Pub Date : 2022-04-14DOI: 10.1108/jacpr-10-2021-0643
Ángela Karina Ávila Hernández
Purpose The purpose of this paper is return to some findings and approaches typical of behavioral sciences and evolutionary anthropology that will allow us to link the process of self-domestication that can be seen in our evolutionary past, the primate tendency to enter into conflicts through patterns of signal exchange rather than direct aggressions, and the development of the persuasive dimension of language, with the possible evolutionary origin of both cultural violence and structural violence. Design/methodology/approach The approach has been, at all times, multidisciplinary insofar as it has sought to elucidate how the inquiries made from the behavioral sciences can help to understand human violence. Findings What was found is the possibility of understanding conflicts as a mechanism of evolutionary pressure that has been involved not only in social restructuring but also in the evolutionary origin of the human being. Research limitations/implications More empirical evidence should be found in this regard. Originality/value This study is a multidisciplinary approach that seeks to understand both the phenomenon of violence and peace from an evolutionary perspective.
{"title":"The evolutive dimension of conflict resolution: contributions from behavioral sciences and the analysis of animal behavior to inquiries about peace","authors":"Ángela Karina Ávila Hernández","doi":"10.1108/jacpr-10-2021-0643","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-10-2021-0643","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Purpose\u0000The purpose of this paper is return to some findings and approaches typical of behavioral sciences and evolutionary anthropology that will allow us to link the process of self-domestication that can be seen in our evolutionary past, the primate tendency to enter into conflicts through patterns of signal exchange rather than direct aggressions, and the development of the persuasive dimension of language, with the possible evolutionary origin of both cultural violence and structural violence.\u0000\u0000\u0000Design/methodology/approach\u0000The approach has been, at all times, multidisciplinary insofar as it has sought to elucidate how the inquiries made from the behavioral sciences can help to understand human violence.\u0000\u0000\u0000Findings\u0000What was found is the possibility of understanding conflicts as a mechanism of evolutionary pressure that has been involved not only in social restructuring but also in the evolutionary origin of the human being.\u0000\u0000\u0000Research limitations/implications\u0000More empirical evidence should be found in this regard.\u0000\u0000\u0000Originality/value\u0000This study is a multidisciplinary approach that seeks to understand both the phenomenon of violence and peace from an evolutionary perspective.\u0000","PeriodicalId":45499,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Aggression Conflict and Peace Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49108192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-11DOI: 10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0667
S. Kazi
Purpose This paper aims to focus on the conflict in the Indian states of Kashmir and Manipur. It situates both conflicts within a historical frame to underscore their origins in history. Using a comparative, inter-disciplinary lens, the paper foregrounds the political, empirical and gendered similarities in both conflict zones. The human cost of modern India’s project of integrating historically autonomous, ethnically distinct and geographically disparate regions of Kashmir and Manipur is illustrated. By way of conclusion, the paper suggests institutional respect for, and accommodation of, ethnic minority history, identity and aspiration, as an ethical, democratic way forward towards conflict resolution. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses a relatively lesser used comparative, critical inter-disciplinary approach towards examining ethnic conflict. Contrary to ahistorical normative approaches focused on individual ethnic conflict, or the conventional assumption that the ethnic conflicts in India are necessarily mutually exclusive, this paper uses a comparative frame to underscore the shared historical origins and common empirical realities of the conflicts in Kashmir and Manipur. This particular approach reframes conventional epistemic debates on conflict in ways that offer a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the same. Findings This paper underscores the critical importance of a historically informed approach to conflict and conflict resolution in India’s ethnic borderlands. Challenging statist approaches based on coercion and repression, the paper underscores the need for respect and accommodation of ethnic minority history, identity and aspiration as essential conditions towards a just and enduring peace in both regions. Originality/value With exceptions, a comparative approach to conflict studies in India is relatively rare. To this extent, this paper diverges from mainstream approaches. Further, in contrast to studies focused on individual conflicts examined within a single disciplinary analytic frame, this paper uses an inter-disciplinary, intersectional approach to conflict studies. By capturing the converging historical political, social, human and gendered fields of conflict in Kashmir and Manipur, this paper offers a richer, more sophisticated understanding of the character of conflict in India.
