Pub Date : 2021-06-24DOI: 10.1285/i20356609v14i1p341
Georgia Dimari
The aim of this article is to illustrate the securitization processes of the Covid-19 in Greece and the impetus they gave for the anew securitization of migrants and refugees. It is argued that their connectedness became feasible through their discursive presentation as a 'double crisis'. The central argument of this article is that two sub-components of the securitization of Covid-19 were also securitized, individuals and individual responsibility. The article hence posits the argument that these processes resulted in a quadruple securitization. More specifically, the discourse analysis conducted in speech acts of government and scientific actors reveals that migration and the refugee issue, Covid-19, individuals and individual responsibility are successfully securitized as there are all these elements articulated by the Copenhagen School – existential threats, securitizing actors, referent objects, emergency measures and audience acceptance – that make the securitization of each above issue successful. What is introduced and supported here, then, is that these securitization processes prompted the emergence of a new security apparatus in Greece.
{"title":"The Emergence of a New Security Apparatus in Greece: The Securitization of the Refugee/Covid-19 Crisis Nexus","authors":"Georgia Dimari","doi":"10.1285/i20356609v14i1p341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/i20356609v14i1p341","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to illustrate the securitization processes of the Covid-19 in Greece and the impetus they gave for the anew securitization of migrants and refugees. It is argued that their connectedness became feasible through their discursive presentation as a 'double crisis'. The central argument of this article is that two sub-components of the securitization of Covid-19 were also securitized, individuals and individual responsibility. The article hence posits the argument that these processes resulted in a quadruple securitization. More specifically, the discourse analysis conducted in speech acts of government and scientific actors reveals that migration and the refugee issue, Covid-19, individuals and individual responsibility are successfully securitized as there are all these elements articulated by the Copenhagen School – existential threats, securitizing actors, referent objects, emergency measures and audience acceptance – that make the securitization of each above issue successful. What is introduced and supported here, then, is that these securitization processes prompted the emergence of a new security apparatus in Greece.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"14 1","pages":"341-358"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42393556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-24DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V14I1P396
Carlotta Caciagli, Chiara Milan
The article contributes to the understanding of contemporary urban commons by developing a renewed analytical framework which approaches them as dynamic configurations. By investigating different types of urban commons in Italy, the article disentangles the notion of urban commons along two axes that take into account their relationship with both local institutions and the surrounding environment. The combination of these two axes produces four possible configurations that allow to grasp the complexity of urban commons, accounting for their multifaceted and at times controversial nature. Moreover, this article identifies three functions that urban commons can perform in the contemporary European cities: as resilient spaces, as reclaimed spaces incorporated into capitalistic models of urban development, or contentious and transformative spaces that combine social reproduction with anti-capitalistic politics. The article is based on qualitative research and participant observation grounded on extensive fieldwork in various urban commons across Italy between 2016 and 2019.
{"title":"Contemporary Urban Commons. Rebuilding the Analytical Framework","authors":"Carlotta Caciagli, Chiara Milan","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V14I1P396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V14I1P396","url":null,"abstract":"The article contributes to the understanding of contemporary urban commons by developing a renewed analytical framework which approaches them as dynamic configurations. By investigating different types of urban commons in Italy, the article disentangles the notion of urban commons along two axes that take into account their relationship with both local institutions and the surrounding environment. The combination of these two axes produces four possible configurations that allow to grasp the complexity of urban commons, accounting for their multifaceted and at times controversial nature. Moreover, this article identifies three functions that urban commons can perform in the contemporary European cities: as resilient spaces, as reclaimed spaces incorporated into capitalistic models of urban development, or contentious and transformative spaces that combine social reproduction with anti-capitalistic politics. The article is based on qualitative research and participant observation grounded on extensive fieldwork in various urban commons across Italy between 2016 and 2019.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"14 1","pages":"396-410"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48172667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-24DOI: 10.1285/i20356609v14i1p01
Luca Alteri, Louisa Parks, Luca Raffini, T. Vitale
The pandemic caused by the rapid spread of the Covid-19 virus has revealed impacts well beyond those linked to health. Indeed, it has established itself as what Mauss called a "total social fact", that is, an event that affects every single aspect of society. In this editorial we present some initial reflections on the myriad ways in which the pandemic will affect the State and the relationship between States and citizens as played out in spheres of everyday life. We begin with a brief historical overview of pandemics and the patterns, contradictions and lessons they have left, before looking at the crisis context in which the current pandemic is unfolding. We then take a look at the myriad ways in which the pandemic underlines, emphasises and exacerbates a fundamental rift in the relationship between states and citizens by discussing risk, expertise, communication, de- and re-politicisation and more. We conclude by asking ourselves if - beyond the liberal democracy vs autocracy dichotomy - the Post-Covid scenario may conduce toward a new social contract. Finally, we look to existing sociological work that might provide fruitful in moving forward to address this rift, and provide brief overviews of the contributions in this direction from the authors in this special issue.
