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Adapting to the political moment and diverse terrain of 'Actually Existing Municipalisms' 适应“实际存在的城市”的政治时刻和多样化地形
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.3898/soun.74.03.2020
A. Cumbers, F. Paul
This article engages constructively with the 'new municipalism', while cautioning against imposing another set of top-down elite imperatives on 'left behind places'. It also points out that local does not necessarily mean progressive, citing the example of Tees Valley's Conservative mayor Ben Houchen. As an alternative, it draws upon positive experiences from the recent global remunicipalisation trend, and highlights the importance of working with 'actually existing' municipalisms on the ground, focusing in particular on Germany, where there remains a strong public ethos, and commitment to öffentliche Daseinsvorsorge - 'public (well-)being provision'. It takes Darmstadt as a specific example, and looks at its city economic strategy - Stadtwirtschaftsstrategie. It concludes that productive coalitions and new alliances for a renewed left municipalism can be built through working with continuing, new and diverse forms of municipal values and cultures, both within the UK and internationally.
本文建设性地探讨了“新市政主义”,同时警告不要将另一套自上而下的精英命令强加于“落后地区”。它还指出,当地并不一定意味着进步,并以蒂斯谷的保守党市长本·侯辰为例。作为一种替代方案,它借鉴了最近全球重新公有化趋势的积极经验,并强调了与“实际存在的”市政当局合作的重要性,特别是在德国,那里仍然有强烈的公共精神,并致力于öffentliche Daseinsvorsorge -“公共(福利)提供”。本文以达姆施塔特为具体案例,考察其城市经济战略——stadtwirtschaftsstrategy。它的结论是,通过在英国国内和国际上与持续的、新的、多样化的市政价值观和文化合作,可以建立富有成效的联盟和新的左翼市政主义联盟。
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引用次数: 6
Building the 'Boris' bloc: angry politics in turbulent times 建立“鲍里斯”集团:动荡时期的愤怒政治
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.3898/soun.74.08.2020
J. Clarke
The 2019 Conservative election victory has been attributed to different causes: Brexit, Jeremy Corbyn or Labour's loss of the working class. Instead, this article suggests the need to attend to multiple causes, working across widely differing time scales that came together to make this moment. These include the long trajectory of deindustrialisation and financialisation, the British troubles with post-colonialism, and the historical context of the complexities of class in the UK. These underpinned a series of public moods - anger, loss, frustration and popular fiscal realism - that became fertile ground for Conservative politics. Thinking about these multiple forces and their different temporalities enables us to see the election as part of a wider conjuncture (in temporal and spatial terms). Such a view might also allow us to think about the contingent political bloc assembled around 'Brexit and Boris' and to see its potential lines of fracture and failure.
2019年保守党大选的胜利被归因于不同的原因:英国脱欧、杰里米·科尔宾(Jeremy Corbyn)或工党失去工人阶级。相反,本文建议需要关注多个原因,跨越广泛不同的时间尺度,共同创造这一时刻。这些问题包括去工业化和金融化的长期轨迹、英国在后殖民主义的困境,以及英国复杂的阶级背景。这些因素支撑了一系列公众情绪——愤怒、失落、沮丧和流行的财政现实主义——这些情绪成为保守党政治的沃土。思考这些多重力量及其不同的时代性,使我们能够将选举视为更广泛的危机(在时间和空间方面)的一部分。这样的观点或许还能让我们思考围绕“英国脱欧和鲍里斯”组建的偶然性政治集团,并看到其潜在的断裂和失败路线。
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引用次数: 8
Making power emerge: municipalism and the right to the city 权力的产生:市政主义与城市权
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.3898/soun.74.07.2020
B. Russell
Although the end of 2019 will be remembered by many as a time of failure, the last few years have also been a time of hope. This article draws lessons from the internationalist municipalist movement, and frames these experiences through the concepts of autogestion and the Right to the City. Municipalist political strategies can provide a radical re-articulation of this hope: to argue for a municipalist politics is to argue for place-based strategies that transform our relationship to our territories, with a focus on making new forms of power emerge. It is not an alternative to national and international perspectives, but rather the development of new ways of acting on these perspectives. Establishing the difference between progressive local government policy and a municipalist agenda, the article concludes by offering five propositions for the development of a municipalist coordination in one British city - Manchester.
