Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1285/i20356609v16i1p07
Kouri Marina Kolovou, Shoko Sakuma, C. Ortiz
In this article, we draw on community-led housing, non-confrontational resistance, and feminist crisis management literature to analyse the response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the military coup in a community-led housing scheme in Yangon, Myanmar. Based on the direct involvement with a women's grassroots network and a local NGO between 2018 and 2022, we focus on the impacts of the double crisis on low-income populations, their responses to overlapping challenges, the emergent forms of mutual care, and the extra and intra-community learnings. We argue that, in the context of authoritarian regimes, community-led housing practices constitute a modality of non-confrontational resistance that, in times of crisis, revealed how collective housing members had an important safety net-in material, emotional, and social terms—sustained through collective mobilisation and mutual care. This analysis contributes to expanding the debates on housing justice struggles, non-confrontational resistance, and care from the standpoint of grassroots women's organisations.
{"title":"Community-Led Housing in Yangon: The Struggles of Non-Confrontational Resistance and Feminist Crisis Management","authors":"Kouri Marina Kolovou, Shoko Sakuma, C. Ortiz","doi":"10.1285/i20356609v16i1p07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/i20356609v16i1p07","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we draw on community-led housing, non-confrontational resistance, and feminist crisis management literature to analyse the response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the military coup in a community-led housing scheme in Yangon, Myanmar. Based on the direct involvement with a women's grassroots network and a local NGO between 2018 and 2022, we focus on the impacts of the double crisis on low-income populations, their responses to overlapping challenges, the emergent forms of mutual care, and the extra and intra-community learnings. We argue that, in the context of authoritarian regimes, community-led housing practices constitute a modality of non-confrontational resistance that, in times of crisis, revealed how collective housing members had an important safety net-in material, emotional, and social terms—sustained through collective mobilisation and mutual care. This analysis contributes to expanding the debates on housing justice struggles, non-confrontational resistance, and care from the standpoint of grassroots women's organisations.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66334976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-11eCollection Date: 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1093/psyrad/kkac008
Long-Biao Cui, Hong Yin
{"title":"The Xi'an Schizophrenia Imaging Lab (SIL) data and ten years of MRI study on schizophrenia.","authors":"Long-Biao Cui, Hong Yin","doi":"10.1093/psyrad/kkac008","DOIUrl":"10.1093/psyrad/kkac008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"14 1","pages":"54-55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10994523/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76571548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-16DOI: 10.1285/i20356609v14i3p1274
M. Ceron, C. Palermo
The article considers the long-standing limits of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) through the lenses of Next Generation EU (NGEU) pandemic response evidencing how Covid-19 exacerbated EMU shortcomings are (not) overcome. We evaluate whether NGEU is only a palliative stop-gap fix to structural problems and how for Covid-19 to be considered as a breaking point for EU economic governance permanent ambitious (Treaty) reform is an essential and so far not uncontested step. A qualitative systematic review of weaknesses of EMU and proposed reforms informs a scoreboard evaluation of NGEU. Results confirm that while the symmetric crisis allowed suspending risk-sharing and solidarity vetoes, deep structural asymmetries and unfitness of (intergovernmental) decision-making cannot be addressed through NGEU temporary emergency mechanism. Hence Covid-19 so far cannot be narrated as sparking a revolutionary deviation from the architecture and guiding principle of the supranational fiscal framework. At the same time, the pandemic opened a (short-lived) window of opportunity for completing the EMU, requiring permanent structural institutional (Treaty) reform. A timely finding – grounded in copious extant literature on the EMU – highlighting the high stakes of the ongoing Conference of the future of Europe, whose success can only materialise through an ambitious (federal) agenda.
