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Immigration Detention: The Grounds Beneath Our Feet 移民拘留:我们脚下的土地
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2015-10-01 DOI: 10.1093/CLP/CUV015
Cathryn Costello
Detention as part of migration control is sometimes portrayed as a ‘necessary adjunct’ of the state’s power to control immigration. This characterization is a masking device, obscuring the grounds of detention (or the lack thereof) from proper scrutiny. It has convincingly been argued that human rights law fails to scrutinize the necessity of immigration detention. Many scholars have pointed out the anomalous approach to assessing the legal justifications for immigration detention, compared with other forms of deprivation of liberty, which are more powerfully constrained by human rights law. Yet, cogent as this critique is, it sometimes fails to interrogate the related questions concerning the legal grounds of detention. A ground is a particular form of legal reason, which both explains and justifies the official action in question. By examining the question of grounds, this article aims to elucidate the manner in which immigration law itself produces reasons to detain, and by doing so creates detainable subjects, migrants. Basic liberty-protective principles and practices developed in other areas of law are notably absent. This state of affairs is not inevitable, and legal alternatives are within reach.
拘留作为移民控制的一部分,有时被描绘成国家控制移民权力的“必要附属品”。这种定性是一种掩饰手段,使拘留的理由(或没有拘留的理由)无法得到适当的审查。有人令人信服地认为,人权法未能审查移民拘留的必要性。许多学者指出,与其他形式的剥夺自由相比,评估移民拘留的法律理由的方法是不正常的,而其他形式的剥夺自由受到人权法的更有力的限制。然而,尽管这一批评很有说服力,但它有时没有询问有关拘留的法律依据的相关问题。理由是一种特殊形式的法律理由,它既可以解释有关的官方行为,也可以证明其正当性。通过审查理由问题,本文旨在阐明移民法本身产生拘留理由的方式,并通过这样做创造可拘留的主体,移民。在其他法律领域发展起来的保护自由的基本原则和做法明显缺失。这种情况并不是不可避免的,法律替代方案是可以实现的。
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引用次数: 13
More than Just a Different Face? Judicial Diversity and Decision-making 不仅仅是一张不同的脸?司法多样性与决策
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2015-04-27 DOI: 10.1093/CLP/CUV001
R. Hunter
This article addresses a key question in debates around judicial diversity: what evidence is there that a more diverse judiciary will make a difference to substantive decision-making? The article begins by outlining the range of arguments for a more diverse judiciary which include, but are not confined to, making a difference to substantive decision-making. It then turns to consider the considerable evidence which now exists both to refute and to support the existence of substantive differences in decision-making following the appointment to the judiciary of women and others from non-traditional backgrounds. On the basis of this evidence, it draws conclusions as to the kinds of differences in decision-making which might be expected, and the circumstances under which different approaches to decision-making are likely to flourish.
本文解决了围绕司法多样性的辩论中的一个关键问题:有什么证据表明,更加多样化的司法将对实质性决策产生影响?本文首先概述了支持更多元化司法的一系列论点,其中包括但不限于对实质性决策产生影响。然后,它转而审议现有的大量证据,驳斥和支持在任命妇女和其他来自非传统背景的人担任司法人员之后在决策方面存在实质性差异的说法。在这一证据的基础上,它就可能出现的决策差异的种类,以及在何种情况下不同的决策方法可能会蓬勃发展得出结论。
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引用次数: 47
Beyond the European Convention: Human Rights and the Common Law 超越欧洲公约:人权与普通法
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2015-04-23 DOI: 10.1093/CLP/CUV009
M. Elliott
This is the author accepted manuscript and is under embargo until the 7th of August 2017. The final version is available from OUP via http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clp/cuv009
这是作者接受的手稿,在2017年8月7日之前禁止发表。最终版本可通过http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clp/cuv009从OUP获得
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引用次数: 12
Mapping a Developing Governance Space: Managing Drought in the UK 绘制发展中的治理空间:管理英国的干旱
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2015-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/CLP/CUV014
Bettina Lange, Christina Cook
Climate change is associated with severe weather events also in the UK, such as alternating periods of flooding and drought. This article discusses how this increasingly important environmental challenge can be regulated. Current key regulatory tools for preventing and managing drought are drought planning, drought orders and permits, as well as the revocation and modification of abstraction licences. The article develops the metaphor of a governance space in order to understand how environmental science and economics knowledge practices inform the mobilization of these key regulatory tools. This builds on literature about the regulatory space metaphor, and further advances it by conceiving of law and information, two key resources for institutional actors in a governance space, as mediated by discourses. The article develops this argument by, first, reviewing in the introductory sections key provisions of European Union (EU) and English law in relation to regulatory tools for preventing water shortages and managing drought. It further develops this analysis in the subsequent section by examining what environmental science and economics knowledges are generated when particular regulatory tools for preventing or managing drought are applied. In the following main section the article then critically reviews literature about the regulatory space metaphor. It identifies a positivist understanding of information and law as a limitation of some of this literature. By building on contributions to this literature that adopt a discourse perspective, it suggests that law and information should be understood as discursively mediated. Building and maintaining reputations for effective drought management is one example of a discourse that mediates linked legal and information resources for drought management.