{"title":"Conflict in Kashmir and Manipur: history, ethnicity, gender","authors":"S. Kazi","doi":"10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0667","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0667","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Purpose\u0000This paper aims to focus on the conflict in the Indian states of Kashmir and Manipur. It situates both conflicts within a historical frame to underscore their origins in history. Using a comparative, inter-disciplinary lens, the paper foregrounds the political, empirical and gendered similarities in both conflict zones. The human cost of modern India’s project of integrating historically autonomous, ethnically distinct and geographically disparate regions of Kashmir and Manipur is illustrated. By way of conclusion, the paper suggests institutional respect for, and accommodation of, ethnic minority history, identity and aspiration, as an ethical, democratic way forward towards conflict resolution.\u0000\u0000\u0000Design/methodology/approach\u0000The paper uses a relatively lesser used comparative, critical inter-disciplinary approach towards examining ethnic conflict. Contrary to ahistorical normative approaches focused on individual ethnic conflict, or the conventional assumption that the ethnic conflicts in India are necessarily mutually exclusive, this paper uses a comparative frame to underscore the shared historical origins and common empirical realities of the conflicts in Kashmir and Manipur. This particular approach reframes conventional epistemic debates on conflict in ways that offer a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the same.\u0000\u0000\u0000Findings\u0000This paper underscores the critical importance of a historically informed approach to conflict and conflict resolution in India’s ethnic borderlands. Challenging statist approaches based on coercion and repression, the paper underscores the need for respect and accommodation of ethnic minority history, identity and aspiration as essential conditions towards a just and enduring peace in both regions.\u0000\u0000\u0000Originality/value\u0000With exceptions, a comparative approach to conflict studies in India is relatively rare. To this extent, this paper diverges from mainstream approaches. Further, in contrast to studies focused on individual conflicts examined within a single disciplinary analytic frame, this paper uses an inter-disciplinary, intersectional approach to conflict studies. By capturing the converging historical political, social, human and gendered fields of conflict in Kashmir and Manipur, this paper offers a richer, more sophisticated understanding of the character of conflict in India.\u0000","PeriodicalId":45499,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Aggression Conflict and Peace Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46716617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-11DOI: 10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0669
I. Magara
Purpose The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) has been mediating the South Sudan conflict since 2013. IGAD’s intervention in South Sudan is anchored on its founding norm of peaceful settlement of regional conflicts and in reference to the principle of subsidiarity, under the Africa Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). However, it is puzzling how violence continued unabated even as conflict parties negotiated and signed numerous agreements under the auspices of IGAD. The parties to conflict seem unwilling to implement the 2018 peace agreement, which is arguably un-implementable. Yet, it appears that IGAD mediators were privy to this situation all along. The question that then arises is why IGAD would continue engaging in a mediation process that neither ends violence nor offers a promise of a resolution? Drawing out on empirical data, this paper argues that IGAD’s organisational structures and functionality are key to understanding and explaining the South Sudan phenomenon within broader discourses on peace and security regionalism in Africa. This paper suggests the need to pay attention to the embeddedness of political power dynamics in the structures and functionality of Africa’s Regional Economic Communities (RECs), such as IGAD, as one of the ways to (re)thinking and (re)orienting norms and practices of regional conflict management within the APSA and in pursuit of the “African solutions to African problems.” Design/methodology/approach Data for this paper was obtained through document reviews and 39 elite interviews. The interviews were conducted with representatives of IGAD member states, bureaucrats of IGAD and its organs mediation support teams, conflict parties, diplomats and other relevant experts purposively selected based on their role in the mediation. The physical interviews were conducted in Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda, with others conducted virtually. Analysis and presentation of findings are largely perspectival, highlighting coexistence of contending peacemaking ideas and practices. The discussions centre around inter-linked themes of IGAD’s conceptions of peace and approaches to peacemaking as informed by its structural and functional designs. Findings Findings illustrate the complexity of the peace process and the centrality of power politics in IGAD’s peace and security arrangements. In view of the findings, this paper echoes the need for enhanced and predictable collaborative framework between IGAD and the African Union (AU) as central to the operationalisation of the APSA and pursuit of the African solutions to the African problems. Hence, this paper suggests transforming IGAD’s political program into a robust political bureau with predictable interlinkages and structured engagements between IGAD’s heads of state and government and the APSA’s Panel of the Wise (PoW). Originality/value The study is based on empirical data obtained through the researcher's own framed questions, and its argument is base