{"title":"Covid-19 and the Structural Crisis of Liberal Democracies. Determinants and Consequences of the Governance of Pandemic","authors":"Luca Alteri, Louisa Parks, Luca Raffini, T. Vitale","doi":"10.1285/i20356609v14i1p01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/i20356609v14i1p01","url":null,"abstract":"The pandemic caused by the rapid spread of the Covid-19 virus has revealed impacts well beyond those linked to health. Indeed, it has established itself as what Mauss called a \"total social fact\", that is, an event that affects every single aspect of society. In this editorial we present some initial reflections on the myriad ways in which the pandemic will affect the State and the relationship between States and citizens as played out in spheres of everyday life. We begin with a brief historical overview of pandemics and the patterns, contradictions and lessons they have left, before looking at the crisis context in which the current pandemic is unfolding. We then take a look at the myriad ways in which the pandemic underlines, emphasises and exacerbates a fundamental rift in the relationship between states and citizens by discussing risk, expertise, communication, de- and re-politicisation and more. We conclude by asking ourselves if - beyond the liberal democracy vs autocracy dichotomy - the Post-Covid scenario may conduce toward a new social contract. Finally, we look to existing sociological work that might provide fruitful in moving forward to address this rift, and provide brief overviews of the contributions in this direction from the authors in this special issue.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"14 1","pages":"1-37"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2021-06-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44197965","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-15DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1504
G. Corica, V. Mete
The article reconstructs the events of the Suvignano farm, in the Sienese area, confiscated in 1996 to an entrepreneur from Palermo considered close to Cosa nostra and assigned in 2018 to a company owned by the Tuscany Region. Unlike other studies on confiscated assets, mainly focusing on quantitative aspects or their management, the paper proposes a case study based on an integration of techniques and sources, from interviews with qualified witnesses to the consultation of institutional documents. The analysis aims to explore the social and political significance that Suvignano assumes for the local community and the political class. After the definitive confiscation in 2007, Suvignano becomes a political resource disputed between different actors, local and national. Around this political resource take place two challenges, led and won by a Tuscan leftist institutional network, distant heir of the red subculture. The first challenge is against a similar Sicilian institutional network. The second is against local political actors: the traditional (Forza Italia) and the new (Salvini-Lega) centre-right, as well as the emerging 5 Stars Movement. The article shows how these two challenges are won thanks also to the Tuscan civil society, ready to mobilize against a "public evil", as the mafia is usually represented. In a phase in which the political consensus becomes uncertain, the centre-left parties find in the fight against the mafia a powerful source of political legitimacy.