{"title":"Overcoming the limits of EMU through Covid? Next Generation EU against the unaddressed needs for ambitious structural reform","authors":"M. Ceron, C. Palermo","doi":"10.1285/i20356609v14i3p1274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/i20356609v14i3p1274","url":null,"abstract":"The article considers the long-standing limits of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) through the lenses of Next Generation EU (NGEU) pandemic response evidencing how Covid-19 exacerbated EMU shortcomings are (not) overcome. We evaluate whether NGEU is only a palliative stop-gap fix to structural problems and how for Covid-19 to be considered as a breaking point for EU economic governance permanent ambitious (Treaty) reform is an essential and so far not uncontested step. A qualitative systematic review of weaknesses of EMU and proposed reforms informs a scoreboard evaluation of NGEU. Results confirm that while the symmetric crisis allowed suspending risk-sharing and solidarity vetoes, deep structural asymmetries and unfitness of (intergovernmental) decision-making cannot be addressed through NGEU temporary emergency mechanism. Hence Covid-19 so far cannot be narrated as sparking a revolutionary deviation from the architecture and guiding principle of the supranational fiscal framework. At the same time, the pandemic opened a (short-lived) window of opportunity for completing the EMU, requiring permanent structural institutional (Treaty) reform. A timely finding – grounded in copious extant literature on the EMU – highlighting the high stakes of the ongoing Conference of the future of Europe, whose success can only materialise through an ambitious (federal) agenda.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"14 1","pages":"1274-1296"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42087886","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-09DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V14I2P681
V. Fedele
Based on the analysis of the first year of the Hirak, the Algerian protest movement started on February 2019, the article focuses on its visual performance and on the narrative emerging from it. Banners, posters and photos highlight the Hirak's specific attempt to give a new meaning to the discourse about the Algerian people and its unity. Particular attention is given to the visual performance of Algerian diversity exemplified by the deployment of the Amazigh flag during the protests. The flag became more than a cultural symbol and represented an instance of freedom and a manifestation of the people's will to escape traditional hetero-definitions of belongings and identities.
{"title":"The Hirak. The Visual Performance of Diversity in Algerian Protests","authors":"V. Fedele","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V14I2P681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V14I2P681","url":null,"abstract":"Based on the analysis of the first year of the Hirak, the Algerian protest movement started on February 2019, the article focuses on its visual performance and on the narrative emerging from it. Banners, posters and photos highlight the Hirak's specific attempt to give a new meaning to the discourse about the Algerian people and its unity. Particular attention is given to the visual performance of Algerian diversity exemplified by the deployment of the Amazigh flag during the protests. The flag became more than a cultural symbol and represented an instance of freedom and a manifestation of the people's will to escape traditional hetero-definitions of belongings and identities.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"14 1","pages":"681-701"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46163259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-09DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V14I2P829
V. Conte
In this paper, I combine urban regime analysis and financialisation scholarships to uncover the role of planning and question the role of state actors in urban development processes. Through an analysis of CityLife in Milan and Tour and Taxis in Brussels, I argue that state actors have a strong agency in decision making as they own a critical resource: planning. My investigation reveals that, in projects characterised by uncertainty and internal conflicts, planning functions as a glue of development coalitions. Local governments mobilise it to bring together private and public interests, in order to achieve their agendas. Nevertheless, this glue function plays out differently in Milan and Brussels. While in Milan local administrations used planning to facilitate the anchoring of capital, in Brussels local governments enacted planning to shift the balance of power between them. This outcome reveals contextual differences that ultimately depend on local governance settings and planning systems. The comparison depicts the making of two different development regimes. CityLife indicates a financialised turn in governance, in which planning choices are driven mainly by economic – and financial – imperatives. Tour and Taxis symbolises an experimental entrepreneurial urban regime, a sort of "laboratory" to test new governance and planning frameworks.
