The current political conjuncture in the UK invites a revisiting of Stuart Hall's influential analysis of Thatcherism and, in particular, his characterisation of authoritarian populism. With the Conservatives' recent and ongoing shift towards right-wing populism under Boris Johnson and Dominic Cummings, we have a useful comparator with the turn to Thatcherism; and this shift also provides the opportunity to engage in a longer-range analysis of the relationship between conservatism, authoritarian/right-wing populism and neoliberalism. Hall's association of Thatcherism with authoritarian populism occurred during a fallow period in analyses of populism - in stark contrast to the contemporary populist 'moment', 'eruption' or 'explosion'. Thatcher's populist credentials are interrogated: some elements of current definitions of populism, including the people versus elite antagonism, were sidelined in her political language; and an emphasis on individualism infused her wider discourse. Nevertheless, the concept of authoritarian populism, and Hall's wider analysis, still offers an interesting perspective for a contemporary period of challenge to dominant discourse - even though the contestation is within the right.
{"title":"The new moving right show","authors":"A. Knott","doi":"10.3898/soun.75.07.2020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.75.07.2020","url":null,"abstract":"The current political conjuncture in the UK invites a revisiting of Stuart Hall's influential analysis of Thatcherism and, in particular, his characterisation of authoritarian populism. With the Conservatives' recent and ongoing shift towards right-wing populism under Boris Johnson\u0000 and Dominic Cummings, we have a useful comparator with the turn to Thatcherism; and this shift also provides the opportunity to engage in a longer-range analysis of the relationship between conservatism, authoritarian/right-wing populism and neoliberalism. Hall's association of Thatcherism\u0000 with authoritarian populism occurred during a fallow period in analyses of populism - in stark contrast to the contemporary populist 'moment', 'eruption' or 'explosion'. Thatcher's populist credentials are interrogated: some elements of current definitions of populism, including the people\u0000 versus elite antagonism, were sidelined in her political language; and an emphasis on individualism infused her wider discourse. Nevertheless, the concept of authoritarian populism, and Hall's wider analysis, still offers an interesting perspective for a contemporary period of challenge to\u0000 dominant discourse - even though the contestation is within the right.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91380933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Worldmaking After Empire, Adom Getachew challenges standard histories of decolonisation, which chart the story of a simple shift from empire to independent nationhood. She shows that supporters of decolonisation have always sought to create something much more than nationalisms: they have engaged in a dynamic and rival system of revolutionary worldmaking, seeking an alternative international system that could replace the old inequitable dispensation. She charts this decolonial project from its roots in the works of Black Atlantic thinkers like W.E.B. Du Bois and C.L.R. James in the 1920s and 1930s. The key events she tracks are the challenges the project faced in the United Nations in the 1940s and 1950s; attempts at regional federation in late 1950s and 1960s; and the emergence of the New International Economic Order in the 1960s and 1970s. This a twentieth century tradition now ripe to be reclaimed and revived.
在《帝国之后的世界》一书中，Adom Getachew挑战了标准的非殖民化历史，即从帝国到独立国家的简单转变。她表明，非殖民化的支持者一直在寻求创造比民族主义更多的东西:他们参与了一个充满活力和竞争性的革命世界构建体系，寻求一种可以取代旧的不公平分配的替代国际体系。她从大西洋黑人思想家W.E.B.杜波依斯(W.E.B. Du Bois)和C.L.R.詹姆斯(C.L.R. James)在20世纪20年代和30年代的作品的根源出发，描绘了这个非殖民主义项目。她追踪的主要事件是该项目在20世纪40年代和50年代在联合国面临的挑战;20世纪50年代末和60年代区域联合会的尝试;以及20世纪六七十年代国际经济新秩序的出现。这是一个二十世纪的传统，现在已经成熟，可以重新获得和复兴。
{"title":"World makers of the Black Atlantic","authors":"Adom Getachew Talks to Ashish Ghadiali","doi":"10.3898/soun.75.11.2020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.75.11.2020","url":null,"abstract":"In Worldmaking After Empire, Adom Getachew challenges standard histories of decolonisation, which chart the story of a simple shift from empire to independent nationhood. She shows that supporters of decolonisation have always sought to create something much more than nationalisms:\u0000 they have engaged in a dynamic and rival system of revolutionary worldmaking, seeking an alternative international system that could replace the old inequitable dispensation. She charts this decolonial project from its roots in the works of Black Atlantic thinkers like W.E.B. Du Bois and C.L.R.\u0000 James in the 1920s and 1930s. The key events she tracks are the challenges the project faced in the United Nations in the 1940s and 1950s; attempts at regional federation in late 1950s and 1960s; and the emergence of the New International Economic Order in the 1960s and 1970s. This a twentieth\u0000 century tradition now ripe to be reclaimed and revived.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77848700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article asks what kind of state intervention is needed for a post-Covid recovery. The government bailout will seek to sustain a modified form of neoliberalism, but what is needed is a bailout for society from the wreckage of the neoliberal paradigm. The outlines of a strategy for the UK economy are presented: at its heart is a radical industrial policy that prioritises social infrastructure, a green transition and providing quality employment opportunities, while paying particular attention to the functioning of the foundational economy. An active labour market policy (ALMP) is also needed, which turns away from a focus on conditionality for those on benefits, and instead focuses support on industries less affected by the pandemic and its implications for demand, including through securing a workforce that is ready to populate them. Conditionality should, on the other hand, be imposed on firms receiving government support. Bailout 2.0 must also involve intervention designed to create new public assets, managed via new forms of democratic ownership.
