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Fourchard, Laurent (2018), Trier, exclure et policer: vies urbaines en Afrique du Sud et au Nigeria. Domaine gouvernances. Paris: Les Presses des Sciences Po. Laurent Fourchard(2018),《分类、排斥和政策:南非和尼日利亚的城市生活》。治理领域。巴黎:巴黎政治科学出版社。
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-15 DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1588
Marianne Madoré
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引用次数: 0
Navigating the Limits of Capitalism to Resist Urban Marginality: The Case of the Casa Madiba Network 驾驭资本主义的极限以抵抗城市边缘化——以Casa Madiba网络为例
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-15 DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1290
Greta Rauleac
This empirical paper addresses a key problem for activists: how to resist capitalism while simultaneously responding to the immediate needs of the most marginalized segments of the population. Through the analysis of the case of Casa Madiba, a social center in Rimini (Italy), the paper discusses the role of squatting and the temporary use of space in the formation of the urban commons. It presents community-led urban development projects and bottom-up forms of welfare as potential tools to create a vision of the world that systematically opposes neoliberalism. It also considers some potential risks squatters face. Squatting has often been used as a placeholder by real estate investors or by the municipality, and even has the potential to be co-opted into master planning. The paper shows how squatters located in smaller towns can strategically adapt to the local social geography by creating strategic alliances which incorporate the tradition of partisan mutual help and social welfare in their day-to-day practice.
这篇实证论文解决了活动家面临的一个关键问题:如何抵制资本主义,同时满足最边缘化人群的迫切需求。通过对意大利里米尼社会中心Casa Madiba案例的分析,探讨了蹲和空间的临时利用在城市公域形成中的作用。它提出了社区主导的城市发展项目和自下而上的福利形式,作为创造一个系统反对新自由主义的世界愿景的潜在工具。它还考虑了棚户区居民面临的一些潜在风险。蹲地经常被房地产投资者或市政当局用作占位符,甚至有可能被纳入总体规划。该论文展示了位于小城镇的棚户区居民如何通过建立战略联盟,在日常实践中融入党派互助和社会福利的传统,从战略上适应当地的社会地理。
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引用次数: 1
Squat to Work. Squatted Workspaces, the Commons and Solidarity Economies in Europe 蹲下工作。欧洲拥挤的工作空间、公共和团结经济
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-15 DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1252
L. Calafati
Inspired by recuperated enterprises in Latin America, squatted workspaces have emerged across Southern Europe in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis. Using the literature on European squatting, the concept of the commons and an action research in a squatted workspace in Milan, Italy, the paper explores the re-emergence of this type of squatting and its relation to solidarity economies in contemporary Europe. The paper examines how precarious workers have used squatting to establish self-managed workspaces to access income and to reinvent work and economic relations beyond capitalism. The paper also investigates the ambivalent role of squatting in supporting the establishment of solidarity economies.
受拉丁美洲复苏企业的启发,2008年金融危机过后,南欧出现了蹲式办公空间。利用关于欧洲蹲下的文献,公地概念和意大利米兰蹲下工作空间的行动研究,本文探讨了这种类型的蹲下的重新出现及其与当代欧洲团结经济的关系。本文研究了不稳定工人如何利用“蹲”来建立自我管理的工作空间,以获得收入,并重塑资本主义之外的工作和经济关系。本文还调查了在支持团结经济的建立中,蹲下的矛盾作用。
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引用次数: 1
Armed Movements and Counterinsurgency in Contemporary Mexico 当代墨西哥的武装运动与平叛
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-15 DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1487
P. Gaussens
Based on a case study, this article seeks to analyze the contemporary evolution of the armed movements in the southern Mexican state of Guerrero and the counterinsurgency operations they have faced. To reach this goal, the object of the qualitative methodology is the local history of a municipality, Ayutla de los Libres, from 1998 to 2013, describing the socio-political processes that were developed there and that separate both dates, each marked by a critical episode of repression. The main result is that, although the field of armed movements underwent great changes, moving from offensive to defensive forms, the counterinsurgency used against them shows strong continuities focused on repression.