{"title":"Complexities of international mediation at sub-regional levels in Africa: lessons from South Sudan","authors":"I. Magara","doi":"10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0669","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0669","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Purpose\u0000The Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) has been mediating the South Sudan conflict since 2013. IGAD’s intervention in South Sudan is anchored on its founding norm of peaceful settlement of regional conflicts and in reference to the principle of subsidiarity, under the Africa Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). However, it is puzzling how violence continued unabated even as conflict parties negotiated and signed numerous agreements under the auspices of IGAD. The parties to conflict seem unwilling to implement the 2018 peace agreement, which is arguably un-implementable. Yet, it appears that IGAD mediators were privy to this situation all along. The question that then arises is why IGAD would continue engaging in a mediation process that neither ends violence nor offers a promise of a resolution? Drawing out on empirical data, this paper argues that IGAD’s organisational structures and functionality are key to understanding and explaining the South Sudan phenomenon within broader discourses on peace and security regionalism in Africa. This paper suggests the need to pay attention to the embeddedness of political power dynamics in the structures and functionality of Africa’s Regional Economic Communities (RECs), such as IGAD, as one of the ways to (re)thinking and (re)orienting norms and practices of regional conflict management within the APSA and in pursuit of the “African solutions to African problems.”\u0000\u0000\u0000Design/methodology/approach\u0000Data for this paper was obtained through document reviews and 39 elite interviews. The interviews were conducted with representatives of IGAD member states, bureaucrats of IGAD and its organs mediation support teams, conflict parties, diplomats and other relevant experts purposively selected based on their role in the mediation. The physical interviews were conducted in Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda, with others conducted virtually. Analysis and presentation of findings are largely perspectival, highlighting coexistence of contending peacemaking ideas and practices. The discussions centre around inter-linked themes of IGAD’s conceptions of peace and approaches to peacemaking as informed by its structural and functional designs.\u0000\u0000\u0000Findings\u0000Findings illustrate the complexity of the peace process and the centrality of power politics in IGAD’s peace and security arrangements. In view of the findings, this paper echoes the need for enhanced and predictable collaborative framework between IGAD and the African Union (AU) as central to the operationalisation of the APSA and pursuit of the African solutions to the African problems. Hence, this paper suggests transforming IGAD’s political program into a robust political bureau with predictable interlinkages and structured engagements between IGAD’s heads of state and government and the APSA’s Panel of the Wise (PoW).\u0000\u0000\u0000Originality/value\u0000The study is based on empirical data obtained through the researcher's own framed questions, and its argument is base","PeriodicalId":45499,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Aggression Conflict and Peace Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46185066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-08DOI: 10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0661
Niharika Pandit
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reflect on the potentiality of dissonance, especially as it engaged with feminist theory to raise familiar yet pertinent questions about undertaking research in contexts riven with political and epistemic violence. Drawing on the ethnographic fieldwork in the Kashmir valley, the author tracks the work dissonance does in shaping the research questions we ask, the methodological choices we make and its insistence on embodying a critical politics of location. The author then goes on to trace how dissonance variously emerged in the field and its theoretical implications in explaining the complex processes of military occupation in the Kashmir valley and how it takes hold in everyday life. That is, everyday sense of dissonance as explicated by interviewees brings to light the functions of military occupation but more importantly, it remains imbued with possibilities that contest, challenge and refuse to normalise militarised forms of state-led oppression. Overall, this paper makes the case for remaining with dissonance as a disruptive feminist possibility with epistemic and political potential. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on ethnographically informed fieldwork located in feminist approaches to doing qualitative research. Findings The author argues for engaging with experiences of dissonance during research process as productive affects that can yield politically and epistemically useful forms of analysis that contest dominant forms of thinking and knowing. Originality/value This paper builds on existing feminist thinking on dissonance to contribute to peace research and the urgent need to centre locational politics and power inequalities as we contest dominant knowledge.