在本文中，我将城市制度分析和金融化奖学金相结合，以揭示规划的作用，并质疑国家行为者在城市发展过程中的作用。通过对米兰的CityLife和布鲁塞尔的Tour and Taxis的分析，我认为国家行为者在决策中有强大的机构，因为他们拥有一个关键资源：规划。我的调查表明，在以不确定性和内部冲突为特征的项目中，规划是发展联盟的粘合剂。地方政府动员它将私人和公共利益结合起来，以实现他们的议程。然而，这种粘合功能在米兰和布鲁塞尔的表现却不同。在米兰，地方政府利用规划来促进资本的锚定，而在布鲁塞尔，地方政府制定了改变权力平衡的规划。这一结果揭示了最终取决于地方治理环境和规划系统的背景差异。比较描绘了两种不同发展制度的形成。CityLife表明了治理的金融化转变，规划选择主要由经济和金融需求驱动。Tour and Taxis象征着一个实验性的创业城市制度，一种测试新治理和规划框架的“实验室”。
{"title":"Planning: A Glue for Development Coalitions? State Actors' Agency and Power Relationships in Urban Development Projects in Milan and Brussels","authors":"V. Conte","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V14I2P829","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V14I2P829","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I combine urban regime analysis and financialisation scholarships to uncover the role of planning and question the role of state actors in urban development processes. Through an analysis of CityLife in Milan and Tour and Taxis in Brussels, I argue that state actors have a strong agency in decision making as they own a critical resource: planning. My investigation reveals that, in projects characterised by uncertainty and internal conflicts, planning functions as a glue of development coalitions. Local governments mobilise it to bring together private and public interests, in order to achieve their agendas. Nevertheless, this glue function plays out differently in Milan and Brussels. While in Milan local administrations used planning to facilitate the anchoring of capital, in Brussels local governments enacted planning to shift the balance of power between them. This outcome reveals contextual differences that ultimately depend on local governance settings and planning systems. The comparison depicts the making of two different development regimes. CityLife indicates a financialised turn in governance, in which planning choices are driven mainly by economic – and financial – imperatives. Tour and Taxis symbolises an experimental entrepreneurial urban regime, a sort of \"laboratory\" to test new governance and planning frameworks.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"14 1","pages":"829-847"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47231147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-09DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V14I2P774
S. Arbaci, M. Bricocoli, A. Salento
The extent of residential alienation and urban inequalities made visible in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis shed light on processes of politico-economic transformations that altered the role of housing within society since the late 1970s. The focus on (re-)commodification and financialization has become central in the debate and opened up rich interdisciplinary strands of research on the impacts that these processes have on housing. Building on such a fertile academic body of work, it is paramount to contribute to the setting of the public agenda, putting housing issues at the heart of the political debate and policy actions. Introducing this special issue, the paper is firstly asserting the political dimension of housing. Secondly the issue of urban rent extraction is discussed as crucial, especially in the face of the disruptive effects of extensive processes of re-commodification and financialization of housing and land markets in a context of neoliberal urban policies. Thirdly, the Italian case is presented as extremely relevant when it comes to understanding the political dimension of housing, recalling the controversial debates and clashes developed along the 20th century and the current trends of a country confronted with intense processes of financialization of housing, with a significantly accelerated real-estate cycle transforming the residential landscape and resulting in the most intense building cycle of the last half-century. Finally, the dynamics of de-politicisation (and re-politicisation) of housing are recalled with reference to the contributions collected in this special issue.
{"title":"The value of the city. Rent extraction, right to housing and conflicts for the use of urban space","authors":"S. Arbaci, M. Bricocoli, A. Salento","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V14I2P774","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V14I2P774","url":null,"abstract":"The extent of residential alienation and urban inequalities made visible in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis shed light on processes of politico-economic transformations that altered the role of housing within society since the late 1970s. The focus on (re-)commodification and financialization has become central in the debate and opened up rich interdisciplinary strands of research on the impacts that these processes have on housing. Building on such a fertile academic body of work, it is paramount to contribute to the setting of the public agenda, putting housing issues at the heart of the political debate and policy actions. Introducing this special issue, the paper is firstly asserting the political dimension of housing. Secondly the issue of urban rent extraction is discussed as crucial, especially in the face of the disruptive effects of extensive processes of re-commodification and financialization of housing and land markets in a context of neoliberal urban policies. Thirdly, the Italian case is presented as extremely relevant when it comes to understanding the political dimension of housing, recalling the controversial debates and clashes developed along the 20th century and the current trends of a country confronted with intense processes of financialization of housing, with a significantly accelerated real-estate cycle transforming the residential landscape and resulting in the most intense building cycle of the last half-century. Finally, the dynamics of de-politicisation (and re-politicisation) of housing are recalled with reference to the contributions collected in this special issue.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"14 1","pages":"774-787"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43925645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-09DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V14I2P933
C. Alexandre, Antoine Bristielle, L. Chazel
Combining a variety of materials and a mixed methods approach, this article shows how the space of the French radical left has evolved since the 2000s. It outlines the transition from a Marxist to a post-Marxist ideology, and the creation of two new organizations - the Front de gauche (Left Front), which aimed to bring together the radical left, and La France insoumise (Unbowed France), which sought to federate the people using a more transversal populist strategy. The similarities and differences between the two strategies are put into perspective, from a discursive point of view and at the level of the electorate.
