stimulus (a male or female face) and categorized an auditory stimulus (ranging from ‘shy’ to ‘sigh’) as /∫/ or /s/. As expected, participants primed for high power were sensitive to a single cue to gender, while those who received the low power prime were sensitive to both, even if the cues did not match. This result suggests that variability in listener power may cause systematic differences in phonetic perception.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-12-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44555983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There is a large body of work in phonetics and phonology demonstrating sources and structure of acoustic variability, showing that variability in speech production is not random. This paper examines the question of how variability itself varies across languages and speakers, arguing that differences in extent of variability are also systematic. A classic hypothesis from Dispersion Theory (Lindblom, 1986) posits a relationship between extent of variability and phoneme inventory size, but this has been shown to be inadequate for predicting differences in phonetic variability. I propose an alternative hypothesis, Contrast-Dependent Variation, which considers cue weight of individual phonetic dimensions rather than size of phonemic inventories. This is applied to a case study of Hindi and American English stops and correctly predicts more variability in English stop closure voicing relative to Hindi, but similar amounts of lag time variability in both languages. In addition to these group-level between- language differences, the results demonstrate how patterns of individual speaker differences are language-specific and conditioned by differences in phonological contrast implementation.
{"title":"Contrast implementation affects phonetic variability: A case study of Hindi and English stops","authors":"Ivy Hauser","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6465","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6465","url":null,"abstract":"There is a large body of work in phonetics and phonology demonstrating sources and structure of acoustic variability, showing that variability in speech production is not random. This paper examines the question of how variability itself varies across languages and speakers, arguing that differences in extent of variability are also systematic. A classic hypothesis from Dispersion Theory (Lindblom, 1986) posits a relationship between extent of variability and phoneme inventory size, but this has been shown to be inadequate for predicting differences in phonetic variability. I propose an alternative hypothesis, Contrast-Dependent Variation, which considers cue weight of individual phonetic dimensions rather than size of phonemic inventories. This is applied to a case study of Hindi and American English stops and correctly predicts more variability in English stop closure voicing relative to Hindi, but similar amounts of lag time variability in both languages. In addition to these group-level between- language differences, the results demonstrate how patterns of individual speaker differences are language-specific and conditioned by differences in phonological contrast implementation.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46050085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Using articulatory data from five German speakers, we study how segmental sequences under different syllabic organizations respond to perturbations of phonetic parameters in the segments that compose them. Target words contained stop-lateral clusters /bl, gl, kl, pl/ in a word-initial and a cross-word context and were embedded in carrier phrases with different prosodic boundary strengths, i.e., no phrase boundary versus an utterance phrase boundary preceded the target word in the case of word-initial clusters or separated the consonants in the case of cross-word clusters. For word-initial cluster onsets, we find that increasing the lag between two consonants and C1 stop duration leads to earlier vowel initiation and reduced local timing stability across CV and CCV. Furthermore, as the inter-consonantal lag increases, C2 lateral duration decreases. In contrast, for cross-word clusters, increasing the lag between two consonants does not lead to earlier vowel initiation across CV and C#CV and robust local timing stability is maintained across CV and C#CV. Overall, the findings indicate that the effect of phonetic perturbations on the coordination patterns depends on the syllabic organization superimposed on these clusters.
{"title":"Syllabic organization and phonetic indices in German stop-lateral clusters","authors":"S. Sotiropoulou, A. Gafos","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6440","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6440","url":null,"abstract":"Using articulatory data from five German speakers, we study how segmental sequences under different syllabic organizations respond to perturbations of phonetic parameters in the segments that compose them. Target words contained stop-lateral clusters /bl, gl, kl, pl/ in a word-initial and a cross-word context and were embedded in carrier phrases with different prosodic boundary strengths, i.e., no phrase boundary versus an utterance phrase boundary preceded the target word in the case of word-initial clusters or separated the consonants in the case of cross-word clusters. For word-initial cluster onsets, we find that increasing the lag between two consonants and C1 stop duration leads to earlier vowel initiation and reduced local timing stability across CV and CCV. Furthermore, as the inter-consonantal lag increases, C2 lateral duration decreases. In contrast, for cross-word clusters, increasing the lag between two consonants does not lead to earlier vowel initiation across CV and C#CV and robust local timing stability is maintained across CV and C#CV. Overall, the findings indicate that the effect of phonetic perturbations on the coordination patterns depends on the syllabic organization superimposed on these clusters.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47039046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Analyses of word prosody have shown that in some Indonesian languages listeners do not make use of word stress cues. The outcomes have contributed to the conclusion that these languages do not have word stress. The current study revisits this conclusion and investigates to what extent speakers of Papuan Malay, a language of Eastern Indonesia, use suprasegmental stress cues to recognize words. Acoustically, this language exhibits predictable word level prominence patterns, which could facilitate word recognition. However, the literature lacks a crucial perceptual verification and related languages in the Trade Malay family have been analysed as stressless. This could be indicative of either regional variation or different criteria to diagnose word stress. To investigate this issue, the current study reviews the literature on which criteria were decisive to diagnose (the absence of) word stress in Indonesian and Trade Malay. An acoustic analysis and a gating task investigate the usefulness of Papuan Malay stress cues for word recognition. Results show that Papuan Malay listeners are indeed able to use suprasegmental stress cues to identify words. The outcomes are discussed in a typological perspective to shed light on how production and perception studies contribute to stress diagnosis cross-linguistically.