{"title":"Notes on feminist dissonance","authors":"Niharika Pandit","doi":"10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0661","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0661","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Purpose\u0000The purpose of this paper is to reflect on the potentiality of dissonance, especially as it engaged with feminist theory to raise familiar yet pertinent questions about undertaking research in contexts riven with political and epistemic violence. Drawing on the ethnographic fieldwork in the Kashmir valley, the author tracks the work dissonance does in shaping the research questions we ask, the methodological choices we make and its insistence on embodying a critical politics of location. The author then goes on to trace how dissonance variously emerged in the field and its theoretical implications in explaining the complex processes of military occupation in the Kashmir valley and how it takes hold in everyday life. That is, everyday sense of dissonance as explicated by interviewees brings to light the functions of military occupation but more importantly, it remains imbued with possibilities that contest, challenge and refuse to normalise militarised forms of state-led oppression. Overall, this paper makes the case for remaining with dissonance as a disruptive feminist possibility with epistemic and political potential.\u0000\u0000\u0000Design/methodology/approach\u0000This paper is based on ethnographically informed fieldwork located in feminist approaches to doing qualitative research.\u0000\u0000\u0000Findings\u0000The author argues for engaging with experiences of dissonance during research process as productive affects that can yield politically and epistemically useful forms of analysis that contest dominant forms of thinking and knowing.\u0000\u0000\u0000Originality/value\u0000This paper builds on existing feminist thinking on dissonance to contribute to peace research and the urgent need to centre locational politics and power inequalities as we contest dominant knowledge.\u0000","PeriodicalId":45499,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Aggression Conflict and Peace Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43647491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-07DOI: 10.1108/jacpr-12-2021-0654
S. Scott, Lisa H. Rosen, Briana E. Paulman
Purpose Race and ethnicity, BMI and other factors can affect ratings of one’s experiences in school, work and other settings. The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of BMI, race and ethnicity and body satisfaction on the experiences of victimization in a work or academic setting. Additionally, experiences of weight/appearance-based perpetration were explored within the context of prior victimization, perpetration, BMI, race and ethnicity and body satisfaction. Design/methodology/approach A diverse sample of 1,161 female undergraduates completed a series of questionnaires online. A series of hierarchical regression analyses were conducted to examine the association between body satisfaction, BMI and race and ethnicity and weight/appearance-based teasing perpetration and victimization. Findings Results indicated that lower body satisfaction was significantly related to an increase in weight/appearance-based victimization. Additional analyses examining the perpetration of weight/appearance-based teasing were conducted. Participants who reported experiencing victimization were also more likely to perpetrate weight/appearance-based teasing, although BMI was not associated with perpetration. Research limitations/implications Implications of these findings and future research directions are discussed. In particular, academic settings provide a landscape for reducing and preventing victimization because of the resources available for students in addition to policies and procedures that can be implemented. Originality/value The findings of this study provide evidence that various identities and beliefs, such as race and ethnicity, BMI and body satisfaction, play a role in victimization and perpetration. This study used a novel, emerging adulthood population.
{"title":"BMI and race and ethnicity as predictors of victimization and perpetration in emerging adulthood","authors":"S. Scott, Lisa H. Rosen, Briana E. Paulman","doi":"10.1108/jacpr-12-2021-0654","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-12-2021-0654","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Purpose\u0000Race and ethnicity, BMI and other factors can affect ratings of one’s experiences in school, work and other settings. The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of BMI, race and ethnicity and body satisfaction on the experiences of victimization in a work or academic setting. Additionally, experiences of weight/appearance-based perpetration were explored within the context of prior victimization, perpetration, BMI, race and ethnicity and body satisfaction.\u0000\u0000\u0000Design/methodology/approach\u0000A diverse sample of 1,161 female undergraduates completed a series of questionnaires online. A series of hierarchical regression analyses were conducted to examine the association between body satisfaction, BMI and race and ethnicity and weight/appearance-based teasing perpetration and victimization.\u0000\u0000\u0000Findings\u0000Results indicated that lower body satisfaction was significantly related to an increase in weight/appearance-based victimization. Additional analyses examining the perpetration of weight/appearance-based teasing were conducted. Participants who reported experiencing victimization were also more likely to perpetrate weight/appearance-based teasing, although BMI was not associated with perpetration.