本文结合各种材料和混合方法，展示了自2000年代以来法国激进左翼的空间演变。它概述了从马克思主义到后马克思主义意识形态的转变，以及两个新组织的创建——旨在团结激进左翼的左翼阵线(Front de gauche)和不屈服的法国(La France insoumise)，后者试图用一种更横向的民粹主义策略将人民联合起来。从话语的角度和选民的层面来看，这两种策略之间的异同。
{"title":"From The Front de gauche to La France insoumise: Causes and Consequences of the Conversion of the French Radical Left to Populism","authors":"C. Alexandre, Antoine Bristielle, L. Chazel","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V14I2P933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V14I2P933","url":null,"abstract":"Combining a variety of materials and a mixed methods approach, this article shows how the space of the French radical left has evolved since the 2000s. It outlines the transition from a Marxist to a post-Marxist ideology, and the creation of two new organizations - the Front de gauche (Left Front), which aimed to bring together the radical left, and La France insoumise (Unbowed France), which sought to federate the people using a more transversal populist strategy. The similarities and differences between the two strategies are put into perspective, from a discursive point of view and at the level of the electorate.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"14 1","pages":"933-953"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45524175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-09DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V14I2P870
Simone Tulumello, Nadia Caruso
During the years of economic crisis and austerity, and the subsequent economic growth dependent on real estate and tourism, housing has returned into the spotlight on the political agenda in Southern European countries and cities, where activists and social movements scaled up their struggles and created bridges with institutional actors, fostering policy change. The latter, however, did not happen in Italy. In this article, based on exploratory case study research carried out in the city of Turin, we present three themes that help explain what we call the 'absent politicization' of housing in Italy during the last decade: a multi-actor, multilevel housing policy capable of defusing specific problems; the absence of bridges between politicized and institutional actors; and the role played by party-politics, with attention to 'populist' Movimento 5 Stelle in power in Turin. By focusing on differences with Southern Europe, we contribute to overcoming dichotomies that have long dominated comparative housing studies; and contribute to linking housing studies with contentious urban politics in the post-crisis years.
{"title":"‘[La casa] non è più sexy in Italia.’ The absent politicization of housing in Italy, insights from Turin","authors":"Simone Tulumello, Nadia Caruso","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V14I2P870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V14I2P870","url":null,"abstract":"During the years of economic crisis and austerity, and the subsequent economic growth dependent on real estate and tourism, housing has returned into the spotlight on the political agenda in Southern European countries and cities, where activists and social movements scaled up their struggles and created bridges with institutional actors, fostering policy change. The latter, however, did not happen in Italy. In this article, based on exploratory case study research carried out in the city of Turin, we present three themes that help explain what we call the 'absent politicization' of housing in Italy during the last decade: a multi-actor, multilevel housing policy capable of defusing specific problems; the absence of bridges between politicized and institutional actors; and the role played by party-politics, with attention to 'populist' Movimento 5 Stelle in power in Turin. By focusing on differences with Southern Europe, we contribute to overcoming dichotomies that have long dominated comparative housing studies; and contribute to linking housing studies with contentious urban politics in the post-crisis years.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"14 1","pages":"870-895"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46005771","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-09DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V14I2P702
Geoffrey Martin
The Karamat Watan (March of Dignity) was the largest protest mobilisation in Kuwaiti history. From late December 2011 to 2014 this social movement pressured the government in the streets to reform the parliamentary system. The results of these protests were unprecedented, forcing a Kuwaiti prime minister to resign for the first time in in history and publicly challenging against the country's ruler. Yet the protest movement largely failed, largely due to a loss of public support. Why did the Karamat Watan protest movement lose support from the public in Kuwait? The literature on the Gulf and Kuwait in particular focus on payoffs as a way of explaining acquiesance, yet payoffs in 2011 and 2012 had almost no impact on protest mobilisation. Instead, it may be more normative issues that kept protesters away: the unrealistic and aggressive demands of protest organisers for regime change. This article focuses on the legitimacy, or lackthereof, of the government and regime to explain the failure of the "Arab Spring" protest movement in Kuwait, looking at how consent and normative concerns impacted the decision of protesters to leave the streets. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews with citizens who participated in the protests, interviews with dozens of members of the opposition leadership, and group surveys at 13 tribal diwaniyas that highlight a cross-section of protesters' opinion. The research presented demonstrates that public support for the social movement may have in part failed largely because the movement was unsuccessful in framing that it could govern if it was successful. Public support was also limited by protest tactics including disrupting modes of transportation and livelihood. At the heart of protesters' concerns was the lack of a substantive opposition they could believe in and poor opinions on the quality of leadership in Karamat Watan. This article fills a gap in the literature by developing a clearer understanding of legitimation in a rentier state, Kuwait, and by providing dense empirical data to back it up. The utility of this approach is important considering that the failure for many social movements to frame grievances in a way that mobilizes the population, a common pattern in the region.
