Abstract The magnitude of anterior and dorsal constrictions for laterals in /(C)(C)VlC/ words produced by eight American English speakers was measured using ultrasound imaging. The results replicate previous findings that laterals have weaker anterior constrictions when followed by labial or velar consonants than when followed by alveolar consonants. The main novel finding is that, in words with /VlClabial/ or /VlCvelar/ sequences, this anterior constriction was weaker in high-frequency words (help , milk ) than in low-frequency words ( whelp , ilk ). Although high-frequency words also showed slight reduction of the dorsal constriction, dorsal reduction was stable, small in magnitude, and not correlated with anterior reduction, consistent with alveolar reduction not being simply a consequence of overall weaker lingual constrictions in more frequent words. Acoustic measures for laterals showed that the degree of anterior constriction correlated with the frequency separation between F1 and F2: more reduced alveolar constrictions – especially likely in high-frequency words – were linked with greater formant proximity. These articulatory and acoustic patterns are interpreted as potentially contributing to the initiation and lexical diffusion of historical /l/ lenition. It is proposed that gestural reduction in high-frequency words in which the anterior gesture for laterals must be coordinated with another supralaryngeal constriction serves as a precipitating factor in /l/ vocalization and possibly (although to a lesser extent) /l/ loss.
{"title":"Gestural reduction, lexical frequency, and sound change: A study of post-vocalic /l/","authors":"Susan Lin, P. S. Beddor, A. Coetzee","doi":"10.1515/lp-2014-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2014-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The magnitude of anterior and dorsal constrictions for laterals in /(C)(C)VlC/ words produced by eight American English speakers was measured using ultrasound imaging. The results replicate previous findings that laterals have weaker anterior constrictions when followed by labial or velar consonants than when followed by alveolar consonants. The main novel finding is that, in words with /VlClabial/ or /VlCvelar/ sequences, this anterior constriction was weaker in high-frequency words (help , milk ) than in low-frequency words ( whelp , ilk ). Although high-frequency words also showed slight reduction of the dorsal constriction, dorsal reduction was stable, small in magnitude, and not correlated with anterior reduction, consistent with alveolar reduction not being simply a consequence of overall weaker lingual constrictions in more frequent words. Acoustic measures for laterals showed that the degree of anterior constriction correlated with the frequency separation between F1 and F2: more reduced alveolar constrictions – especially likely in high-frequency words – were linked with greater formant proximity. These articulatory and acoustic patterns are interpreted as potentially contributing to the initiation and lexical diffusion of historical /l/ lenition. It is proposed that gestural reduction in high-frequency words in which the anterior gesture for laterals must be coordinated with another supralaryngeal constriction serves as a precipitating factor in /l/ vocalization and possibly (although to a lesser extent) /l/ loss.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2014-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2014-0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024863","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The seven papers in this special edition are derived from the 2nd Workshop on Sound Change held at Kloster Seeon, Germany, in May 2012. The purpose of the workshop was to bring together scientists approaching the question of sound change and its relationship to synchronic variation in speech from many different disciplinary perspectives that we believe are necessary for understanding this complex relationship. The publications in this special issue are a reflection of this breadth and cover a wide range of issues, such as the influence on sound change of child speech, dialect contact, social differences, coarticulatory variation, and imitation. The studies draw upon several languages (Mandarin Chinese, English, German, Khmer, Korean, Spanish) and employ diverse experimental techniques for relating synchronic variation and diachronic change, including ultrasound measurements of the tongue (Lin et al.), acoustic and perceptual analyses of multilingual corpora (Beckman et al.), measurements of oral and nasal airflow in combination with the perceptual analysis of aerodynamic variation (Sole), and computational modelling (Kirby). It has been convenient in the literature so far to draw a distinction between the conditions that give rise to sound change as opposed to those that are concerned with its spread through the community (e.g., Ohala 1993). A classic issue within the first of these is phonologization (Hyman 1976), which can often be related synchronically to a change in the way that the multiple features which cue a phonological distinction are parsed in the speech signal. Four papers in this special issue address this issue. In Kirby’s study, phonologization arises when laryngeal features (primarily fundamental frequency) and/or voice onset time take over from a trill in distinguishing pairs such as /kru:, ku:/ in the colloquial Phnom Penh variety of Khmer. The phonetic basis of this change is likely to be a drop in fundamental frequency