{"title":"The Case of the Suvignano Estate: A Story of Mafia, Anti-Mafia and Politics","authors":"G. Corica, V. Mete","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1504","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1504","url":null,"abstract":"The article reconstructs the events of the Suvignano farm, in the Sienese area, confiscated in 1996 to an entrepreneur from Palermo considered close to Cosa nostra and assigned in 2018 to a company owned by the Tuscany Region. Unlike other studies on confiscated assets, mainly focusing on quantitative aspects or their management, the paper proposes a case study based on an integration of techniques and sources, from interviews with qualified witnesses to the consultation of institutional documents. The analysis aims to explore the social and political significance that Suvignano assumes for the local community and the political class. After the definitive confiscation in 2007, Suvignano becomes a political resource disputed between different actors, local and national. Around this political resource take place two challenges, led and won by a Tuscan leftist institutional network, distant heir of the red subculture. The first challenge is against a similar Sicilian institutional network. The second is against local political actors: the traditional (Forza Italia) and the new (Salvini-Lega) centre-right, as well as the emerging 5 Stars Movement. The article shows how these two challenges are won thanks also to the Tuscan civil society, ready to mobilize against a \"public evil\", as the mafia is usually represented. In a phase in which the political consensus becomes uncertain, the centre-left parties find in the fight against the mafia a powerful source of political legitimacy.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1504-1520"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46290786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-15DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1373
Ann Ighe
This study focuses on the memories of and narratives about house squatting projects in the late 1980's, in the Haga neighbourhood in Gothenburg (Goteborg), Sweden by a group of people that came to be known as Husnallarna. This period is critical in terms of constituting a break with an earlier period in Swedish history, defined by social democracy, which came under pressure of strong forces of neoliberalism. One conclusion of the paper is that a group of young people, belonging to a counterculture, rebelled both against the modernist conforming political culture of the welfare state and an expected gentrification, partly by adopting and adjusting to the heritage status of an urban neighbourhood. This heritage status became a part of the identity of the group, and conserving tradition became an act of rebellion, as well as a commoning practice integrating the squatters in the neighbourhood. The study makes use of present-day social media and interviews with activists/squatters.
{"title":"Empty Space, Open Space. Claiming, Reaching and Remembering Common Ground in Urban Squats. Haga in the 1980's","authors":"Ann Ighe","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1373","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1373","url":null,"abstract":"This study focuses on the memories of and narratives about house squatting projects in the late 1980's, in the Haga neighbourhood in Gothenburg (Goteborg), Sweden by a group of people that came to be known as Husnallarna. This period is critical in terms of constituting a break with an earlier period in Swedish history, defined by social democracy, which came under pressure of strong forces of neoliberalism. One conclusion of the paper is that a group of young people, belonging to a counterculture, rebelled both against the modernist conforming political culture of the welfare state and an expected gentrification, partly by adopting and adjusting to the heritage status of an urban neighbourhood. This heritage status became a part of the identity of the group, and conserving tradition became an act of rebellion, as well as a commoning practice integrating the squatters in the neighbourhood. The study makes use of present-day social media and interviews with activists/squatters.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1373-1389"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1373","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45508175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-15DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1308
Lukáš Kotyk
This study focuses on attempts to establish non-hierarchical structures and decision-making processes within a squatters' movement, where these modes of self-organizing are usual. Beneath the declaration of a non-hierarchical structure, many variations and perspectives on how to achieve such a goal may be concealed. Besides formal meetings of the collective where common decisions are made, a horizontal logic of sharing space as a commons has to be maintained in everyday life. A reflexive attitude toward the distribution of power is a key aspect of managing the tension that arises between the idealized vision of horizontality and the efforts that are made to realize it. I analyse how the experiment with non-hierarchical organization is carried out in a squatted garden in a city in southern France, where people live in huts and trailers and share a legally rented common house on a connected parcel of land. By using ethnography, in which semi-structured interviews and participant observation form a crucial part, I interpret the inner dynamics of a concrete collective and its strategies to maintain a non-hierarchical logic. I focus on the tools, methods and practices that are used by the participants to keep the distribution of power horizontal and on their reflection on this process. Studying a case such as this will shed light on the variations in how a sustainable project on squatted land can be formed. Analysing one possibility that appears to be successful, and its interpretation within the context of new left movements, help us to better understand prefigurative attempts at creating alternative forms of coexistence.