{"title":"The Failure of Karamat Watan: State Legitimacy and Protest Failure in Kuwait","authors":"Geoffrey Martin","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V14I2P702","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V14I2P702","url":null,"abstract":"The Karamat Watan (March of Dignity) was the largest protest mobilisation in Kuwaiti history. From late December 2011 to 2014 this social movement pressured the government in the streets to reform the parliamentary system. The results of these protests were unprecedented, forcing a Kuwaiti prime minister to resign for the first time in in history and publicly challenging against the country's ruler. Yet the protest movement largely failed, largely due to a loss of public support. Why did the Karamat Watan protest movement lose support from the public in Kuwait? The literature on the Gulf and Kuwait in particular focus on payoffs as a way of explaining acquiesance, yet payoffs in 2011 and 2012 had almost no impact on protest mobilisation. Instead, it may be more normative issues that kept protesters away: the unrealistic and aggressive demands of protest organisers for regime change. This article focuses on the legitimacy, or lackthereof, of the government and regime to explain the failure of the \"Arab Spring\" protest movement in Kuwait, looking at how consent and normative concerns impacted the decision of protesters to leave the streets. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews with citizens who participated in the protests, interviews with dozens of members of the opposition leadership, and group surveys at 13 tribal diwaniyas that highlight a cross-section of protesters' opinion. The research presented demonstrates that public support for the social movement may have in part failed largely because the movement was unsuccessful in framing that it could govern if it was successful. Public support was also limited by protest tactics including disrupting modes of transportation and livelihood. At the heart of protesters' concerns was the lack of a substantive opposition they could believe in and poor opinions on the quality of leadership in Karamat Watan. This article fills a gap in the literature by developing a clearer understanding of legitimation in a rentier state, Kuwait, and by providing dense empirical data to back it up. The utility of this approach is important considering that the failure for many social movements to frame grievances in a way that mobilizes the population, a common pattern in the region.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"14 1","pages":"702-726"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46279033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-09DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V14I2P760
Gianni Del Panta
Over the last ten years, the masses have taken to the streets in many countries of the Middle East and North Africa, determining a rapid dislocation of the mechanisms that order societies and creating the potential conditions for deep transformations. Despite this, the results have been modest. Dealing with political revolutionary movements that have failed to ignite social revolutions, scholars have questioned whether these events can be regarded as revolutions and which theoretical instruments are the most appropriate to explore a changing region. This article discusses these issues. It does so in two ways. Firstly, the article criticises the most common understandings of revolution and proposes a different interpretation of the phenomenon. This is based on a three-step strategy, which moves beyond an evolutionist interpretation of history, takes into account different dimensions of revolutions, and distinguishes different types of revolution. Secondly, to study revolutions properly, the article proposes to combine insights from both structuralist approaches and microfoundational studies. This allows to develop a moving picture of the revolutionary situation that does not overlook class and institutional aspects. Scholars can do this by scaling down the level of analysis from the outcome that revolution produces to the mechanism that puts it in motion.
{"title":"The Revolutionary Character of the 'Arab Revolutions' and How they Could Be Studied","authors":"Gianni Del Panta","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V14I2P760","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V14I2P760","url":null,"abstract":"Over the last ten years, the masses have taken to the streets in many countries of the Middle East and North Africa, determining a rapid dislocation of the mechanisms that order societies and creating the potential conditions for deep transformations. Despite this, the results have been modest. Dealing with political revolutionary movements that have failed to ignite social revolutions, scholars have questioned whether these events can be regarded as revolutions and which theoretical instruments are the most appropriate to explore a changing region. This article discusses these issues. It does so in two ways. Firstly, the article criticises the most common understandings of revolution and proposes a different interpretation of the phenomenon. This is based on a three-step strategy, which moves beyond an evolutionist interpretation of history, takes into account different dimensions of revolutions, and distinguishes different types of revolution. Secondly, to study revolutions properly, the article proposes to combine insights from both structuralist approaches and microfoundational studies. This allows to develop a moving picture of the revolutionary situation that does not overlook class and institutional aspects. Scholars can do this by scaling down the level of analysis from the outcome that revolution produces to the mechanism that puts it in motion.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"14 1","pages":"760-773"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42323946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：