{"title":"Cognitive processing as a bridge between phonetic and social models of sound change","authors":"J. Harrington, M. Stevens","doi":"10.1515/lp-2014-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2014-0001","url":null,"abstract":"The seven papers in this special edition are derived from the 2nd Workshop on Sound Change held at Kloster Seeon, Germany, in May 2012. The purpose of the workshop was to bring together scientists approaching the question of sound change and its relationship to synchronic variation in speech from many different disciplinary perspectives that we believe are necessary for understanding this complex relationship. The publications in this special issue are a reflection of this breadth and cover a wide range of issues, such as the influence on sound change of child speech, dialect contact, social differences, coarticulatory variation, and imitation. The studies draw upon several languages (Mandarin Chinese, English, German, Khmer, Korean, Spanish) and employ diverse experimental techniques for relating synchronic variation and diachronic change, including ultrasound measurements of the tongue (Lin et al.), acoustic and perceptual analyses of multilingual corpora (Beckman et al.), measurements of oral and nasal airflow in combination with the perceptual analysis of aerodynamic variation (Sole), and computational modelling (Kirby). It has been convenient in the literature so far to draw a distinction between the conditions that give rise to sound change as opposed to those that are concerned with its spread through the community (e.g., Ohala 1993). A classic issue within the first of these is phonologization (Hyman 1976), which can often be related synchronically to a change in the way that the multiple features which cue a phonological distinction are parsed in the speech signal. Four papers in this special issue address this issue. In Kirby’s study, phonologization arises when laryngeal features (primarily fundamental frequency) and/or voice onset time take over from a trill in distinguishing pairs such as /kru:, ku:/ in the colloquial Phnom Penh variety of Khmer. The phonetic basis of this change is likely to be a drop in fundamental frequency","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2014-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2014-0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024861","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Geminate voiceless stops /pː tː kː / have been recently found to show optional pre-aspiration under certain circumstances in spontaneous and read Italian speech. This paper investigates the impact of pre-aspiration on the perception and production of contrastive quantity, e.g., fato ‘fate’ vs. fatto ‘done’. It tests the hypothesis that synchronic variability involving pre-aspiration, together with concomitant stop closure shortening, may be setting in motion a sound change in Italian ultimately leading to de-gemination, i.e., /pː tː kː / > [hp ht hk] > /p t k/. The proposed sound change would be perceptually driven (Ohala 1981, 1993) and comes about via listener association of pre-aspiration with the preceding vowel rather than the oral closure. The hypothesis is only partially supported by the experimental results. Perception data show that Italians perceive pre-aspirated stops as shorter than plain stops of analogous overall duration. However, production data show that pre-aspiration in Italian does not in fact involve concomitant oral closure shortening.
摘要:最近发现，在自发和阅读意大利语的某些情况下，双元音的无音顿音/p [t] k [k] /表现出选择性的前送音。本文调查了预期望对感知和生产对比数量的影响，例如，“命运”与“完成”。它验证了一种假设，即涉及前误吸的同步性变化，以及伴随的停止闭合缩短，可能会导致意大利语的声音变化，最终导致去发音，即/p / t / k/ > [hp ht hk] > /p t k/。所提出的声音变化是由感知驱动的(Ohala 1981,1993)，通过听者将前吸音与前一个元音而不是口闭元音联系起来而产生。实验结果只是部分地支持了这个假设。感知数据显示，意大利人认为在类似的总持续时间下，预吸气停顿比普通停顿要短。然而，生产数据显示，意大利语的预吸实际上并不包括伴随的口腔闭合缩短。
{"title":"Pre-aspiration, quantity, and sound change","authors":"M. Stevens, Ulrich Reubold","doi":"10.1515/lp-2014-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2014-0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Geminate voiceless stops /pː tː kː / have been recently found to show optional pre-aspiration under certain circumstances in spontaneous and read Italian speech. This paper investigates the impact of pre-aspiration on the perception and production of contrastive quantity, e.g., fato ‘fate’ vs. fatto ‘done’. It tests the hypothesis that synchronic variability involving pre-aspiration, together with concomitant stop closure shortening, may be setting in motion a sound change in Italian ultimately leading to de-gemination, i.e., /pː tː kː / > [hp ht hk] > /p t k/. The proposed sound change would be perceptually driven (Ohala 1981, 1993) and comes about via listener association of pre-aspiration with the preceding vowel rather than the oral closure. The hypothesis is only partially supported by the experimental results. Perception data show that Italians perceive pre-aspirated stops as shorter than plain stops of analogous overall duration. However, production data show that pre-aspiration in Italian does not in fact involve concomitant oral closure shortening.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2014-0015","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The differential categorization of identical stimuli depending on the presence of a prime is described as a perceptual divergence effect. We examined whether native listeners of the Berlin vernacular of German categorized identical acoustic stimuli differently in the explicit context of the names of two different districts of Berlin, assuming that listeners infer social information and linguistic stereotypes based on the names of these neighborhoods (Kreuzberg vs. Zehlendorf). All listeners categorized natural acoustic stimuli with synthetic fricatives synthesized along a continuum ranging from /ç/ to /ʃ/ as either Fichte /fɪçtə/ (`spruce') or fischte /fɪʃtə/ (1st person sg. `to fish'). This variable was chosen because many young multiethnic speakers of Berlin German pronounce /ç/ as [ʃ] or [ɕ], and this alternation is highly associated with speakers with a migrant background from Kreuzberg. Data were gathered in a forced-choice identification task, and, for a subset of the participants, reaction times (RTs) were also gathered. Results indicate a differential categorization pattern depending on (1) the copresented information, i.e., Kreuzberg, Zehlendorf, or none (control), and (2) the age of the listeners, with older listeners being more affected by the co-presented information. While older listeners categorized significantly more /ʃ/ sounds in the context of Kreuzberg than in the control or Zehlendorf condition, younger listeners rated most /ʃ/ sounds in the control condition (no added information). Results are interpreted in terms of a potential sound change in progress: the loss of the phoneme contrast between /ç/ and /ʃ/.