{"title":"The perception of word stress cues in Papuan Malay: a typological perspective and experimental investigation.","authors":"Constantijn Kaland","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6447","url":null,"abstract":"Analyses of word prosody have shown that in some Indonesian languages listeners do not make use of word stress cues. The outcomes have contributed to the conclusion that these languages do not have word stress. The current study revisits this conclusion and investigates to what extent speakers of Papuan Malay, a language of Eastern Indonesia, use suprasegmental stress cues to recognize words. Acoustically, this language exhibits predictable word level prominence patterns, which could facilitate word recognition. However, the literature lacks a crucial perceptual verification and related languages in the Trade Malay family have been analysed as stressless. This could be indicative of either regional variation or different criteria to diagnose word stress. To investigate this issue, the current study reviews the literature on which criteria were decisive to diagnose (the absence of) word stress in Indonesian and Trade Malay. An acoustic analysis and a gating task investigate the usefulness of Papuan Malay stress cues for word recognition. Results show that Papuan Malay listeners are indeed able to use suprasegmental stress cues to identify words. The outcomes are discussed in a typological perspective to shed light on how production and perception studies contribute to stress diagnosis cross-linguistically.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42539653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines two plausible mechanisms supporting sound category adaptation: directional shifts towards the novel pronunciation or a general category relaxation of criteria. Focusing on asymmetries in adaptation to the voicing patterns of English coronal fricatives, we suggest that typology or synchronic experience affect adaptation. A corpus study of coronal fricative substitution patterns confirmed that North American English listeners are more likely to be exposed to devoiced /z/ than voiced /s/. Across two perceptual adaptation experiments, listeners in test conditions heard naturally produced devoiced /z/ or voiced /s/ in critical items within sentences, while control listeners were exposed to identical sentences with canonical pronunciations. Perceptual adaptation was tested via a lexical decision test, with devoiced /z/ or voiced /s/, as well as a novel alveopalatalized pronunciation, to determine whether adaptation was targeted in the direction of the exposed variant or reflected a more general relaxation. Results indicate there was directional and word-specific adaptation for /z/-devoicing with no evidence for generalization. Conversely, there was evidence of /s/-voicing generalizing and eliciting general category relaxation. These results underscore the role of perceptual experiences, and support an evaluation stage in perceptual learning, where listeners assess whether to update a representation.
{"title":"Asymmetries in Perceptual Adjustments to Non-Canonical Pronunciations","authors":"Molly Babel,Khia A. Johnson,Christina Sen","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6442","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6442","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines two plausible mechanisms supporting sound category adaptation: directional shifts towards the novel pronunciation or a general category relaxation of criteria. Focusing on asymmetries in adaptation to the voicing patterns of English coronal fricatives, we suggest that typology or synchronic experience affect adaptation. A corpus study of coronal fricative substitution patterns confirmed that North American English listeners are more likely to be exposed to devoiced /z/ than voiced /s/. Across two perceptual adaptation experiments, listeners in test conditions heard naturally produced devoiced /z/ or voiced /s/ in critical items within sentences, while control listeners were exposed to identical sentences with canonical pronunciations. Perceptual adaptation was tested via a lexical decision test, with devoiced /z/ or voiced /s/, as well as a novel alveopalatalized pronunciation, to determine whether adaptation was targeted in the direction of the exposed variant or reflected a more general relaxation. Results indicate there was directional and word-specific adaptation for /z/-devoicing with no evidence for generalization. Conversely, there was evidence of /s/-voicing generalizing and eliciting general category relaxation. These results underscore the role of perceptual experiences, and support an evaluation stage in perceptual learning, where listeners assess whether to update a representation.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138506024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this study, I examine co-variation between the word-final nasal consonant and anticipatory vowel nasalization in two dialects of Spanish. In Caribbean dialects of Spanish, nasalization has been proposed as allophonic (an intended feature of the vowel) but elsewhere it is presumably coarticulatory (a marker of nasal consonant weakening). I argue that, when differences in the phonological interpretation of nasalization are factored in, the temporal extent of nasalization cannot be exclusively attributed to weakening of the nasal consonant. Twenty-eight speakers from Santo Domingo (Dominican Republic) and twenty-six from Buenos Aires (Argentina) were recorded with a nasometer. Findings revealed that when the feature for nasality is phonologized in the representation of the vowel (Santo Domingo Spanish), earlier onset of nasalization can (and does) obtain with little (and arguably even without) weakening of the nasal. By analyzing nasal consonant weakening concurrently with anticipatory vowel nasalization, this study bridges the gap between the aforementioned sources of variation in nasalization.