在英国,气候变化也与恶劣天气事件有关,比如洪水和干旱的交替期。本文将讨论如何管理这一日益重要的环境挑战。目前预防和管理干旱的主要管制工具是干旱规划、干旱命令和许可证以及撤销和修改抽水许可证。本文发展了治理空间的隐喻,以便了解环境科学和经济学知识实践如何为这些关键监管工具的动员提供信息。这建立在关于监管空间隐喻的文献基础上,并通过构想法律和信息进一步推进了这一概念,法律和信息是治理空间中机构参与者的两个关键资源,由话语调解。本文首先在引言部分回顾了欧盟(EU)和英国法律中与防止水资源短缺和管理干旱的监管工具相关的关键条款,从而发展了这一论点。在随后的章节中,通过研究在应用预防或管理干旱的特定监管工具时产生的环境科学和经济学知识,进一步发展了这一分析。在下面的主要部分,文章然后批判性地回顾了有关监管空间隐喻的文献。它确定了对信息和法律的实证主义理解,这是一些文献的局限性。通过建立对采用话语视角的文献的贡献,它表明法律和信息应该被理解为话语媒介。建立和维护有效干旱管理的声誉,是为干旱管理协调相关法律和信息资源的一个例子。
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引用次数: 18
Habeas Corpus, Imperial Rendition, and the Rule of Law 人身保护令,帝国引渡和法治
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2015-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/CLP/CUV005
M. Lobban
In the decades which followed the publication of AV Dicey’s Law of the Constitution, most English lawyers felt confident that the rights and liberties of Englishmen were protected by a rule of law, which was secured through ancient common law remedies such as the writ of habeas corpus. In their view, this ensured that no political activists would be detained without trial, unless there were particular emergencies which allowed the writ’s suspension, in order to protect the very rule of law. At the same time that these arguments were being made, however, detention without trial became an increasingly routine feature of colonial governance. This article examines the attempts used by political detainees from different parts of the empire to challenge their rendition and detention, and explores what the judicial response tells us about perceptions of the rule of law in the era when Dicey’s work was establishing itself as the classic text of constitutional law. Focusing on a number of key cases, it examines how courts examined two central issues in habeas corpus cases. The first concerns the legality of the detention. In discussing this issue, courts were presented with rival approaches to the rule of law, one which was more ‘formalist’ (asking whether the legislative instrument ordering the detention had a valid pedigree derived from the sovereign legislature), and another which was more ‘substantive’ (invoking a notion of fundamental rights). The second concerns the question of control, and explores the response of the courts to challenges to the writ by defendants who argued that they no longer had control over the detainee.
在戴西的《宪法法》发表后的几十年里,大多数英国律师都相信,英国人的权利和自由受到法治的保护,这是通过古老的普通法补救措施(如人身保护令)得到保障的。他们认为,这确保没有任何政治活动分子不经审判就被拘留,除非有特别紧急情况允许暂停执行令状,以便保护法治本身。然而,在提出这些论点的同时,未经审判的拘留日益成为殖民统治的常规特征。本文考察了帝国不同地区的政治犯对他们的引渡和拘留提出挑战的尝试,并探讨了司法反应告诉我们在戴西的作品成为宪法经典文本的时代对法治的看法。它侧重于一些关键案件,审查法院如何审查人身保护令案件中的两个核心问题。第一个问题涉及拘留的合法性。在讨论这个问题时,向法院提出了两种对立的法治方法,一种更“形式主义”(询问下令拘留的立法文书是否具有源自主权立法机构的有效谱系),另一种更“实质性”(援引基本权利的概念)。第二部分涉及控制问题,并探讨了法院对被告对令状提出的质疑的反应,被告辩称他们不再控制被拘留者。
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引用次数: 2
Contract Formation and the Fog of Rectification 合同的形成和整改之雾
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2015-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/CLP/CUV007
T. Etherton
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引用次数: 1
Excusing Information-Provision Crimes in the Bureaucratic State 官僚国家中提供信息犯罪的借口
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2015-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/CLP/CUV008
Jeremy Horder
Few people are against moves towards participatory democracy as an end in itself: the promotion of (to cite a recent European Report) the, ‘extent to which [European] citizens believe that political decisionmaking can be influenced through their own actions’. We already live, though, in a different and less agreeable form of participatory state; and English criminal law plays an important role in creating and sustaining it. We live in a state that can be called the ‘bureaucraticparticipatory’ state.