基于案例研究,本文试图分析墨西哥南部格雷罗州武装运动的当代演变及其所面临的反叛乱行动。为了实现这一目标,定性方法的对象是1998年至2013年阿尤特拉·德洛斯·利伯斯市的地方历史,描述了那里发展起来的社会政治进程,这些进程将两个日期分开,每个日期都有一个关键的镇压事件。主要结果是,尽管武装运动领域发生了巨大变化,从进攻形式转变为防御形式,但针对他们的反叛乱显示出强烈的持续性,重点是镇压。
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引用次数: 0
Multilevel Governance in Post-Transitional Justice: The Autonomous Communities of Spain 过渡后司法的多层次治理:西班牙自治区
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-15 DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1521
E. Akarçay, Bilgen Sütçüoğlu
The method adopted by Spain in dealing with the legacy of the Civil War and the Dictatorship can be depicted as a blank page approach, incorporating a combination of amnesty and amnesia. Among the actors that challenge this official line, the Autonomous Communities (ACs) particularly energize the post-transitional justice process. Complementing, transcending and superseding the efforts at the national level, the law-making activity in AC legislatures has come in two separate and diverse waves, leading to the development of public policy and institutions dealing with the recovery of memory. Political cycles surface as the factor shaping the resilience of governments' commitment. It is argued that the reinvigorated coexistence of regionalist and left-wing parties in the ACs bodes well for further memory-related policy development and institutionalization. With an interplay and occasional discord between the national and subnational governments, the experience of Spain demonstrates that multilevel governance is an aspect to be reckoned with in relation to how countries deal with their past.
西班牙在处理内战和独裁统治遗留问题时所采取的方法可以被描述为一种空白页的方法,其中包括大赦和失忆的结合。在挑战这一官方路线的行动者中,自治区(ACs)尤其为过渡后司法进程注入了活力。非洲共同体立法机构的立法活动补充、超越和取代了国家一级的努力,分为两波不同的独立浪潮,导致了处理恢复记忆的公共政策和机构的发展。政治周期似乎是影响政府承诺弹性的因素。有人认为,区域主义和左翼政党在非洲共同体重新焕发活力,预示着与记忆有关的政策进一步发展和制度化。由于国家和地方政府之间的相互作用和偶尔的不和,西班牙的经验表明,多层次治理是国家如何处理其过去的一个不容忽视的方面。
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引用次数: 0
Moffitt B. (2020), Populism, Cambridge, Polity Press. 莫菲特B.(2020),民粹主义,剑桥,政治出版社。
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-15 DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1582
M. Griffini
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引用次数: 0
Andreotti, A. (eds. 2019), Governare Milano nel nuovo millennio, Bologna: Il Mulino. Andreotti,A.(编辑:2019),《米兰千禧年政府》,博洛尼亚:Il Mulino。
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-15 DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1575
Benedetta Marani
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引用次数: 0
City-Level Action in a City-Wide Urban Commons. Amsterdam, 1977-1983 城市范围内城市公地的城市层面行动。阿姆斯特丹,1977 - 1983
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-15 DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1324
H. Pruijt
In the late 1970s, Amsterdam's squatted domain grew to comprise hundreds of buildings, and a city wide network of workspaces, bars, cultural venues and other infrastructure. The squatted domain, as it developed at the time, can be viewed as an urban commons. For a section of the squatting community, the whole was far greater than merely the sum of its parts, which led to the creation of a horizontal, city level organization. Commoning strategies applied at the city level were organizing squatting days, setting up a collective process for legalization, and promoting alternative urban development. However, evictions prompted confrontational action and a number of groups adopted a confrontational identity. Operating outside the city-level organization, autonomous action teams formed. They perfected the skills involved in the defense of squats, and had informal leaders. Nevertheless, groups with both prefigurative and confrontational collective identities worked together, despite the cooperation being tenuous. The upshot was that a large number of squatter collectives were never evicted, but that squats were legalized instead.