{"title":"A beta bailout: the near future of state intervention","authors":"C. Berry","doi":"10.3898/soun.75.02.2020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.75.02.2020","url":null,"abstract":"This article asks what kind of state intervention is needed for a post-Covid recovery. The government bailout will seek to sustain a modified form of neoliberalism, but what is needed is a bailout for society from the wreckage of the neoliberal paradigm. The outlines of a strategy for\u0000 the UK economy are presented: at its heart is a radical industrial policy that prioritises social infrastructure, a green transition and providing quality employment opportunities, while paying particular attention to the functioning of the foundational economy. An active labour market policy\u0000 (ALMP) is also needed, which turns away from a focus on conditionality for those on benefits, and instead focuses support on industries less affected by the pandemic and its implications for demand, including through securing a workforce that is ready to populate them. Conditionality should,\u0000 on the other hand, be imposed on firms receiving government support. Bailout 2.0 must also involve intervention designed to create new public assets, managed via new forms of democratic ownership.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83716921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The 2020 Irish general election result was widely characterised as both a 'shock' and as a victory for the left. These claims are only partially true. The recent turn to the left was not a sudden development, but rather an expression of how the Irish political landscape has changed since the global financial crash. And while the electorate certainly appear more open to left-wing politics, the principal beneficiaries in terms of the popular vote (Sinn Féin) and access to power (the Greens) were parties with only questionable left-wing credentials. Before a new government could even be formed, the advent of the global health pandemic transformed the political terrain once more, with the two traditionally dominant centre-right parties (Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil) agreeing to share power for the first time. While the restoration of the political status quo has exposed the weakness of the republican left, we suggest that the neoliberal policies that lie ahead may in time revive the fortunes of the socialist left.
{"title":"Good times for a change? Ireland since the general election","authors":"C. Coulter, John Reynolds","doi":"10.3898/soun.75.04.2020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.75.04.2020","url":null,"abstract":"The 2020 Irish general election result was widely characterised as both a 'shock' and as a victory for the left. These claims are only partially true. The recent turn to the left was not a sudden development, but rather an expression of how the Irish political landscape has changed\u0000 since the global financial crash. And while the electorate certainly appear more open to left-wing politics, the principal beneficiaries in terms of the popular vote (Sinn Féin) and access to power (the Greens) were parties with only questionable left-wing credentials. Before a new\u0000 government could even be formed, the advent of the global health pandemic transformed the political terrain once more, with the two traditionally dominant centre-right parties (Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil) agreeing to share power for the first time. While the restoration of the political\u0000 status quo has exposed the weakness of the republican left, we suggest that the neoliberal policies that lie ahead may in time revive the fortunes of the socialist left.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88672653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A US trade deal is a crucial part of Johnson's post-Brexit drive towards deregulation. The deal is seen as a golden opportunity to import an American-style lax approach to regulation. For the US negotiators, any imposition of regulations and standards on imported goods is seen as creating unfair barriers for trade. This is the cause of headlines about chlorinated chickens, but will also affect public services - which are regarded as unfair competition. Price regulation - as, for example, for drugs used by the NHS - is also seen as interference. A deal is also likely to include clauses binding the settlement into the 'corporate courts' system, which allows businesses to prosecute governments for 'discriminating' against them. In the EU Britain was protected against such demands from bigger states, and its MEPS could vote on treaty terms. However UK MPs do not have oversight over such deals. A wide coalition has been formed to oppose the deal, which may be able to reach beyond the 'Brexit divide'.