摘要根据启动物的存在，对相同刺激的差异分类被描述为知觉分歧效应。我们研究了德国柏林方言的本土听众是否在柏林两个不同地区的名称的明确背景下对相同的声音刺激进行了不同的分类，假设听众根据这些社区的名称推断社会信息和语言刻板印象(Kreuzberg vs. Zehlendorf)。所有的听者都将天然的声音刺激与合成摩擦音沿着/ç/到/ h /的连续体进行分类，要么是Fichte /f / t / (' spruce')，要么是fischte /f / t /(第一人称sg。“鱼”)。之所以选择这个变量，是因为许多年轻的多民族柏林德语使用者将/ç/发音为[j]或[j]，这种变化与来自克罗伊茨贝格的移民背景高度相关。在一个强制选择识别任务中收集数据，并且，对于一部分参与者，也收集了反应时间(RTs)。结果表明，不同的分类模式取决于(1)所呈现的信息，即Kreuzberg, Zehlendorf，或无(对照);(2)听众的年龄，年龄较大的听众更容易受到共同呈现信息的影响。年龄较大的听者在Kreuzberg的语境中比对照组或Zehlendorf的语境中对/ h /音的分类明显更多，而年轻的听者在对照组(没有添加信息)中对/ h /音的分类最多。结果被解释为在过程中潜在的声音变化:/ç/和/ h /之间音素对比的丧失。
{"title":"Sound change in an urban setting: Category instability of the palatal fricative in Berlin","authors":"Stefanie Jannedy, Melanie Weirich","doi":"10.1515/lp-2014-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2014-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The differential categorization of identical stimuli depending on the presence of a prime is described as a perceptual divergence effect. We examined whether native listeners of the Berlin vernacular of German categorized identical acoustic stimuli differently in the explicit context of the names of two different districts of Berlin, assuming that listeners infer social information and linguistic stereotypes based on the names of these neighborhoods (Kreuzberg vs. Zehlendorf). All listeners categorized natural acoustic stimuli with synthetic fricatives synthesized along a continuum ranging from /ç/ to /ʃ/ as either Fichte /fɪçtə/ (`spruce') or fischte /fɪʃtə/ (1st person sg. `to fish'). This variable was chosen because many young multiethnic speakers of Berlin German pronounce /ç/ as [ʃ] or [ɕ], and this alternation is highly associated with speakers with a migrant background from Kreuzberg. Data were gathered in a forced-choice identification task, and, for a subset of the participants, reaction times (RTs) were also gathered. Results indicate a differential categorization pattern depending on (1) the copresented information, i.e., Kreuzberg, Zehlendorf, or none (control), and (2) the age of the listeners, with older listeners being more affected by the co-presented information. While older listeners categorized significantly more /ʃ/ sounds in the context of Kreuzberg than in the control or Zehlendorf condition, younger listeners rated most /ʃ/ sounds in the control condition (no added information). Results are interpreted in terms of a potential sound change in progress: the loss of the phoneme contrast between /ç/ and /ʃ/.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2014-0005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Previous studies suggest that there are special timing relations in syllable onsets. The consonants are assumed to be timed, on the one hand, with the vocalic nucleus and, on the other hand, with each other. These competing timing relations result in the C-center effect. However, the C-center effect has not consistently been found in languages with complex onsets. Moreover, it has occasionally been found in languages disallowing complex onsets. The present study investigates onset timing in German while discussing alternative explanations (not related to bonding) for the timing patterns observed. Six German speakers were recorded via Electromagnetic Articulography. The corpus contained items with four clusters (/sk/, /kv/, /gl/, and /pl/). The clusters occur in word-initial position, word-medial position, and across a word boundary preceding different vowels. The results suggest that segmental properties (i.e., oral-laryngeal coordination, coarticulatory resistance) determine the observed timing patterns, and specifically the absence or presence of the C-center effect.