尽管2019年底将被许多人铭记为失败的一年,但过去几年也是充满希望的一年。本文从国际主义的城市主义运动中汲取教训,并通过自留权和城市权的概念来构建这些经验。市政主义政治策略可以为这种希望提供一种激进的重新表述:主张市政主义政治就是主张基于地方的策略,这种策略可以改变我们与领土的关系,重点是创造新的权力形式。它不是替代国家和国际观点,而是根据这些观点发展新的行动方式。建立进步的地方政府政策与市政主义议程之间的区别,文章最后提出了在英国城市曼彻斯特发展市政主义协调的五项主张。
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引用次数: 4
New municipalism as space for solidarity 新市政主义是团结的空间
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.3898/soun.74.04.2020
Ó. G. Agustín
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引用次数: 11
The New Left and its legacies 新左派及其遗产
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.3898/soun.74.09.2020
M. Rustin
Mike Rustin discusses his lifelong involvement in the New Left, which began when he was still at school. He describes the history of the First New Left, including the role played within it by figures such as Stuart Hall, Edward Thompson and Raymond Williams, and the role of the New Left in student politics in Oxford University, where Michael was a student and a leading member of the Labour club. He looks at the changing relationships between the New Left and the Labour Party in the 1960s and the publication of the May Day Manifesto in 1967. He also discusses the founding of the New Left Review and the transition from the time of its first editor, Stuart Hall, to that of its second, Perry Anderson, as well his two terms as a member of its editorial board, and his continuing disagreements and agreements with its editorial direction. His reflections on contemporary politics include a discussion of the relationship of New Left ideas to current movements and the Labour Party, a critique of vanguardism, and the founding of Soundings. Michael Rustin talks to Sally Davison and Jeremy Gilbert.
Mike Rustin讨论了他毕生参与的新左派运动,这始于他还在上学的时候。他描述了第一新左派的历史,包括斯图亚特·霍尔、爱德华·汤普森和雷蒙德·威廉姆斯等人物在其中所起的作用,以及新左派在牛津大学学生政治中的作用,迈克尔是牛津大学的学生和工党俱乐部的主要成员。他研究了20世纪60年代新左派和工党之间不断变化的关系,以及1967年“五一宣言”的发表。他还讨论了《新左派评论》的创立,从它的第一位编辑斯图尔特·霍尔到第二位编辑佩里·安德森的过渡,以及他作为编辑委员会成员的两届任期,以及他对其编辑方向的持续分歧和同意。他对当代政治的思考包括新左派思想与当前运动和工党的关系的讨论,对前卫主义的批评,以及Soundings的创立。Michael Rustin与Sally Davison和Jeremy Gilbert谈话。
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引用次数: 1
'We got the power!' The political potential of street choirs “我们有力量了!”街头唱诗班的政治潜力
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3898/soun.73.10.2019
Campaign Choirs Writing Collective
Song has the power to express a social truth and is consistently employed in actions across the world in solidarity with political struggle. This article discusses the campaigning work of the Campaign Choirs Network, a UK network of radical political choirs, whose story is founded on diverse solidarities and a commitment to singing as a means of emotional engagement and pedagogy. The network has conducted a participatory action research programme, including oral history interviews with 42 members of 11 street choirs, exploring members' life-course activism and their utopian imaginaries. As one aspect of their research, the authors sought to more fully understand the emotions that song and singing release, and the connections that can then be made between people – in order to find out more about the nature of the power of song and the political possibilities of such connections. Drawing extensively on the interviews, this article discusses the political and pedagogic possibilities of the emotions released through singing.
宋具有表达社会真理的力量,并始终在世界各地的行动中与政治斗争团结一致。本文讨论了英国激进政治合唱团网络“运动合唱团网络”(Campaign Choirs Network)的竞选工作,他们的故事建立在多元化的团结基础上,并致力于将唱歌作为一种情感参与和教学手段。该网络开展了一项参与性行动研究计划,包括对11个街头唱诗班的42名成员进行口述历史采访,探索成员的一生行动主义及其乌托邦想象。作为他们研究的一个方面,作者试图更全面地理解歌曲和唱歌所释放的情感,以及人与人之间可以建立的联系,以便更多地了解歌曲力量的本质以及这种联系的政治可能性。本文通过广泛的访谈,探讨了通过歌唱释放情感的政治和教育可能性。
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引用次数: 2
Queer comrades: towards a postsocialist queer politics 酷儿同志:走向后社会主义酷儿政治
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.3898/soun.73.03.2019
Hongwei Bao
Perhaps one of the most fascinating changes in modern Chinese language in the past century is the use of the term tongzhi (). Literally 'comrade', the term is being used in the Chinese-speaking world today to refer to gender and sexual minorities, including LGBTQ people. This article traces a brief history of how the term has been used in modern Chinese history. In doing so, it identifies key moments of political articulation and unravels the socialist politics and revolutionary potentials embedded in each articulation. In particular, it focuses on how the term has been used in the Chinese-speaking world for queer identification and to mobilise transnational activism. Developing the idea of 'queer comrades' as a part of critical vocabulary, this article conjures up the socialist memories and revolutionary impulses that are embedded in contemporary queer subject formation and social movements; it also gestures to the continuing relevance of socialist histories and politics to contemporary queer politics.