{"title":"Governing without Governed and Governors: An Attempt to Establish a Non-Hierarchical Organizational Repertoire","authors":"Lukáš Kotyk","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1308","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1308","url":null,"abstract":"This study focuses on attempts to establish non-hierarchical structures and decision-making processes within a squatters' movement, where these modes of self-organizing are usual. Beneath the declaration of a non-hierarchical structure, many variations and perspectives on how to achieve such a goal may be concealed. Besides formal meetings of the collective where common decisions are made, a horizontal logic of sharing space as a commons has to be maintained in everyday life. A reflexive attitude toward the distribution of power is a key aspect of managing the tension that arises between the idealized vision of horizontality and the efforts that are made to realize it. I analyse how the experiment with non-hierarchical organization is carried out in a squatted garden in a city in southern France, where people live in huts and trailers and share a legally rented common house on a connected parcel of land. By using ethnography, in which semi-structured interviews and participant observation form a crucial part, I interpret the inner dynamics of a concrete collective and its strategies to maintain a non-hierarchical logic. I focus on the tools, methods and practices that are used by the participants to keep the distribution of power horizontal and on their reflection on this process. Studying a case such as this will shed light on the variations in how a sustainable project on squatted land can be formed. Analysing one possibility that appears to be successful, and its interpretation within the context of new left movements, help us to better understand prefigurative attempts at creating alternative forms of coexistence.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1308-1323"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47613021","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-15DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1559
D. Fracchiolla
This paper explores the complex relationship between media and political systems in the context of the International News Flow, regarding the interdisciplinary research area between media study and International Relations. The focus is on International News Flow interactions and effects upon democratic political systems. The aim is to fill the gap concerning international relations in comparative media analysis literature. Despite using Hallin and Mancini's framework (2004, 2012), the present research does not only apply their typology to test its validity, but it also applies the main International Relations theoretical frameworks that deepen the relationship between media and political systems to shed light on the degree of superimposition between structure-based and content-based frameworks of media systems. The case study is the 2016 failed military coup in Turkey. In particular, in terms of coverage and analysis, the study considers how the newspapers of four countries (Italy, France, Germany and England), which represent the three democracy models of Hallini and Mancini – Mediterranean, Liberal, Corporative plus one that cuts across different models – framed the failed coup attempt in the days following the beginning of the crisis.
{"title":"Journalism Models in Western Democracies and the International Arena: The Case of the 2016 Failed Coup Attempt in Turkey","authors":"D. Fracchiolla","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1559","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1559","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the complex relationship between media and political systems in the context of the International News Flow, regarding the interdisciplinary research area between media study and International Relations. The focus is on International News Flow interactions and effects upon democratic political systems. The aim is to fill the gap concerning international relations in comparative media analysis literature. Despite using Hallin and Mancini's framework (2004, 2012), the present research does not only apply their typology to test its validity, but it also applies the main International Relations theoretical frameworks that deepen the relationship between media and political systems to shed light on the degree of superimposition between structure-based and content-based frameworks of media systems. The case study is the 2016 failed military coup in Turkey. In particular, in terms of coverage and analysis, the study considers how the newspapers of four countries (Italy, France, Germany and England), which represent the three democracy models of Hallini and Mancini – Mediterranean, Liberal, Corporative plus one that cuts across different models – framed the failed coup attempt in the days following the beginning of the crisis.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1559-1574"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43780816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-15DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1539
A. Cassani, Luca Tomini
Contemporary processes of autocratization attract growing attention, but their trajectories and modes remain relatively understudied. To contribute filling this gap, we offer one of the first case-oriented comparative analyses of twenty-first century autocratization. First, we examine a global set of cases. Hence, we focus on four typical cases from different regions – namely, Ecuador, Moldova, Thailand and Rwanda – representing different forms of contemporary autocratization. The analysis confirms that autocratization is an empirically relevant phenomenon in this historical phase. Moreover, an evolution is occurring in how this political syndrome unfolds, in the regimes it tends to hit, and in its outcomes. More specifically, the main threat that liberal democracies currently face is a process of sequential autocratization, perpetrated by elected rulers wishing to expand and prolong their power through the loosening of the mechanisms of horizontal accountability and the manipulation of the electoral process. However, we also highlight that an ongoing process of autocratization could be interrupted or reversed.