{"title":"On covariation between nasal consonant weakening and anticipatory vowel nasalization: Evidence from a Caribbean and a non-Caribbean dialect of Spanish","authors":"Silvina Bongiovanni","doi":"10.16995/labphon.6444","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16995/labphon.6444","url":null,"abstract":"In this study, I examine co-variation between the word-final nasal consonant and anticipatory vowel nasalization in two dialects of Spanish. In Caribbean dialects of Spanish, nasalization has been proposed as allophonic (an intended feature of the vowel) but elsewhere it is presumably coarticulatory (a marker of nasal consonant weakening). I argue that, when differences in the phonological interpretation of nasalization are factored in, the temporal extent of nasalization cannot be exclusively attributed to weakening of the nasal consonant. Twenty-eight speakers from Santo Domingo (Dominican Republic) and twenty-six from Buenos Aires (Argentina) were recorded with a nasometer. Findings revealed that when the feature for nasality is phonologized in the representation of the vowel (Santo Domingo Spanish), earlier onset of nasalization can (and does) obtain with little (and arguably even without) weakening of the nasal. By analyzing nasal consonant weakening concurrently with anticipatory vowel nasalization, this study bridges the gap between the aforementioned sources of variation in nasalization.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47675242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
T. Rebernik, Jidde Jacobi, R. Jonkers, A. Noiray, Martijn B. Wieling
This paper reviews data collection practices in electromagnetic articulography (EMA) studies, with a focus on sensor placement. It consists of three parts: in the first part, we introduce electromagnetic articulography as a method. In the second part, we focus on existing data collection practices. Our overview is based on a literature review of 905 publications from a large variety of journals and conferences, identified through a systematic keyword search in Google Scholar. The review shows that experimental designs vary greatly, which in turn may limit researchers' ability to compare results across studies. In the third part of this paper we describe an EMA data collection procedure which includes an articulatory-driven strategy for determining where to position sensors on the tongue without causing discomfort to the participant. We also evaluate three approaches for preparing (NDI Wave) EMA sensors reported in the literature with respect to the duration the sensors remain attached to the tongue: 1) attaching out-of-the-box sensors, 2) attaching sensors coated in latex, and 3) attaching sensors coated in latex with an additional latex flap. Results indicate no clear general effect of sensor preparation type on adhesion duration. A subsequent exploratory analysis reveals that sensors with the additional flap tend to adhere for shorter times than the other two types, but that this pattern is inverted for the most posterior tongue sensor.
{"title":"A review of data collection practices using electromagnetic articulography","authors":"T. Rebernik, Jidde Jacobi, R. Jonkers, A. Noiray, Martijn B. Wieling","doi":"10.5334/LABPHON.237","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/LABPHON.237","url":null,"abstract":"This paper reviews data collection practices in electromagnetic articulography (EMA) studies, with a focus on sensor placement. It consists of three parts: in the first part, we introduce electromagnetic articulography as a method. In the second part, we focus on existing data collection practices. Our overview is based on a literature review of 905 publications from a large variety of journals and conferences, identified through a systematic keyword search in Google Scholar. The review shows that experimental designs vary greatly, which in turn may limit researchers' ability to compare results across studies. In the third part of this paper we describe an EMA data collection procedure which includes an articulatory-driven strategy for determining where to position sensors on the tongue without causing discomfort to the participant. We also evaluate three approaches for preparing (NDI Wave) EMA sensors reported in the literature with respect to the duration the sensors remain attached to the tongue: 1) attaching out-of-the-box sensors, 2) attaching sensors coated in latex, and 3) attaching sensors coated in latex with an additional latex flap. Results indicate no clear general effect of sensor preparation type on adhesion duration. A subsequent exploratory analysis reveals that sensors with the additional flap tend to adhere for shorter times than the other two types, but that this pattern is inverted for the most posterior tongue sensor.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45453038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Successfully grappling with widespread linguistic variation requires listeners to adapt to systematic variation in the environment while discarding incidental variation, based on listeners’ prior experience. We examine the role of prior experience in phonotactic learning. Talkers who differ in their language background are more likely to vary in their phonotactic grammars than talkers who share a language variety. This predicts stronger adaptation to novel phonotactics when listeners are exposed to multiple talkers from different versus shared language backgrounds. We tested this by exposing listeners to two talkers, each of whom exhibited a different phonotactic constraint, in a recognition memory task. In Experiment 1, English listeners exposed to talkers differing in language background (English versus French) showed a greater degree of adaptation relative to cases where the talkers shared a language background (English or French). Experiment 2 found similar results when English listeners were exposed to talkers from different, non-native language backgrounds (Hindi versus Hungarian), suggesting that listeners make fine-grained distinctions between different non-native language phonotactics. These results suggest that phonotactic adaptation is flexible, but constrained by the fine-grained causal inferences listeners draw from their prior experience.