{"title":"Is shifting to US-style deregulation the inevitable consequence of Brexit?","authors":"N. Dearden","doi":"10.3898/soun.75.05.2020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.75.05.2020","url":null,"abstract":"A US trade deal is a crucial part of Johnson's post-Brexit drive towards deregulation. The deal is seen as a golden opportunity to import an American-style lax approach to regulation. For the US negotiators, any imposition of regulations and standards on imported goods is seen as creating\u0000 unfair barriers for trade. This is the cause of headlines about chlorinated chickens, but will also affect public services - which are regarded as unfair competition. Price regulation - as, for example, for drugs used by the NHS - is also seen as interference. A deal is also likely to include\u0000 clauses binding the settlement into the 'corporate courts' system, which allows businesses to prosecute governments for 'discriminating' against them. In the EU Britain was protected against such demands from bigger states, and its MEPS could vote on treaty terms. However UK MPs do not have\u0000 oversight over such deals. A wide coalition has been formed to oppose the deal, which may be able to reach beyond the 'Brexit divide'.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81458317","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyses key moments in the cultural history of Southbank Centre and focuses on two important legacies, one which is widely celebrated and the other marginalised. It discusses the 1951 Festival of Britain and the ways in which this heritage permeates recent and current working practices at Southbank Centre, and compares this to the mostly silenced legacy of the policies of Ken Livingstone's GLC towards participatory arts and accessible public space. Drawing on a wide range of interviews, it argues that Livingstone's GLC's radical arts policies and high profile funding galvanised participatory arts at Southbank Centre, and the launch of the Open Foyer Policy in 1983 promoted democratic access to the site. This historical example of the potential of municipalism is mostly missing from discourses of cultural workers for Southbank Centre today. The prevailing silence on this period of municipal socialism is part of a wider silencing of alternatives to neoliberal capitalism.
{"title":"A missing municipalist legacy: The GLC and the changing cultural politics of Southbank Centre","authors":"Kathy Williams","doi":"10.3898/soun.74.02.2020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.74.02.2020","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses key moments in the cultural history of Southbank Centre and focuses on two important legacies, one which is widely celebrated and the other marginalised. It discusses the 1951 Festival of Britain and the ways in which this heritage permeates recent and current\u0000 working practices at Southbank Centre, and compares this to the mostly silenced legacy of the policies of Ken Livingstone's GLC towards participatory arts and accessible public space. Drawing on a wide range of interviews, it argues that Livingstone's GLC's radical arts policies and high profile\u0000 funding galvanised participatory arts at Southbank Centre, and the launch of the Open Foyer Policy in 1983 promoted democratic access to the site. This historical example of the potential of municipalism is mostly missing from discourses of cultural workers for Southbank Centre today. The\u0000 prevailing silence on this period of municipal socialism is part of a wider silencing of alternatives to neoliberal capitalism.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73675391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-01DOI: 10.3898/soun.74.rev.2020
Kate Potts
This article explores what it's like to live through the unravelling of a political settlement, and reflects on its complicated relationship to resistance. To do so, it discusses two young people who live thousands of miles apart and looks at some of the threads which bind them together. Kamal lives in Cairo, and was an activist in the Egyptian revolution. He now lives with the despair of a crushed generation. Kyle, from Greater Manchester, has a suffered from a lack of social care support - directly related to austerity - that caused him to become homeless as a teenager. Each life has been irrevocably marked by the impossibility of sustaining the settlement that existed before the financial crisis. Each young man lives under a government that has no intention of addressing their needs. Each continues, despite everything, to believe in politics. The new landscape of political struggle contains both emancipatory and deeply revanchist possibilities. Understanding its contours will help us to find within it the people, communities and the stories that give cause for optimism.
{"title":"'I am haunted by this history but I also haunt it back': two poetry collections","authors":"Kate Potts","doi":"10.3898/soun.74.rev.2020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.74.rev.2020","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores what it's like to live through the unravelling of a political settlement, and reflects on its complicated relationship to resistance. To do so, it discusses two young people who live thousands of miles apart and looks at some of the threads which bind them together.\u0000 Kamal lives in Cairo, and was an activist in the Egyptian revolution. He now lives with the despair of a crushed generation. Kyle, from Greater Manchester, has a suffered from a lack of social care support - directly related to austerity - that caused him to become homeless as a teenager.\u0000 Each life has been irrevocably marked by the impossibility of sustaining the settlement that existed before the financial crisis. Each young man lives under a government that has no intention of addressing their needs. Each continues, despite everything, to believe in politics. The new landscape\u0000 of political struggle contains both emancipatory and deeply revanchist possibilities. Understanding its contours will help us to find within it the people, communities and the stories that give cause for optimism.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81368244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As mayor of Palermo, Leoluca Orlando is famous for having stood up to the Mafia, and he has more recently become of champion of the rights of refugees. He is also part of the pilot project for a global parliament of mayors. Tunç Soyer, who is mayor of İzmir, pursues a similarly welcoming approach to the city's refugees, and the city has also has a climate change department. The two Mediterranean cities have been establishing relationships of solidarity with each other, and here discuss shared concerns, and their belief that cities are often better able to meet current global challenges - such as protecting the rights of refugees and migrants, and combatting the climate emergency - than are nation states. This is part of the 'Other Europes' series.