{"title":"Timing of German onset and word boundary clusters","authors":"Jana Brunner, C. Geng, S. Sotiropoulou, A. Gafos","doi":"10.1515/lp-2014-0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/lp-2014-0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Previous studies suggest that there are special timing relations in syllable onsets. The consonants are assumed to be timed, on the one hand, with the vocalic nucleus and, on the other hand, with each other. These competing timing relations result in the C-center effect. However, the C-center effect has not consistently been found in languages with complex onsets. Moreover, it has occasionally been found in languages disallowing complex onsets. The present study investigates onset timing in German while discussing alternative explanations (not related to bonding) for the timing patterns observed. Six German speakers were recorded via Electromagnetic Articulography. The corpus contained items with four clusters (/sk/, /kv/, /gl/, and /pl/). The clusters occur in word-initial position, word-medial position, and across a word boundary preceding different vowels. The results suggest that segmental properties (i.e., oral-laryngeal coordination, coarticulatory resistance) determine the observed timing patterns, and specifically the absence or presence of the C-center effect.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/lp-2014-0014","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While many phonological processes are local, consonant harmony is of interest phonologically because it can occur non-locally. Sibilant harmony in Navajo requires that sibilants within a word have matching anteriority specifications. The process is described as being sometimes mandatory and sometimes optional, but neither the statistical nature of the occurrence in optional settings nor the factors contributing to the optionality are fully understood. This paper provides preliminary investigation into these issues using the first person possessive morpheme, which is underlyingly /ʃi-/ but may harmonize to [si-]. Experiment 1, an online grammaticality judgment survey, reveals that the harmonized prefix is dispreferred in all environments. Experiment 2 presents acoustic data from three Navajo speakers: though none harmonize overtly, the spectral mean and lower bound of frication energy of the prefixal fricative are affected by the presence of [+anterior] sibilants in noun stems. The overall implication of these findings is that harmony is not only optional but is dispreferred or wholly absent for some speakers. While multiple factors are investigated, the only one that consistently affects harmony is adjacency of the trigger and target, indicating that, although consonant harmony may indeed be a non-local process, its occurrence is heavily mediated by distance. Kelly Harper Berkson: Indiana University. E-mail: keberkson@gmail.com
{"title":"Optionality and locality: Evidence from Navajo sibilant harmony","authors":"Kelly Berkson","doi":"10.1515/LP-2013-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/LP-2013-0011","url":null,"abstract":"While many phonological processes are local, consonant harmony is of interest phonologically because it can occur non-locally. Sibilant harmony in Navajo requires that sibilants within a word have matching anteriority specifications. The process is described as being sometimes mandatory and sometimes optional, but neither the statistical nature of the occurrence in optional settings nor the factors contributing to the optionality are fully understood. This paper provides preliminary investigation into these issues using the first person possessive morpheme, which is underlyingly /ʃi-/ but may harmonize to [si-]. Experiment 1, an online grammaticality judgment survey, reveals that the harmonized prefix is dispreferred in all environments. Experiment 2 presents acoustic data from three Navajo speakers: though none harmonize overtly, the spectral mean and lower bound of frication energy of the prefixal fricative are affected by the presence of [+anterior] sibilants in noun stems. The overall implication of these findings is that harmony is not only optional but is dispreferred or wholly absent for some speakers. While multiple factors are investigated, the only one that consistently affects harmony is adjacency of the trigger and target, indicating that, although consonant harmony may indeed be a non-local process, its occurrence is heavily mediated by distance. Kelly Harper Berkson: Indiana University. E-mail: keberkson@gmail.com","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2013-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/LP-2013-0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024791","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Alejandrina Cristia, Jeff Mielke, Robert Daland, S. Peperkamp
It is likely that generalization of implicitly learned sound patterns to novel words and sounds is structured by a similarity metric, but how may this metric best be captured? We report on an experiment where participants were exposed to an artificial phonology, and frequency ratings were used to probe implicit abstraction of onset statistics. Non-words bearing an onset that was pre- sented during initial exposure were subsequently rated most frequent, indicating that participants generalized onset statistics to new non-words. Participants also rated non-words with untrained onsets as somewhat frequent, indicating gener- alization to onsets that had not been used during the exposure phase. While gen- eralization could be accounted for in terms of featural distance, it was insensitive to natural class structure. Generalization to untrained sounds was predicted better by models requiring prior linguistic knowledge (either traditional distinc- tive features or articulatory phonetic information) than by a model based on a linguistically naive measure of acoustic similarity.
