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Digitalization and Informality in media industries: beyond the platform-portal divide? 媒体行业的数字化与非正式化:超越平台与门户的鸿沟?
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/09584935.2023.2203899
Smith Mehta, Stuart Cunningham
ABSTRACT This article analyzes the significant events that led to the emergence and growth of the online Indian audio-visual sector. The principal argument that drives this narrative is the co-evolution of Indian formal and informal media economies that led to the media industries’ digital transformation. Drawing on historical analysis of the Indian film and television industries, we argue that just as the informal means of finance, social relations, illegal cable and satellite distribution had a formative influence on how these industries formalized, the Indian online audio-visual sector is driven by distinctive formalization processes, led by creators who are engaging with both local and global UGC-led platforms as well as PGC-led portals. Using a critical media industries framework, with data gathered from semi-structured interviews with ‘above-the-line’ Indian online media practitioners together with trade press literature, we propose an analytical framework that incorporates both platforms and portals as industrial objects for mapping digital production cultures that originate as inherently informal.
摘要本文分析了导致印度在线视听行业出现和发展的重大事件。推动这种叙事的主要论点是印度正规和非正规媒体经济的共同发展,导致了媒体行业的数字化转型。根据对印度电影和电视行业的历史分析,我们认为,正如非正式的金融手段、社会关系、非法有线电视和卫星分销对这些行业的形式化产生了形成性影响一样,印度的网络视听行业是由独特的形式化过程驱动的,由参与本地和全球UGC领导的平台以及PGC领导的门户网站的创作者领导。使用一个关键的媒体行业框架,从对“在线”印度在线媒体从业者的半结构化采访中收集的数据,以及贸易新闻文献,我们提出了一个分析框架,该框架将平台和门户网站作为工业对象,用于绘制源自固有非正式的数字生产文化。
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引用次数: 0
Un/common schooling: educational experiments in twentieth-century India 非公立学校:20世纪印度的教育实验
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/09584935.2023.2207907
S. Amrutha, Luke Gerard Christie
changes associated with the Kali Yuga. It is not just limited to economic and environmental conditions, but the fear of contagion and other gendered stigmas profoundly affect their social standing, which is only worsened by notions of morality reinforced by public health camps. As opposed to the disclosure of diagnosis to patients, withholding the truth from them was considered an act of care by many patients. The loss of body parts such as breasts, uterus and hair as a result of radiation comes not just with immense physical and mental pain but also various exclusions (especially in the economic and sexual realm) with the stigma attached to it. Van Hollen’s ethnographic inquiry exposes the deeply intertwined nature of biomedical interventions and spiritual healing as several of these women simultaneously reached out to Samiyars – intermediaries between Gods and humankind – and the Pentecostal church in addition to the biomedical treatment they received. Emphasizing the structural violence faced by these women, Van Hollen concludes that healthcare initiatives do not account for their concerns for care and causality. Van Hollen’s work is extremely significant in the realm of medical anthropology as it vividly delineates the experience of these specific cancer patients whilst also offering a multidimensional understanding. It is empirically grounded and brings out the nuances of everyday lived experiences. While Van Hollen clearly deconstructs notions of morality embedded in public health campaigns, it would have been useful to dig deeper, in order to acknowledge the colonial residues inherent in the discourse, as evident in anti-abortion arguments and the emphasis on hygiene, sterilization and monogamous sex. In other words, it is crucial to observe the historical continuities through which Victorian morality is still reflected in our healthcare attitudes and conceptions, especially in stateled healthcare. In addition, although Van Hollen captures an extensive field view of cancer and suffering, her subaltern critique does not rise to posit a critique of the biomedical model in itself, as Arthur Kleinman has demonstrated in The Illness Narratives: Suffering, Healing and the Human Condition (Basic Books, 1988). As she rightly points out, the public health discourse neither accommodates people’s beliefs in spiritual modalities of healing nor considers their socio-economic conditions. However, it is also vital to take a step further to argue that the rational, scientific and medico-legal vocabulary of biomedicine is intrinsic to public health discourse. More importantly, the critique of biomedicine as a system needs to be foregrounded, as it establishes itself as a distinct paradigm on a higher pedestal, through which the healing process becomes increasingly depersonalized and unidimensional. Nevertheless, her work offers a remarkable reading experience and hence, is highly recommended for medical anthropologists.
