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Jews and Their Roman Rivals: Pagan Rome’s Challenge to Israel, written Katell Berthelot 犹太人和他们的罗马对手:异教徒罗马对以色列的挑战,Katell Berthelot写
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-05 DOI: 10.1163/15700631-12511357
C. Hezser
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引用次数: 1
Identity in Persian Egypt: The Fate of the Yehudite Community of Elephantine, written by Bob Becking 《波斯埃及的身份认同:象岛耶胡德教派的命运》,鲍勃·贝金著
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-05 DOI: 10.1163/15700631-12511358
James D. Moore
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引用次数: 3
Tosefta Studies: Manuscripts, Traditions, and Topics, edited by Doering, Lutz, and Daniel Schumann Tosefta研究:手稿,传统和主题,由Doering, Lutz和Daniel Schumann编辑
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-10-05 DOI: 10.1163/15700631-12511359
G. Stemberger
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引用次数: 0
How Egyptian is the Greek of Septuagint?: Some Lexical Notes Septuagint的希腊人是怎样的埃及人?:一些词汇注释
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1163/15700631-bja10061
Sofía Torallas Tovar
This article explores the linguistic background of the Septuagint translation into Greek of the Old Testament, produced in Alexandria in the third century BCE, and thus likely to present some Egyptian traits. The main purpose is to examine the vocabulary of Egyptian origin, i.e., terms adopted by the Greek language. Since this is not an easy task, a number of methodologies of analysis and comparison with other text corpora are also discussed.
这篇文章探讨了旧约的希腊语译本七十士译本的语言背景,该译本于公元前三世纪在亚历山大制作,因此可能呈现出一些埃及特征。主要目的是检查埃及起源的词汇,即希腊语言所采用的术语。由于这不是一项容易的任务,因此还讨论了一些分析和与其他文本语料库比较的方法。
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引用次数: 1
The LXX and Historical Greek Phonology: Orthography, Phonology, and Transcriptions LXX和历史希腊音韵学:正体学、音韵学和转写
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1163/15700631-bja10060
B. Kantor
The growing trend to see the language of the LXX as an authentic example of post-Classical Greek may be extended to phonology and orthography. We can situate the phonology of the LXX within its historical Greek phonological context by implementing a restrictive methodology that focuses on transcribed names, the clusters of certain spelling conventions in relation to “early” and “late” books in the LXX, and manuscript-specific phenomena. We find that its language exhibits the same sort of phonological and orthographic features attested in contemporary documentary and epigraphic material. Codex Vaticanus provides the earliest explicit evidence for one of the notable phonological developments in the history of Greek, the fricativization of χ. It is demonstrated that the phonology of the LXX is right at home in its contemporary historical Greek phonological setting, and that it has unique contributions to make to the wider field of historical Greek phonology at large.
将LXX语言视为后古典希腊语的真实例子的趋势可能会扩展到音韵学和正字法。我们可以通过实施一种限制性方法,将LXX的音韵学置于其历史希腊音韵学背景中,该方法侧重于转录的名称、与LXX中“早期”和“晚期”书籍有关的某些拼写惯例的集群,以及手稿特定的现象。我们发现,它的语言表现出与当代文献和碑文材料相同的语音和拼写特征。Vaticanus法典为希腊语历史上一个显著的语音发展,χ的摩擦化提供了最早的明确证据。研究表明,LXX的音韵学在其当代历史希腊音韵学背景下是家常便饭的,它对更广泛的历史希腊音韵领域有着独特的贡献。
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引用次数: 1
Josephus’s Lamentations in the Judean War: Body, Emotional Resistance, and Gender 约瑟夫斯在犹太战争中的哀歌:身体、情感抵抗与性别
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1163/15700631-bja10059
F. Mirguet
In the Judean War’s proem, Josephus professes his need to lament, an atypical statement in Hellenistic and Roman historiography. This article explores his lamentations, in the proem and the work, as they engage body, emotion, gender, and power. It examines the constructions that laments receive in Josephus’s diverse literary and cultural backgrounds—biblical and early Jewish literature as well as ancient Greek and Roman traditions. It also considers how the War reflects these constructions. Josephus’s laments, staging his wailing voice and suffering body, suggest self-abasement. However, his protagonists’ laments often convey resistance and rebellion, a traditional function of laments; they thus shed a more political light on the proem. Josephus masculinizes the typically feminine lamenter-qua-protester figure, perhaps to avoid feminizing his own role. This article interprets Josephus’s laments as an embodiment of his carefully subversive account and as emotional resistance against the Roman power.
