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Mercosur and Environment: progress in promoting the Sustainable Development Goals and the 2030 Agenda 南方共同市场与环境:促进可持续发展目标和2030年议程的进展
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202300217
Regiane Nitsch Bressan, Tatiana de Souza Leite Garcia
This article aims to reveal how the UN’s 2030 Agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), especially the environmental ones, are being incorporated into Mercosur. Firstly, the paper presents a brief evolution of the environmental agenda in the history of Mercosur. Then, to subsidise the analysis, using quantitative data, we discussed the gradual incorporation of the SDGs in the different Mercosur bodies. In order to understand the evolution of the environmental SDGs, the research required the collection and analysis of qualitative data within the framework of the Environment Working Subgroup (SGT-6), which revealed the main environmental issues and their interrelationship with the 2030 Agenda. Finally, Brazil’s role and the prospects for the environmental agenda in Mercosur are discussed.
本文旨在揭示联合国2030议程和可持续发展目标(SDGs),特别是环境目标,是如何被纳入南方共同市场的。首先,本文简要介绍了南方共同市场历史上环境议程的演变。然后,为了支持分析,我们使用定量数据,讨论了可持续发展目标在不同南方共同市场机构中的逐步纳入。为了了解环境可持续发展目标的演变,该研究需要在环境工作小组(SGT-6)的框架内收集和分析定性数据,这些数据揭示了主要环境问题及其与2030年议程的相互关系。最后,讨论了巴西的作用和南方共同市场环境议程的前景。
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引用次数: 0
Regionalism Beyond Land Borders: Strengthening regional integration in Latin America and the Caribbean through blue economy policies 超越陆地边界的区域主义:通过蓝色经济政策加强拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的区域一体化
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202300218
Thauan Santos, Charles S. Colgan
This article seeks to highlight the key role of the blue economy in fostering regional integration of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) based on the 2030 Agenda. By proposing a “beyond the boxes” approach, SDG 14 is not the only driver that stands out. Hence, we propose a regionalism beyond the state-centric and land borders, which will require reflecting on and rethinking theories, policies, and practices related to the foundations of regional integration, IR, and the 2030 Agenda itself. The methodology combines UN reports and data from ECLAC, WRI, FAO, UNEP-WCMC, UNESCO-MAB, WWF, UN-DESA, and NOAA.
本文旨在强调蓝色经济在促进拉丁美洲和加勒比(LAC)基于2030年议程的区域一体化方面的关键作用。通过提出“打破框框”的方法,可持续发展目标14并不是唯一引人注目的驱动因素。因此,我们提出一种超越国家中心和陆地边界的区域主义,这需要反思和重新思考与区域一体化、国际关系和2030年议程本身相关的理论、政策和实践。该方法结合了联合国的报告和来自拉加经委会、世界资源研究所、粮农组织、联合国环境规划署-世界生态环境监测中心、联合国教科文组织-人类与环境规划署、世界自然基金会、联合国经社部和NOAA的数据。
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引用次数: 0
The Securitisation of Environmental Sustainability and its Critical Geopolitics 环境可持续性的证券化及其关键地缘政治
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202300109
Ambrish Dhaka
This paper explores the securitisation geopolitics around environmental sustainability, advocating for regional securitisation as a means to address environmental challenges that otherwise complicate traditional security challenges, which are foundational to a regional security complex approach. The global landscape lacks a unified approach to environmental practices, prompting the examination of regional contexts to influence state behaviour and apply a regional security complex model to symbolise this transformation as “Regional Environmental Sustainability Complexes” (RESC). The paper demonstrates that the South Asian Regional Security Complex (SARSC) concept by Buzan has evolved into the broader South Asian Regional Environmental Sustainability Complex (SARESC).
本文探讨了围绕环境可持续性的证券化地缘政治,倡导将区域证券化作为解决环境挑战的一种手段,否则将使传统安全挑战复杂化,这是区域安全复杂方法的基础。全球景观缺乏统一的环境实践方法,促使对区域背景进行检查,以影响国家行为,并应用区域安全复杂模型来象征这种转变为“区域环境可持续性综合体”(RESC)。本文论证了布赞提出的南亚区域安全复合体(SARSC)概念已经演变为更广泛的南亚区域环境可持续性复合体(SARESC)。
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引用次数: 0
A feminist foreign policy for Brazil: challenges and possibilities 巴西的女权主义外交政策:挑战与可能性
3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202300108
Vanessa Dolce de Faria, Viviane Rios Balbino
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引用次数: 0
Chinese and Indian COVID-19 Vaccine Diplomacy during the Health Emergency Crisis 突发卫生事件中的中印疫苗外交
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202200114
Laerte Apolinário Júnior, A. Rinaldi, Rodolfo de Camargo Lima
Health diplomacy has played a vital role worldwide during the coronavirus outbreak. One crucial mechanism in this regard has been "vaccine diplomacy,” which describes country efforts to share COVID-19 vaccines. China and India are ahead of other countries in bilateral vaccine donations due to their South-South Cooperation policies. Looking forward, how and why are these two countries employing their vaccine diplomacy strategies? We compare the engagement of both in this field using a Comparative Foreign Policy Analysis framework. Our results suggest that neither is acting only for altruistic reasons, because economic and political interests are the main drivers behind their strategies. © 2022, INSTBRASILEIRORELACOESINT. All rights reserved.