{"title":"The voice of experience: Causal inference in phonotactic adaptation","authors":"Thomas Denby,Matthew Goldrick","doi":"10.5334/labphon.267","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5334/labphon.267","url":null,"abstract":"Successfully grappling with widespread linguistic variation requires listeners to adapt to systematic variation in the environment while discarding incidental variation, based on listeners’ prior experience. We examine the role of prior experience in phonotactic learning. Talkers who differ in their language background are more likely to vary in their phonotactic grammars than talkers who share a language variety. This predicts stronger adaptation to novel phonotactics when listeners are exposed to multiple talkers from different versus shared language backgrounds. We tested this by exposing listeners to two talkers, each of whom exhibited a different phonotactic constraint, in a recognition memory task. In Experiment 1, English listeners exposed to talkers differing in language background (English versus French) showed a greater degree of adaptation relative to cases where the talkers shared a language background (English or French). Experiment 2 found similar results when English listeners were exposed to talkers from different, non-native language backgrounds (Hindi versus Hungarian), suggesting that listeners make fine-grained distinctions between different non-native language phonotactics. These results suggest that phonotactic adaptation is flexible, but constrained by the fine-grained causal inferences listeners draw from their prior experience.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138506013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines two plausible mechanisms supporting sound category adaptation: directional shifts towards the novel pronunciation or a general category relaxation of criteria. Focusing on asymmetries in adaptation to the voicing patterns of English coronal fricatives, we suggest that typology or synchronic experience affect adaptation. A corpus study of coronal fricative substitution patterns confirmed that North American English listeners are more likely to be exposed to devoiced /z/ than voiced /s/. Across two perceptual adaptation experiments, listeners in test conditions heard naturally produced devoiced /z/ or voiced /s/ in critical items within sentences, while control listeners were exposed to identical sentences with canonical pronunciations. Perceptual adaptation was tested via a lexical decision test, with devoiced /z/ or voiced /s/, as well as a novel alveopalatalized pronunciation, to determine whether adaptation was targeted in the direction of the exposed variant or reflected a more general relaxation. Results indicate there was directional and word-specific adaptation for /z/-devoicing with no evidence for generalization. Conversely, there was evidence of /s/-voicing generalizing and eliciting general category relaxation. These results underscore the role of perceptual experiences, and support an evaluation stage in perceptual learning, where listeners assess whether to update a representation.
{"title":"Asymmetries in Perceptual Adjustments to Non-Canonical Pronunciations","authors":"Molly Babel, Khia A. Johnson, Christina Sen","doi":"10.31219/osf.io/vdpbr","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31219/osf.io/vdpbr","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines two plausible mechanisms supporting sound category adaptation: directional shifts towards the novel pronunciation or a general category relaxation of criteria. Focusing on asymmetries in adaptation to the voicing patterns of English coronal fricatives, we suggest that typology or synchronic experience affect adaptation. A corpus study of coronal fricative substitution patterns confirmed that North American English listeners are more likely to be exposed to devoiced /z/ than voiced /s/. Across two perceptual adaptation experiments, listeners in test conditions heard naturally produced devoiced /z/ or voiced /s/ in critical items within sentences, while control listeners were exposed to identical sentences with canonical pronunciations. Perceptual adaptation was tested via a lexical decision test, with devoiced /z/ or voiced /s/, as well as a novel alveopalatalized pronunciation, to determine whether adaptation was targeted in the direction of the exposed variant or reflected a more general relaxation. Results indicate there was directional and word-specific adaptation for /z/-devoicing with no evidence for generalization. Conversely, there was evidence of /s/-voicing generalizing and eliciting general category relaxation. These results underscore the role of perceptual experiences, and support an evaluation stage in perceptual learning, where listeners assess whether to update a representation.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2020-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45135415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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