\u0000\u0000\u0000Research limitations/implications\u0000Implications of these findings and future research directions are discussed. In particular, academic settings provide a landscape for reducing and preventing victimization because of the resources available for students in addition to policies and procedures that can be implemented.\u0000\u0000\u0000Originality/value\u0000The findings of this study provide evidence that various identities and beliefs, such as race and ethnicity, BMI and body satisfaction, play a role in victimization and perpetration. This study used a novel, emerging adulthood population.\u0000","PeriodicalId":45499,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Aggression Conflict and Peace Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43172821","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-28DOI: 10.1108/jacpr-07-2021-0615
S. Ferracuti, Benedetta Barchielli, C. Napoli, A. Giannini, G. Parmigiani
Purpose Violence against health-care workers represents a public health issue that affects individuals, organizations and may have legal consequences. In Italy, workplace violence (WPV) constitutes a “sentinel event”, defined as a particularly serious, potentially avoidable adverse event, which may result in death or serious harm to health-care workers, and which leads to a loss of public confidence in the health-care system. In 2007, the Italian Ministry of Health issued Recommendation No. 8, “Preventing acts of violence against health workers”, inviting each Italian Hospital to develop procedures and guidelines for dealing with and preventing acts of aggression. This study aimed at investigating the appropriateness of the procedures and guidelines developed by the Italian hospitals. Design/methodology/approach Procedures on preventing violence against health-care workers published by 29 Italian Hospitals between 2007 and 2020 were collected retrospectively via Web searches and further evaluated according to their compliance with the 2007 Italian ministerial recommendations. Findings A total of 9 documents out of 29 were fully compliant with the 2007 Ministerial Recommendation, 18 were partially compliant, while 2 were totally non-compliant. A total of 24 documents explicitly addressed the management of verbal and physical aggression, whereas 20 set appropriate training on de-escalation techniques for nurses and medical staff. Psychological support was fully considered in 11 procedures, partially considered in 14, while not included at all in 4. Originality/value Public procedures on preventing violence against health-care workers in Italian hospitals are scarcely compliant with the Ministerial Recommendations. The absence of specific instructions to address the needs at territorial level and the lack of support provided to health-care workers is a weak point in the effective management of WPV.
{"title":"Managing and preventing acts of violence against health workers: results of a review evaluating hospital control procedures","authors":"S. Ferracuti, Benedetta Barchielli, C. Napoli, A. Giannini, G. Parmigiani","doi":"10.1108/jacpr-07-2021-0615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-07-2021-0615","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Purpose\u0000Violence against health-care workers represents a public health issue that affects individuals, organizations and may have legal consequences. In Italy, workplace violence (WPV) constitutes a “sentinel event”, defined as a particularly serious, potentially avoidable adverse event, which may result in death or serious harm to health-care workers, and which leads to a loss of public confidence in the health-care system. In 2007, the Italian Ministry of Health issued Recommendation No. 8, “Preventing acts of violence against health workers”, inviting each Italian Hospital to develop procedures and guidelines for dealing with and preventing acts of aggression. This study aimed at investigating the appropriateness of the procedures and guidelines developed by the Italian hospitals.\u0000\u0000\u0000Design/methodology/approach\u0000Procedures on preventing violence against health-care workers published by 29 Italian Hospitals between 2007 and 2020 were collected retrospectively via Web searches and further evaluated according to their compliance with the 2007 Italian ministerial recommendations.\u0000\u0000\u0000Findings\u0000A total of 9 documents out of 29 were fully compliant with the 2007 Ministerial Recommendation, 18 were partially compliant, while 2 were totally non-compliant. A total of 24 documents explicitly addressed the management of verbal and physical aggression, whereas 20 set appropriate training on de-escalation techniques for nurses and medical staff. Psychological support was fully considered in 11 procedures, partially considered in 14, while not included at all in 4.\u0000\u0000\u0000Originality/value\u0000Public procedures on preventing violence against health-care workers in Italian hospitals are scarcely compliant with the Ministerial Recommendations. The absence of specific instructions to address the needs at territorial level and the lack of support provided to health-care workers is a weak point in the effective management of WPV.\u0000","PeriodicalId":45499,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Aggression Conflict and Peace Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42995091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-16DOI: 10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0678
Ú. Oswald-Spring