{"title":"Cities of solidarity: Leoluca Orlando and Tunç Soyer talk to Lorenzo Marsili","authors":"Palermo, Izmir","doi":"10.3898/soun.74.06.2020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.74.06.2020","url":null,"abstract":"As mayor of Palermo, Leoluca Orlando is famous for having stood up to the Mafia, and he has more recently become of champion of the rights of refugees. He is also part of the pilot project for a global parliament of mayors. Tunç Soyer, who is mayor of İzmir, pursues a similarly\u0000 welcoming approach to the city's refugees, and the city has also has a climate change department. The two Mediterranean cities have been establishing relationships of solidarity with each other, and here discuss shared concerns, and their belief that cities are often better able to meet current\u0000 global challenges - such as protecting the rights of refugees and migrants, and combatting the climate emergency - than are nation states. This is part of the 'Other Europes' series.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73678039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
'Take back control' has been a central mobilising theme of recent British politics. The new municipalism will be critical to addressing this demand without indulging in nativism and ethno-nationalism, though to do so it must answer the question of how to fashion progressive belonging in a multi-ethnic, post-colonial nation. After a brief discussion of the British left's responses to this question, this article looks at the ways in which some of the international new municipalist platforms have sought to reshape the nation state's politics of identity and belonging; it then explores these ideas on the ground in terms of current municipal politics in England, looking at a number of different places including Preston and Wigan, and with a longer discussion of a recent project in the London Borough of Barking and Dagenham.
{"title":"'Take back control': English new municipalism and the question of belonging","authors":"A. Gilbert","doi":"10.3898/soun.74.05.2020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.74.05.2020","url":null,"abstract":"'Take back control' has been a central mobilising theme of recent British politics. The new municipalism will be critical to addressing this demand without indulging in nativism and ethno-nationalism, though to do so it must answer the question of how to fashion progressive belonging\u0000 in a multi-ethnic, post-colonial nation. After a brief discussion of the British left's responses to this question, this article looks at the ways in which some of the international new municipalist platforms have sought to reshape the nation state's politics of identity and belonging; it\u0000 then explores these ideas on the ground in terms of current municipal politics in England, looking at a number of different places including Preston and Wigan, and with a longer discussion of a recent project in the London Borough of Barking and Dagenham.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77971325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hilary Wainwright discusses municipalism and its relationship to feminism, past and present. She discusses how the women's liberation movement and in particular its creation of collective childcare produced a form of prefigurative politics which also opened up the possibilities of women being more active. She also discusses her involvement in the Greater London Council in the 1980s and its particular form of municipal politics, which included empowering communities, supporting co-operatives, an alternative industrial strategy and a progressive procurement policy. All these examples of 'power as transformative capacity' rather than 'power-over', are related to contemporary forms of municipalism, from Preston to Barcelona, and point to the necessity of local government as a necessary space of engagement in the wake of the 2020 general election.
希拉里·温赖特(Hilary Wainwright)讨论了过去和现在的市政主义及其与女权主义的关系。她讨论了妇女解放运动，特别是集体育儿的产生如何产生了一种预示政治的形式，这也为妇女更积极的活动开辟了可能性。她还讨论了自己在上世纪80年代参与的大伦敦委员会(Greater London Council)，以及该委员会特殊形式的市政政治，其中包括赋予社区权力、支持合作社、替代工业战略和渐进采购政策。所有这些“作为变革能力的权力”而不是“移交权力”的例子，都与从普雷斯顿到巴塞罗那的当代市政形式有关，并指出地方政府作为2020年大选后参与的必要空间的必要性。
{"title":"Municipalism and feminism then and now","authors":"H. Wainwright","doi":"10.3898/soun.74.01.2020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.74.01.2020","url":null,"abstract":"Hilary Wainwright discusses municipalism and its relationship to feminism, past and present. She discusses how the women's liberation movement and in particular its creation of collective childcare produced a form of prefigurative politics which also opened up the possibilities of women being more active. She also discusses her involvement in the Greater London Council in the 1980s and its particular form of municipal politics, which included empowering communities, supporting co-operatives, an alternative industrial strategy and a progressive procurement policy. All these examples of 'power as transformative capacity' rather than 'power-over', are related to contemporary forms of municipalism, from Preston to Barcelona, and point to the necessity of local government as a necessary space of engagement in the wake of the 2020 general election.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76527074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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