{"title":"Similarity in the generalization of implicitly learned sound patterns","authors":"Alejandrina Cristia, Jeff Mielke, Robert Daland, S. Peperkamp","doi":"10.1515/LP-2013-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/LP-2013-0010","url":null,"abstract":"It is likely that generalization of implicitly learned sound patterns to novel words and sounds is structured by a similarity metric, but how may this metric best be captured? We report on an experiment where participants were exposed to an artificial phonology, and frequency ratings were used to probe implicit abstraction of onset statistics. Non-words bearing an onset that was pre- sented during initial exposure were subsequently rated most frequent, indicating that participants generalized onset statistics to new non-words. Participants also rated non-words with untrained onsets as somewhat frequent, indicating gener- alization to onsets that had not been used during the exposure phase. While gen- eralization could be accounted for in terms of featural distance, it was insensitive to natural class structure. Generalization to untrained sounds was predicted better by models requiring prior linguistic knowledge (either traditional distinc- tive features or articulatory phonetic information) than by a model based on a linguistically naive measure of acoustic similarity.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2013-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/LP-2013-0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024789","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Morphological effects on the darkness of English intervocalic /l/","authors":"Sang-Im Lee-Kim, Lisa Davidson, Sangjin Hwang","doi":"10.1515/LP-2013-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/LP-2013-0015","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2013-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/LP-2013-0015","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Anastassia Loukina, B. Rosner, G. Kochanski, E. Keane, Chilin Shih
Differences in rhythm between languages have been often attributed to differences in phonological properties such as syllable structure. This paper uses quantitative analyses to determine whether and how popular duration-based rhythm measures depend on the phonological structure of a language. Native speakers of five languages read a large corpus of comparable texts (approximately 371,000 syllables in total). Phonological properties of each language were speci- fied as 11 variables, computed from the phonetic transcriptions. These variables were compared against published rhythm measures that captured variation in duration of consonantal and vocalic intervals. While the text-based measures dis- criminated well between languages, the values of rhythm measures overlapped substantially, showing that the languages are more alike in acoustic implementa- tion than in their phonological description. Multilevel models demonstrated that the mapping between phonological properties and acoustics is much weaker than previously assumed: linear effects of the phonological variables explained less than a quarter of the total variance in rhythm measures. Instead, speaker was the main source of variation in those measures. Rhythm, in the sense of dura- tional variability, depends far more on individual timing strategies than on the phonological structure of a language.
{"title":"What determines duration-based rhythm measures: text or speaker?","authors":"Anastassia Loukina, B. Rosner, G. Kochanski, E. Keane, Chilin Shih","doi":"10.1515/LP-2013-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/LP-2013-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Differences in rhythm between languages have been often attributed to differences in phonological properties such as syllable structure. This paper uses quantitative analyses to determine whether and how popular duration-based rhythm measures depend on the phonological structure of a language. Native speakers of five languages read a large corpus of comparable texts (approximately 371,000 syllables in total). Phonological properties of each language were speci- fied as 11 variables, computed from the phonetic transcriptions. These variables were compared against published rhythm measures that captured variation in duration of consonantal and vocalic intervals. While the text-based measures dis- criminated well between languages, the values of rhythm measures overlapped substantially, showing that the languages are more alike in acoustic implementa- tion than in their phonological description. Multilevel models demonstrated that the mapping between phonological properties and acoustics is much weaker than previously assumed: linear effects of the phonological variables explained less than a quarter of the total variance in rhythm measures. Instead, speaker was the main source of variation in those measures. Rhythm, in the sense of dura- tional variability, depends far more on individual timing strategies than on the phonological structure of a language.","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2013-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/LP-2013-0012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"First language suprasegmentally-conditioned syllable length distinctions influence perception and production of second language vowel contrasts","authors":"L. Krebs-Lazendic, C. Best","doi":"10.1515/LP-2013-0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/LP-2013-0014","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45128,"journal":{"name":"Laboratory Phonology","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.5,"publicationDate":"2013-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/LP-2013-0014","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67024806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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