很少有人反对参与式民主运动本身的目的:促进(引用最近的一份欧洲报告),“[欧洲]公民相信政治决策可以通过他们自己的行动受到影响的程度”。然而,我们已经生活在一个不同的、不那么令人愉快的参与式国家中;英国刑法在创造和维持这一制度方面发挥了重要作用。我们生活在一个可以被称为“官僚参与”的国家。
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引用次数: 3
Rethinking the Approach to Economic Justifications under the EU's Free Movement Rules 重新思考欧盟自由流动规则下的经济辩护方法
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2015-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/CLP/CUV011
S. Arrowsmith
The ECJ has frequently stated that it is a general rule that “economic” aims are precluded as justifications for restrictions on free movement. This on its face suggests that free movement always and automatically trumps national economic interests. However, in reality the Court’s approach to balancing these different interests is much more complex: often, and increasingly, interests of an economic nature are in fact recognised in the Court’s case law. This paper suggests that this rule precluding economic aims as justifications therefore requires reformulating. It is argued that this is necessary not merely to reflect the reality of the case law, but also to improve the transparency and quality of judicial decision-making. The paper then also examines how the current prohibition might be reformulated in light of both the policy considerations underlying the current formulation (embodying a degree of caution in accepting economic interests) and the problems with that formulation. It is suggested that it is appropriate to maintain a kind of rule against economic objectives, but a more nuanced one concerned solely with measures that have a protectionist aim – the original target of the “general” rule prohibiting economic justifications. On the other hand, with measures that do not have protectionist aims, recognition of economic objectives should be determined on a case-by-case basis that is attuned to the wide variety of economic interests that exist. An important group of measures within the latter category comprises those directed at protection of Member States’ budgetary interests. These warrant special attention and the paper also examines how these interests can be suitably addressed within the context of the framework proposed above. According to the Court’s current approach, in theory budgetary justifications are prohibited as a consequence of the rule against economic justifications in general. However, it is explained that, like certain other economic justifications, they are in reality often permitted, being allowed in certain defined and specific circumstances. Further, where they are permitted, the Court limits application of the proportionality test in that it does not examine whether alternative means might be used to recoup the lost revenue. In this way the Court balances national economic interests and free movement but avoids various constitutional and practical difficulties of applying a proportionality test to do so. It is proposed that the Court should continue with this approach. However, it needs to acknowledge that it does accept justifications that are budgetary in nature, and that these constitute exceptions to any general rule against budgetary justifications. It might also be appropriate, further, to accept budgetary justifications as a general rule in addition to existing, specific, budgetary justifications whenever there is a significant impact on a specific programme budget. However, it is acknowledged that this a
欧洲法院经常指出,一般规则是,“经济”目的不能作为限制自由流动的理由。从表面上看,这表明自由流动总是自动凌驾于国家经济利益之上。然而,在现实中,法院平衡这些不同利益的方法要复杂得多:经济性质的利益往往而且越来越多地在法院的判例法中得到承认。本文认为,这一排除经济目标作为理由的规则因此需要重新制定。这不仅是为了反映判例法的现实,也是为了提高司法决策的透明度和质量。然后,本文还研究了如何根据当前规定所隐含的政策考虑(体现了在接受经济利益方面的一定程度的谨慎)以及该规定所存在的问题,重新制定当前的禁令。有人建议,适当的做法是维持一种反对经济目标的规则,但应是一种更加细致入微的规则,只涉及具有保护主义目的的措施- -禁止经济理由的“一般”规则的最初目标。另一方面,对于不具有保护主义目的的措施,对经济目标的承认应在个案的基础上确定,以适应存在的各种各样的经济利益。后一类中的一组重要措施包括旨在保护会员国预算利益的措施。这些值得特别注意,本文还研究了如何在上述框架内适当地处理这些利益。根据法院目前的做法,由于一般禁止经济理由的规则,理论上禁止预算理由。然而,有人解释说,像某些其他经济理由一样,它们实际上往往是允许的,在某些明确和具体的情况下是允许的。此外,在允许的情况下,法院限制了相称性检验标准的适用,因为它不审查是否可以使用其他手段来弥补收入损失。通过这种方式,法院平衡了国家经济利益和自由流动,但避免了适用相称性检验的各种宪法和实际困难。有人建议,法院应继续采取这种做法。但是,它需要承认,它确实接受预算性质的理由,并且这些理由构成反对预算理由的任何一般规则的例外。此外,在对某一具体方案预算产生重大影响的情况下,除了现有的具体预算理由之外,还应接受预算理由作为一般规则。然而,人们承认这种做法与判例法不一致。