在犹太战争的序言中,约瑟夫斯声称他需要哀叹,这在希腊化和罗马史学中是一种非典型的说法。这篇文章探讨了他在作品和作品中的哀叹,因为它们涉及身体、情感、性别和权力。它考察了约瑟夫斯不同的文学和文化背景——圣经和早期犹太文学以及古希腊和罗马传统——中哀歌的结构。它还考虑了战争如何反映这些结构。约瑟夫斯的哀歌,表现出他哀嚎的声音和痛苦的身体,暗示着自卑。然而,他的主人公的哀歌往往传达着反抗和反叛,这是哀歌的传统功能;因此,他们为这个问题提供了更多的政治线索。约瑟夫斯将典型的女性哀歌者作为抗议者形象男性化,也许是为了避免将自己的角色女性化。本文将约瑟夫斯的哀歌解读为他精心颠覆性叙述的体现,以及对罗马权力的情感反抗。
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引用次数: 0
In Search of a New Paradigm: Judean Literature as a Crucible of Appropriations from Multiple Imperial and Native Temple Cultures in Hellenistic Times 寻找一种新的范式:犹太文学作为希腊化时期从多种帝国文化和本土寺庙文化中挪用的熔炉
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-22 DOI: 10.1163/15700631-bja10058
S. Honigman
In Judaism and Hellenism, Hengel described Judean society and literature as torn between absorption and rejection of Hellenism. Following the publication of that work the idea of a clear-cut dichotomy between several social circles and their assorted literary productions remained hugely popular, although the identification of the sides in conflict varied between scholars, with “hellenization” being located either within or without (and against) the temple. This article offers an historiographic survey before proposing a new paradigm inspired by the New Empire Studies. At its core, it identifies the Jerusalem temple as a lively site of learning, whose literati selectively appropriated ideas, literary forms, and technologies not only from the Greek, imperial culture(s) but also from neighboring temple cultures (Egyptian, Mesopotamian, and Phoenician), in a bid to keep their ancestral traditions relevant as they made sense of the ever-changing world that they lived in. Everything was adapted, or subverted and hybridized.
在犹太教和希腊文化中,黑格尔描述犹太社会和文学在吸收和拒绝希腊文化之间摇摆不定。在这部作品出版之后,几个社交圈和他们的各种文学作品之间泾渭分明的二分法的观点仍然非常受欢迎,尽管学者们对冲突双方的认同各不相同,“希腊化”要么位于神庙内,要么位于神庙外(或反对神庙)。本文首先进行史学考察,然后在新帝国研究的启发下提出一个新的研究范式。在其核心,它将耶路撒冷神庙确定为一个充满活力的学习场所,这里的文人不仅有选择地从希腊、帝国文化,而且从邻近的神庙文化(埃及、美索不达米亚和腓尼基)中汲取思想、文学形式和技术,以保持他们祖先的传统与他们所生活的不断变化的世界的相关性。一切都被适应了,或者说被颠覆了,被杂交了。
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引用次数: 2
“For 2300 Evenings and Mornings” (Dan 8:14): Recalculating the Cessation of the Daily Offering “二千三百个晚上和早晨”(但8:14):重新计算每日献祭的停止
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-22 DOI: 10.1163/15700631-bja10053
M. Segal, Shlomo Wadler
A previous study (M. Segal, “Calculating the End: Inner-Danielic Chronological Developments,” VT 68 [2018] 272–96), analyzed chronological aspects in Daniel 7–12, and suggested that they offer a key for tracing the literary development of this section. This article offers a new interpretation of the expression “2300 evenings and mornings” (8:14), generally understood as a period of time shorter than the 3.5-year tradition expressed in 9:27 and 12:11–12. In contrast, it is suggested that 2300 refers to the number of daily offerings which were to be missed due to the desecration of the Temple. This calculation was performed according to an early, pre-sectarian halakhic interpretive tradition of Leviticus 23:37–38, reconstructed based upon a Sabbath prohibition in Damascus Document XI, 17–18. When calculated according to this method, “2300 evenings and mornings” maps precisely onto 3.5 years.