也许在过去的一个世纪里,现代汉语最引人入胜的变化之一就是“同治”一词的使用。这个词的字面意思是“同志”,在今天的汉语世界里,它指的是性别和性少数群体,包括LGBTQ人群。这篇文章追溯了这个词在中国近代史上的使用简史。在此过程中,它确定了政治衔接的关键时刻,并揭示了嵌入在每个衔接中的社会主义政治和革命潜力。它特别关注这个词是如何在华语世界被用于酷儿识别和动员跨国行动主义的。将“酷儿同志”的概念发展为批判性词汇的一部分,这篇文章唤起了嵌入当代酷儿主题形成和社会运动中的社会主义记忆和革命冲动;它也表明了社会主义历史和政治与当代酷儿政治的持续相关性。
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引用次数: 1
A new vision for adult education 成人教育的新愿景
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-08-01 DOI: 10.3898/soun.72.07.2019
Sharon Clancy
Adult education is profoundly political: historically, it has enabled access to education for those who would otherwise have been excluded, and it has played an important role in the development of a democratic politics. The austerity years have led to the erosion of access to education for working-class people, as higher education has become increasingly selective, mono-cultural and elitist, and Further Education has been seriously affected by funding cuts. The author argues, instead, for a revived vision for this sector, and a return to a broader conception of adult education - of the kind that was envisioned by the 1919 government Report on Adult Education, which is currently being revisited by the Adult Education 100 initiative. Civic education, in particular, is under threat today, but it is the kind of education that is most urgently needed.
成人教育具有深刻的政治性:从历史上看,它使那些本来会被排除在外的人有机会接受教育,它在民主政治的发展中发挥了重要作用。由于高等教育变得越来越挑剔、单一文化和精英化,经济紧缩的年份导致工薪阶层接受教育的机会受到侵蚀,而继续教育受到资金削减的严重影响。相反,作者主张复兴这一部门的愿景,并回归到更广泛的成人教育概念——1919年政府成人教育报告所设想的那种,目前成人教育100倡议正在重新审视。公民教育在今天尤其受到威胁,但这是最迫切需要的教育。
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引用次数: 0
'Socialism in one NHS!' “一个NHS的社会主义!”
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-08-01 DOI: 10.3898/soun.72.08.2019
P. Corrigan
British society is in the main securely embedded within capitalism, but the British public still strongly believes that health services should be distributed with 'equal access for all free at the point of need' and actively support the NHS. How far can this principle thrive or survive in a capitalist society? Three main areas are identified in which there could be an improvement in the performance of the NHS. Firstly, there are parts of the NHS experience where the understanding of the importance of use value could be extended through a greater recognition of the role of patients, relatives and carers in providing care. Secondly, the NHS needs to become less hierarchical, and to allow patients' carers and the community access to more knowledge and capacity so that they will be better able to deliver their part of healthcare. Thirdly, a more proactive NHS could have a greater impact on the inequalities of health that exist in our society.
英国社会基本上是牢牢扎根于资本主义的,但英国公众仍然强烈认为,医疗服务应该“在需要的时候为所有人提供平等的免费服务”,并积极支持NHS。在资本主义社会,这一原则能在多大程度上繁荣或生存?确定了三个主要领域,在这些领域可以改善国民保健服务的绩效。首先,在NHS的经验中,对使用价值重要性的理解可以通过对患者、亲属和护理人员在提供护理中的作用的更大认识来扩展。其次,NHS需要减少等级制度,并允许患者的护理人员和社区获得更多的知识和能力,以便他们能够更好地提供他们的医疗保健服务。第三,更加积极主动的国民保健制度可以对我们社会中存在的健康不平等现象产生更大的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Who are 'the many'? 谁是“众人”?
IF 1.2 4区 社会学 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-08-01 DOI: 10.3898/soun.72.editorial.2019
S. Davison, Kirsten Forkert
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引用次数: 0
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