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引用次数: 6
Constitutionalizing Labour Rights in Canada and Europe: Freedom of Association, Collective Bargaining, and Strikes 加拿大和欧洲劳工权利的宪法化:结社自由、集体谈判和罢工
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2015-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/CLP/CUV003
J. Fudge
Why are unions in Canada and the European Union going to court to claim that the rights to bargain collectively and to strike are fundamental human rights and thus constitutionally protected? My approach to this question is socio-legal; I am interested in what this form of claims making reveals about how political power is legitimated in the contemporary global world. I argue that the goal of constitutionalizing labour rights is a specific example of the broader and much more pervasive global constitutionalization that involves a shift in law’s legitimacy from constituent power, the will of the people, and democracy to rights in which courts are the key institutions in a complex transnational constitutionalism. I situate a sociological account of global constitutionalism in relation to the legal literature on multiple constitutions in Canada and Europe. I then turn to examine how international human rights are invoked by trade unions in Canada and the EU to constitutionalize the rights to bargain collectively and to strike, and my specific focus is on how courts deploy these rights in their reasoning and the circulation of international human rights through different adjudicative sites. After recounting how unions’ attempts to constitutionalize labour rights in Canada and at the European level have fared, I discuss the controversy over the right to strike that has engulfed the International Labour Organization’s supervisory bodies. To conclude, I consider whether the use of international human rights by courts to interpret the scope of freedom of association exacerbates or ameliorates the displacement of democracy and constituent power as a basis of political legitimacy in global constitutionalism.
为什么加拿大和欧盟的工会要上法庭,声称集体谈判和罢工的权利是基本人权,因此受到宪法保护?我对这个问题的方法是社会-法律;我感兴趣的是,这种形式的主张揭示了政治权力如何在当代全球世界中合法化。我认为,将劳工权利宪法化的目标是一个更广泛、更普遍的全球宪法化的具体例子,它涉及到法律的合法性从制宪权力、人民意志和民主向权利的转变,在这种转变中,法院是复杂的跨国宪政的关键机构。我将全球宪政的社会学描述与加拿大和欧洲的多种宪法的法律文献联系起来。然后,我转而研究加拿大和欧盟的工会如何援引国际人权来将集体谈判和罢工的权利宪法化,我的具体重点是法院如何在其推理中部署这些权利,以及如何通过不同的审判场所传播国际人权。在叙述了工会在加拿大和欧洲将劳工权利宪法化的努力取得的进展之后,我讨论了席卷国际劳工组织监督机构的关于罢工权的争议。最后,我考虑法院使用国际人权来解释结社自由的范围是否加剧或改善了民主和制宪权力作为全球宪政政治合法性基础的位移。
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引用次数: 13
‘Heads I Win. Tails you Lose.’ Migration and the Worker Citizen “正面我赢。”反面你输了。移民和工人公民
IF 1.2 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW Pub Date : 2015-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/CLP/CUV012
B. Anderson
Everyone is talking about immigration. The impacts of migration on the social, the economic and the political are perceived as multifarious and profoundly disruptive. The proportion of people that move internationally, approximately 3 per cent of the world’s population has long been stable but the meaning, significance and constitution of mobility have changed. The story is one of unparalleled movement and huge demographic change. This is analysed as presenting a direct threat to sovereignty and generating costs and benefits that must be traded off, posing a ‘tragedy of commons’, particularly in Europe, for national welfare states.
每个人都在谈论移民问题。移民对社会、经济和政治的影响被认为是多方面的,具有深刻的破坏性。国际流动人口的比例,约占世界人口的3%,长期以来一直保持稳定,但流动的意义、重要性和构成已发生变化。这是一个空前的运动和巨大的人口变化的故事。这被分析为对主权构成直接威胁,并产生必须权衡的成本和收益,对国家福利国家构成“公地悲剧”,尤其是在欧洲。
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引用次数: 17
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