之前的一项研究(M. Segal,“计算结局:内部丹尼尔的时间发展”,VT 68[2018] 272-96)分析了但以理书7-12章的时间方面,并认为它们为追踪这一部分的文学发展提供了钥匙。这篇文章对“2300个晚上和早晨”(8:14)的表达提供了一个新的解释,通常被理解为比9:27和12:11-12中表达的3.5年传统短的一段时间。相反,有人认为2300指的是由于亵渎圣殿而错过的每日供品的数量。按照这种方法计算,“2300个夜晚和早晨”精确地映射到3.5年。
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引用次数: 1
Globalization and the “Hellenization” of Jews in the Second Temple Period 全球化与第二圣殿时期犹太人的“希腊化”
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-18 DOI: 10.1163/15700631-bja10051
B. Wright
The phrase “Hellenistic Judaism” often assumes an underlying picture of the relationship between “Judaism” and “Hellenism” as self-contained cultural containers. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, Philip Alexander, Gregory Sterling, and Erich Gruen argued against such an assumption, and their work moved towards developing theories of globalization, which regard cultures as porous and dynamic. Beginning from the insights of these three scholars, I argue that globalization theory has advantages for the study of Jews in the Hellenistic Mediterranean oikoumenē, which moves beyond static notions of Judaism and Hellenism and prompts questions of whether Hellenization works as an analytical category. In order to illustrate the case, I examine three Jewish writers—the author of the Letter of Aristeas, the sage Joshua Ben Sira, and his translator/grandson—and how their knowledge and use of Greek language and sources demonstrates both the homogenizing and disjunctive aspects of globalization in the Hellenistic period.
“希腊化犹太教”一词经常假设“犹太教”和“希腊主义”之间的关系是独立的文化容器。在20世纪90年代末和21世纪初,Philip Alexander、Gregory Sterling和Erich Gruen反对这种假设,他们的工作转向了发展全球化理论,认为文化是多孔的和动态的。从这三位学者的见解开始,我认为全球化理论对研究希腊化地中海地区的犹太人具有优势,它超越了犹太教和希腊主义的静态概念,并引发了希腊化是否作为一个分析范畴的问题。为了说明这一情况,我考察了三位犹太作家——《阿里斯蒂斯书信》的作者、圣人约书亚·本·西拉和他的翻译/孙子——以及他们对希腊语言和来源的了解和使用如何证明了希腊化时期全球化的同质化和分离性。
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引用次数: 0
Demonology and Terminology in Jubilees: Spirits or Demons? 魔鬼学与朱比利术语:灵魂还是魔鬼?
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-08-18 DOI: 10.1163/15700631-bja10052
H. Patmore
This paper examines the terminology related to demons in Jubilees. It argues that important nuances have been lost in the process of translation. Specifically, it argues that the original Hebrew of Jubilees always used רוחות to refer to demons. It reexamines cases in which the Ethiopic and/or Latin translations would appear to contradict this conclusion (i.e., Jub. 7:27; 10:1–2) in light of textual evidence from the Book of Asaf, the Byzantine chronicler Syncellus, and the Book of Watchers. In the case of Jub. 1:10–11 and 22:16–17, it is argued that the original Hebrew read שׁדים, but that this signified non-existent foreign gods (not demons), as the lexeme does in Psalm 106:37, the text to which both passages allude.
本文研究了《朱比利》中与恶魔有关的术语。它认为,在翻译过程中,重要的细微差别已经消失了。具体地说,它认为朱比利的希伯来语原文总是用西语来指代魔鬼。根据《阿萨夫书》、拜占庭编年史家Syncellus和《守望者书》的文本证据,它重新审视了埃塞俄比亚语和/或拉丁语翻译似乎与这一结论相矛盾的情况(即Jub.7:27;10:1-2)。就朱布而言。1:10–11和22:16–17,有人认为希伯来语原文读作Şׁدית,但这意味着不存在的外国神(而不是恶魔),正如诗篇106:37中的词位所做的那样,这两段都提到了这一文本。
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Journal for the Study of Judaism
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