{"title":"Trajectories and Modes of Autocratization in the Early 21st Century","authors":"A. Cassani, Luca Tomini","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1539","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1539","url":null,"abstract":"Contemporary processes of autocratization attract growing attention, but their trajectories and modes remain relatively understudied. To contribute filling this gap, we offer one of the first case-oriented comparative analyses of twenty-first century autocratization. First, we examine a global set of cases. Hence, we focus on four typical cases from different regions – namely, Ecuador, Moldova, Thailand and Rwanda – representing different forms of contemporary autocratization. The analysis confirms that autocratization is an empirically relevant phenomenon in this historical phase. Moreover, an evolution is occurring in how this political syndrome unfolds, in the regimes it tends to hit, and in its outcomes. More specifically, the main threat that liberal democracies currently face is a process of sequential autocratization, perpetrated by elected rulers wishing to expand and prolong their power through the loosening of the mechanisms of horizontal accountability and the manipulation of the electoral process. However, we also highlight that an ongoing process of autocratization could be interrupted or reversed.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1539-1558"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1539","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47491043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-15DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1338
G. Santos
This piece aims to provide critical distance to the notion of the commons, increasingly used in academia to depict social movements. Squatting shows particularly useful to expose the blind spots of neo-institutionalist approaches but also confronts the unitary and homogenizing Marxist "urban commons" narratives. A circumstantial history of squatting in Barcelona is provided to contextualize the internal conflict examined in this paper. Then, an introduction to the case study, Espai Social Magdalenes (ESM), is provided. ESM was the stage of an intense conflict opposing different sectors of Barcelona's squatters' movement. I use interviews made with activists close to the squatter's movement to reinforce the theoretical claims of this piece with their assessments. Arguably, untamed and open conflict is at the heart of squatting, leading to movements that are far from the pacified and orderly framework of a significant part of the commons literature.
这篇文章旨在提供与公域概念的临界距离，公域概念在学术界越来越多地被用来描述社会运动。《蹲》尤其有助于揭露新制度主义方法的盲点，但也有助于对抗单一化和同质化的马克思主义“城市公域”叙事。提供了一段在巴塞罗那蹲着的间接历史，以将本文所考察的内部冲突置于背景中。然后，介绍了案例研究Espai Social Magdalene（ESM）。ESM是一场激烈冲突的舞台，反对巴塞罗那棚户区运动的不同部门。我利用对与棚户区运动关系密切的活动人士的采访，用他们的评估来强化这篇文章的理论主张。可以说，不受控制和公开的冲突是蹲下的核心，导致的运动远不是公地文学中重要部分的和平有序的框架。
{"title":"Squatting, Commons and Conflict: A Discussion of Squatting's Challenges to the Commons","authors":"G. Santos","doi":"10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1338","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1338","url":null,"abstract":"This piece aims to provide critical distance to the notion of the commons, increasingly used in academia to depict social movements. Squatting shows particularly useful to expose the blind spots of neo-institutionalist approaches but also confronts the unitary and homogenizing Marxist \"urban commons\" narratives. A circumstantial history of squatting in Barcelona is provided to contextualize the internal conflict examined in this paper. Then, an introduction to the case study, Espai Social Magdalenes (ESM), is provided. ESM was the stage of an intense conflict opposing different sectors of Barcelona's squatters' movement. I use interviews made with activists close to the squatter's movement to reinforce the theoretical claims of this piece with their assessments. Arguably, untamed and open conflict is at the heart of squatting, leading to movements that are far from the pacified and orderly framework of a significant part of the commons literature.","PeriodicalId":45168,"journal":{"name":"Partecipazione e Conflitto","volume":"13 1","pages":"1338-1354"},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2020-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46217614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-15DOI: 10.1285/I20356609V13I3P1469
S. Anastasia, M. Anselmi
In this article we present a general interpretation of the recent tendency of Italian political forces to promote laws in the criminal field aimed more at producing political consensus of an emotional kind than at addressing real legal and social needs. In particular we'll demonstrate how the social trend could be classified as 'populist punitiveness', which has become stronger with the so-called populist turn of the Italian political system during the early 90s of the last century, and how it has become a permanent trait of the neo-populist forces that have dominated the Italian political scene for the past twenty-five years. In particular, we will analyse the government formed by the Northern League and the 5 Star Movement, also called the yellow-green government, headed by Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte, in power from June 2018 to September 2019. We will highlight how some of the most significant criminal laws have followed a general pattern that corresponds to a punitive vision of society, aimed at fostering feelings of fear and protection that are irrational rather than grounded. Our thesis is that the neo-populist turn of the Italian system has not only profoundly transformed the system and political structures of the country but also civil society and the public opinion, rebalancing entire spheres of the Italian social and political system.
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