Purpose This paper aims to analyze a decolonized peace with gender perspective. Liberal democracies had consolidated on conquest, slavery, racism, sexism, colonialism, raw material extraction and female exploitation. Additional burdens came from neoliberal globalization with the massive burning of fossil oil, changing the Earth's history from the Holocene toward the Anthropocene. Multiple nexus between the human and environmental system requires an epistemology from the Global South. The paper explores alternative peace paradigms enabling poor and exploited people to overcome the destructive outcomes of patriarchal violence and extractivism. Regionally and locally, they are experimenting with just, safe, equal and sustainable alternatives of free societies. Design/methodology/approach The nexus approach focuses on system efficiency, internal and external feedbacks and allows decision-making processes with stronger cross-sectoral coordination and multi-level governance. It includes the understanding of the policy agenda and the political actors at different levels, explaining the discrimination of gender from local to global. The analysis establishes complex relations between theory and political actions, due that all actions are inherently mediated by gender. A key focus is a relationship and the outcomes of policies, where communication and collaboration at the local level grant efficient peaceful resource management with gender equity. Findings An engendered-sustainable peace approach is culturally decentralized and may offer alternatives to the ongoing destruction process of neoliberal corporatism and violence. Drastic systemic change requires massive changes from bottom-up and top-down before 2030–2050. Global solidarity among all excluded people, especially women and girls, promotes from childhood an engendered-sustainable peace-building process, where positive feedbacks may reduce the tipping points on Earth and among humankind. Engendered-sustainable peace can mitigate the upcoming conflicts and catastrophes, limiting the negative feedbacks from abusive, selfish and destructive corporations. A greater self-regulating sustainable system with a HUGE-security could promote a decolonized, engendered and sustainable peace for everybody. Research limitations/implications The interconnected risks are cascading across different domains, where systemic challenges have intensified conflicts and violence, due to uncertainty, instability and fragility. Cascading effects not only demand prevention for sudden disruptions (hurricanes, floods) but also for slow-ongoing processes (drought, sea-level rise, lack of water availability, etc.), which are equally or more disruptive. Women suffer differently from disasters and are prone to greater impacts on their life and livelihood. An engendered peace is limited by the deep engrained patriarchal system. Only a culture of peace with gender recognition may grant future peace and also the sustainable care
{"title":"Decolonizing peace with a gender perspective","authors":"Ú. Oswald-Spring","doi":"10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0678","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Purpose\u0000This paper aims to analyze a decolonized peace with gender perspective. Liberal democracies had consolidated on conquest, slavery, racism, sexism, colonialism, raw material extraction and female exploitation. Additional burdens came from neoliberal globalization with the massive burning of fossil oil, changing the Earth's history from the Holocene toward the Anthropocene. Multiple nexus between the human and environmental system requires an epistemology from the Global South. The paper explores alternative peace paradigms enabling poor and exploited people to overcome the destructive outcomes of patriarchal violence and extractivism. Regionally and locally, they are experimenting with just, safe, equal and sustainable alternatives of free societies.\u0000\u0000\u0000Design/methodology/approach\u0000The nexus approach focuses on system efficiency, internal and external feedbacks and allows decision-making processes with stronger cross-sectoral coordination and multi-level governance. It includes the understanding of the policy agenda and the political actors at different levels, explaining the discrimination of gender from local to global. The analysis establishes complex relations between theory and political actions, due that all actions are inherently mediated by gender. A key focus is a relationship and the outcomes of policies, where communication and collaboration at the local level grant efficient peaceful resource management with gender equity.\u0000\u0000\u0000Findings\u0000An engendered-sustainable peace approach is culturally decentralized and may offer alternatives to the ongoing destruction process of neoliberal corporatism and violence. Drastic systemic change requires massive changes from bottom-up and top-down before 2030–2050. Global solidarity among all excluded people, especially women and girls, promotes from childhood an engendered-sustainable peace-building process, where positive feedbacks may reduce the tipping points on Earth and among humankind. Engendered-sustainable peace can mitigate the upcoming conflicts and catastrophes, limiting the negative feedbacks from abusive, selfish and destructive corporations. A greater self-regulating sustainable system with a HUGE-security could promote a decolonized, engendered and sustainable peace for everybody.\u0000\u0000\u0000Research limitations/implications\u0000The interconnected risks are cascading across different domains, where systemic challenges have intensified conflicts and violence, due to uncertainty, instability and fragility. Cascading effects not only demand prevention for sudden disruptions (hurricanes, floods) but also for slow-ongoing processes (drought, sea-level rise, lack of water availability, etc.), which are equally or more disruptive. Women suffer differently from disasters and are prone to greater impacts on their life and livelihood. An engendered peace is limited by the deep engrained patriarchal system. Only a culture of peace with gender recognition may grant future peace and also the sustainable care ","PeriodicalId":45499,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Aggression Conflict and Peace Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48622846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-11DOI: 10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0662