在20世纪70年代末,阿姆斯特丹的闲置区域发展到包括数百座建筑,以及一个覆盖全市的工作空间、酒吧、文化场所和其他基础设施网络。在当时发展起来的蹲地可以被视为城市公共区域。对于蹲地社区的一部分来说,整体远远大于其部分的总和,这导致了一个横向的、城市级的组织的创建。在城市一级采用的常见战略是组织蹲地日,建立一个合法化的集体进程,以及促进替代城市发展。然而,驱逐引发了对抗行动,一些团体采取了对抗身份。在城市级组织之外运作,形成了自主行动小组。他们完善了深蹲防御的技巧,并有非正式的领导。尽管如此,具有预示性和对抗性集体身份的群体共同努力,尽管合作是脆弱的。其结果是,大量的寮屋集体没有被驱逐,而是被合法化了。
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引用次数: 2
Populism, Constitution Making, and the Rule of Law in Latin America 拉丁美洲的民粹主义、宪法制定与法治
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-15 DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1453
C. D. Torre, Felipe Burbano de Lara
The article explores the effects of populist polarization in creating strong and long-lasting institutions based on the rule of law. It focuses on politics and not on the political economy of populism or of natural resource extraction. The first section briefly explains how we understand the contested notions of populism and the rule of law. The second focuses on the paradigmatic case of Juan Peron's first two administrations (1946-1956) to explore the ambiguous legacies of populist inclusion for the creation of long-lasting demo-cratic institutions. The third section focuses on how Hugo Chavez, Evo Morales and Rafael Correa appealed to the un-bounded will of the people to convene participatory constituent assemblies. The last section focuses on Ecuador's post-populist succession. Different from Evo Morales that was ousted by a coup, or Nicolas Maduro that killed democracy, Lenin Moreno, who was Correa's former vice-president, abandoned populism, ditched his mentor, and used a referendum to clean the state and political institutions from Correa's allies. Appealing to the people directly, his administration assumed exceptional powers to name new authorities of control and accountability. His institutional reforms however might not last because they were based on the exclusion of Correa and his followers. The conclusion explores the reasons why actors continue to use laws instrumentally making it difficult to create long-lasting institutional arrangements based on the rule of law, and hence on the possibility of deepening democracy.
这篇文章探讨了民粹主义两极分化对在法治基础上建立强大而持久的制度的影响。它关注的是政治,而不是民粹主义或自然资源开采的政治经济。第一节简要解释了我们如何理解有争议的民粹主义和法治概念。第二部分聚焦于胡安·佩隆前两届政府(1946-1956)的典型案例,探讨民粹主义包容对建立长期民主体制的模糊影响。第三部分重点介绍乌戈·查韦斯、埃沃·莫拉莱斯和拉斐尔·科雷亚如何呼吁人民无限制地召开参与性制宪会议。最后一节集中讨论厄瓜多尔后民粹主义的继承。与被政变赶下台的埃沃·莫拉莱斯或扼杀民主的尼古拉斯·马杜罗不同,科雷亚的前副总统列宁·莫雷诺抛弃了民粹主义,抛弃了他的导师,并利用公投将国家和政治机构从科雷亚盟友手中清除。为了直接吸引人民,他的政府行使了特殊权力,任命了新的控制和问责机构。然而,他的体制改革可能不会持续下去,因为这些改革是基于对科雷亚及其追随者的排斥。结论探讨了行为者继续利用法律工具,使其难以建立基于法治的长期制度安排,从而加深民主的可能性的原因。
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引用次数: 0
Urban Commons from an Anti-Capitalist Approach 反资本主义视角下的城市公共空间
IF 0.8 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2020-11-15 DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1390
Miguel A. Martínez
Many of the contemporary debates on urban commons lack an anti-capitalist approach. In addition, a number of misunderstandings regarding the common wealth, the city, the state, and the public sphere do not help to clarify the meaning of the commons. As a response to these problems, I first devise two useful concepts that stem from Marx's original insights: primary and extended commons. Secondly, I critically examine the institutionalist views on urban commons due to their limitations in advancing anti-capitalist perspectives while also identifying some problems with the Marxist accounts. The different expressions of cooperative housing and squatting serve to illustrate how anti-capitalist urban commons are actually highly developed, despite significant restrictions that are also examined here. Hence, I argue that both the analysis and politics of urban commoning should focus on the joint contentious, cooperative, and democratic practices of the global working class when they deal with essential reproductive work and means of production which are widely independent from state rule and exploitative capitalist relations.
当代许多关于城市公域的辩论都缺乏反资本主义的方法。此外,对共同财富、城市、国家和公共领域的一些误解无助于澄清公域的含义。作为对这些问题的回应,我首先设计了两个有用的概念,这两个概念源于马克思最初的见解:基本公地和扩展公地。其次,我批判性地审视了制度主义对城市公地的看法,因为它们在推进反资本主义观点方面存在局限性,同时也发现了马克思主义观点中的一些问题。合作住房和蹲式住宅的不同表达方式说明了反资本主义的城市公地实际上是如何高度发展的,尽管这里也研究了重大的限制。因此,我认为,城市公共化的分析和政治都应该关注全球工人阶级在处理基本的生殖工作和生产资料时的共同争议、合作和民主实践,这些工作和生产手段广泛独立于国家统治和剥削性资本主义关系。
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引用次数: 4
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Partecipazione e Conflitto
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