在冠状病毒爆发期间,卫生外交在全球发挥了至关重要的作用。这方面的一个关键机制是“疫苗外交”,它描述了各国分享COVID-19疫苗的努力。由于南南合作政策,中国和印度在双边疫苗捐赠方面领先于其他国家。展望未来,这两个国家如何以及为什么采用疫苗外交战略?我们使用比较外交政策分析框架来比较两国在这一领域的参与情况。我们的研究结果表明,这两种行为都不是出于利他的原因,因为经济和政治利益是他们策略背后的主要驱动力。©2022,instbrasileirorelacoesint。版权所有。
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引用次数: 1
Corporate influence and the global pandemic – reflections from the mining sector 企业影响力与全球流行病——来自采矿业的思考
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202200101
B. Campbell
Power asymmetries offer a lens for understanding the reshaping of corporate strategies in the mining sector during the pandemic. Using a heterodox international political economy perspective, the first section of the article argues that regulatory frameworks are both the expression of structural power relations and a key instrument contributing to their reproduction. The second illustrates this by focusing on companies’ attempts to renegotiate fiscal concessions and keep mines open during the pandemic. The third examines how corporate actors have become directly involved in the delivery of health services and longer-term implications of such involvement. The conclusion identifies further research areas.
权力不对称为理解疫情期间矿业部门企业战略的重塑提供了一个视角。本文第一部分采用非正统的国际政治经济学视角,认为监管框架既是结构性权力关系的表达,也是促成其再生产的关键工具。第二篇文章通过关注企业在疫情期间重新谈判财政让步和保持矿山开放的努力来说明这一点。第三部分审查企业行为者如何直接参与保健服务的提供以及这种参与的长期影响。结论确定了进一步的研究领域。
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引用次数: 0
South America at the core of Brazilian foreign policy during Bolsonaro’s administration (2019-2022) 博索纳罗执政期间,南美是巴西外交政策的核心(2019-2022)
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202200224
M. Saraiva
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引用次数: 0
Global Health and Economic Law: Private sector regulation on the global agenda 全球卫生和经济法:全球议程上的私营部门监管
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202200108
Maria Eugenia Ferraz do Amaral Bodra, F. Aith
Covid-19 and discussions in Brazil about the distribution of ICU beds stressed the enormous difficulty of guaranteeing health as a right in a public-private system, something that was already known. Enforcing health as a right depends, more than ever, on prioritizing both universality and equity. This article argues that this requires a new framework in both the legal field and the global health field, that of Global Health and Economic Law, which in this article is examined with a focus on the health care industry. © 2022, INSTBRASILEIRORELACOESINT. All rights reserved.
2019冠状病毒病和巴西关于ICU床位分布的讨论强调了在公私体系中保障健康作为一项权利的巨大困难,这是众所周知的。将健康作为一项权利加以落实,比以往任何时候都更取决于优先考虑普遍性和公平性。本文认为,这需要在法律领域和全球卫生领域建立一个新的框架,即全球卫生和经济法框架,本文将重点研究卫生保健行业。©2022,instbrasileirorelacoesint。版权所有。
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引用次数: 0
Financialization and the politics of credit rating agencies in Brazilian presidential transitions 巴西总统换届过程中的金融化与信用评级机构的政治
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202200109
Pedro Lange Netto Machado
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引用次数: 0
The space left for regional integration (or lack thereof): Structural causes of institutional fragmentation in Latin America (1991-2019) 区域一体化的空间(或缺乏):拉丁美洲制度分裂的结构性原因(1991-2019)
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1590/0034-7329202200111
J. C. Rodriguez, V. Haag
Regional integration in Latin America and the Caribbean has seen better days. We claim recent retreat trends are related to China and Brazil acting respectively as extra-regional and regional catalysts of institutional fragmentation. Our main hypotheses propose the following conditions are necessary for increasing fragmentation in the region: advances of an extra-regional emerging power, and the absence of a regional paymaster that promotes integration. By comparing regional organizations using longitudinal data, we find that growing ties to China and shrinking ties to Brazil can be associated with evidence of institutional fragmentation in Latin America. We claim that the two factors increase competition between regional organizations through a mechanism of changing set of costs and benefits of engagement and participation promoted by China’s interest and Brazil’s disinterest on each project
拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的区域一体化经历了更好的时期。我们认为,最近的撤退趋势与中国和巴西分别作为区域外和区域制度碎片化的催化剂有关。我们的主要假设提出,区域分裂加剧的必要条件如下:区域外新兴大国的进步,以及缺乏促进一体化的区域支付者。通过使用纵向数据对区域组织进行比较,我们发现,与中国的联系日益密切,与巴西的联系日益减少,这与拉丁美洲的制度碎片化有关。我们声称,这两个因素通过一种改变参与和参与的成本和收益的机制,增加了区域组织之间的竞争,这种机制是由中国对每个项目的兴趣和巴西对每个项目的不感兴趣所推动的
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引用次数: 2
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Revista Brasileira De Politica Internacional
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