F. Naz
Purpose This exploratory study aims to explore the Pakhtun pregnant women’s experiences/issues during the COVID-19 pandemic. Design/methodology/approach This research is based on interviews. Findings This research found that plummeting medical services pose not only serious health risks to the Pakhtun women in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) but expose them to social and cultural challenges resulting in severe mental health issues. This study also found that the policies adopted by the Government of Pakistan for tackling COVID-19 completely threw off track basic health services that both men and women require in times of health emergencies. Originality/value This paper is 100% original research based on an exploratory study.
{"title":"COVID-19 and the Pakhtun pregnant women","authors":"F. Naz","doi":"10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0662","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0662","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Purpose\u0000This exploratory study aims to explore the Pakhtun pregnant women’s experiences/issues during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u0000\u0000\u0000Design/methodology/approach\u0000This research is based on interviews.\u0000\u0000\u0000Findings\u0000This research found that plummeting medical services pose not only serious health risks to the Pakhtun women in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) but expose them to social and cultural challenges resulting in severe mental health issues. This study also found that the policies adopted by the Government of Pakistan for tackling COVID-19 completely threw off track basic health services that both men and women require in times of health emergencies.\u0000\u0000\u0000Originality/value\u0000This paper is 100% original research based on an exploratory study.\u0000","PeriodicalId":45499,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Aggression Conflict and Peace Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43876399","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-02DOI: 10.1108/jacpr-01-2022-0676
Andrea Rodríguez-Sánchez
Purpose The purpose of this study was to understand the changes in the social fabric of victims of forced displacement in Colombia as a result of these events, as well as the contributions of belonging to a collective musical program in reconstructing the social fabric of the participants. In Latin America, the metaphor of social fabric is used to represent the web of social relations that shape society. A five-year doctoral investigation sought to understand the changes in the social fabric of victims of forced displacement in Colombia resulting from these events, as well as the contributions of belonging to a collective musical program in reconstructing the social fabric of the participants. The study was undertaken using a qualitative approach and simple statistics, with which were analyzed 14 life stories and 70 sound postcards across seven families, who were victims of violence and belonged to the musical program in question. The research identified as key elements of the social fabric: networks, cohesive or divisive tangible resources, precarious or sufficient tangible resources, the experiences. Design/methodology/approach This research had a qualitative, ethnographic and narrative approach. It was developed through life stories with sound postcards and semi-structured interviews. The research participants were 14 people from families in the program studied and 10 teachers from the same program. The fieldwork was carried out over a period of six months in four cities in Colombia, taking four to five weeks in each city. In addition to the above, documents of the organization studied were reviewed. Findings This paper shows the impacts on the social fabric of the participants in terms of the negative impact on their family and social networks, as well as the emergence after forced displacement of divisive intangible resources associated with distrust of self, others and society. Collective musical spaces help to break the sense of anonymity and isolation by creating new networks through which cohesive intangible resources circulate, helping participants to regain confidence in themselves and others through temporary musical identity and peaceful identity. Research limitations/implications The limitations of this research relate to being a case study in Colombia. Although this is a national program and the study has been carried out in four different cities in the country, it is not possible to generalize. However, it is possible that in the future it will be possible to contrast the findings with the processes developed with similar organizations working in music for social construction. Practical implications The results of this research have practical implications insofar as they can help to better understand the elements that make up the social fabric, the impacts of violence for families who have experienced it and the paths to recovery. Particularly for music organizations with social objectives, it can help to better understan
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