与卡利尤加相关的变化。这不仅限于经济和环境条件,对传染病的恐惧和其他性别污名深刻影响了他们的社会地位,而公共卫生营强化的道德观念只会使他们的社会状况恶化。与向患者披露诊断相反,许多患者认为隐瞒真相是一种照顾行为。辐射造成的乳房、子宫和头发等身体部位的损失不仅带来巨大的身心痛苦,还带来各种排斥(尤其是在经济和性领域),并带来耻辱。Van Hollen的民族志调查揭示了生物医学干预和精神治疗的深刻交织性质,因为这些女性中的一些人除了接受生物医学治疗外,还同时接触了神与人类之间的中间人Samiyars和五旬节教会。Van Hollen强调了这些妇女面临的结构性暴力,他得出结论,医疗保健举措没有考虑到她们对护理和因果关系的担忧。Van Hollen的工作在医学人类学领域具有极其重要的意义,因为它生动地描绘了这些特定癌症患者的经历,同时也提供了多层面的理解。它以经验为基础,展现了日常生活经历的细微差别。虽然范霍伦显然解构了公共卫生运动中的道德观念,但更深入地挖掘,以承认话语中固有的殖民残余,这在反堕胎的论点和对卫生、绝育和一夫一妻制性行为的强调中是显而易见的。换言之,观察维多利亚时代的道德仍然反映在我们的医疗保健态度和观念中的历史连续性,尤其是在国家医疗保健中,这一点至关重要。此外,尽管Van Hollen对癌症和痛苦有着广泛的视野,但她的下层批判并没有像Arthur Kleinman在《疾病叙述:痛苦、治愈和人类状况》(the Disease Narratives:Painting,Healing and the Human Condition)(基础书籍,1988)中所展示的那样,对生物医学模式本身提出批判。正如她正确指出的那样,公共卫生话语既没有考虑到人们对治愈精神模式的信仰,也没有考虑到他们的社会经济条件。然而,同样重要的是,要进一步证明生物医学的理性、科学和医学法律词汇是公共卫生话语的内在内容。更重要的是,对生物医学作为一个系统的批判需要有前瞻性,因为它将自己建立在一个更高的基础上,成为一个独特的范式,通过这个范式,治愈过程变得越来越个人化和单一化。尽管如此,她的作品提供了非凡的阅读体验,因此强烈推荐给医学人类学家。
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引用次数: 0
Policy for cultural and creative industries in India: the issue of regulation through digital policy 印度文化和创意产业政策:通过数字政策进行监管的问题
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/09584935.2023.2203902
Philippe Bouquillion, Christine Ithurbide
ABSTRACT This article examines the evolution of public policy for cultural and creative industries in the context of building India as a digital nation. How has the rise of digital industries in the building of the country permeated policies related to cultural industries, and what have been the consequences of this trend? It will also explore the tensions regarding the evolution of the role of the State in shaping and regulating such industries in the broader context of culture being increasingly associated with national identity. This article starts by showing that in a context where cultural policies remain centered on heritage, the support to culture by the state has remained limited, both in financial terms as well as regarding the implementation of specific regulations which would require protection from traditional market forces. Then, it analyzes several action plans that have been developed as part of the Digital India government initiative and assesses emerging issues for the cultural and creative industries, which are increasingly associated with the functioning of digital devices and operators. Finally, it discussed recent modalities of state intervention through the transfer of the role of cultural operator to digital platforms and the attempts to control expressions.
摘要本文探讨了在印度建设数字国家的背景下,文化创意产业公共政策的演变。数字产业在国家建设中的崛起是如何渗透到与文化产业相关的政策中的,这一趋势的后果是什么?它还将探讨在文化越来越与国家认同联系在一起的更广泛背景下,国家在塑造和监管此类行业方面的作用演变的紧张关系。本文首先表明,在文化政策仍然以遗产为中心的背景下,国家对文化的支持仍然有限,无论是在财政方面,还是在实施需要保护的特定法规方面,都需要免受传统市场力量的影响。然后,它分析了作为数字印度政府倡议的一部分制定的几个行动计划,并评估了文化和创意产业的新问题,这些问题与数字设备和运营商的运作越来越密切。最后,它讨论了最近通过将文化运营商的角色转移到数字平台以及试图控制表达来进行国家干预的方式。
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引用次数: 1
Introduction: Platform Challenges to Creative Industries in India 简介:印度创意产业面临的平台挑战
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/09584935.2023.2203904
Christine Ithurbide, Philippe Bouquillion, V. Parthasarathi, P. Sneha
ABSTRACT Recent developments in digital technologies in South Asia require special attention on the restructuring of industries based on creativity, arts and culture. More specifically, powerful players from the communication industries have been at the heart of changes in the legacy creative industries. The aim of this special section is twofold. On the one hand, to critically assess transformations taking place in the industrial and policy dynamics shaping the creative industries in India; and, on the other hand, to identify the peculiarity of Indian dynamics amidst what is widely perceived as a fairly uniform set of global phenomena. Through examples focusing on audiovisual and music sectors, the contributions explore how these dynamics are deeply anchored within social and political contexts at the local, national and global scales, and how – far from its emancipatory promise – the digital often tends to reinforce uneven economic scenarios and power relations.
摘要南亚数字技术的最新发展需要特别关注基于创意、艺术和文化的产业重组。更具体地说,通信行业的强大参与者一直是传统创意产业变革的核心。本节的目的有两个。一方面,批判性地评估印度创意产业的产业和政策动态变化;另一方面,在被广泛认为是一系列相当统一的全球现象中,确定印度动态的特殊性。通过专注于视听和音乐行业的例子,这些贡献探讨了这些动态是如何在地方、国家和全球范围内深深植根于社会和政治背景中的,以及数字是如何——与其解放的承诺相去甚远——往往会强化不平衡的经济情景和权力关系的。
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引用次数: 0
Media discourse in contemporary India: a study of television news 当代印度的媒体话语:电视新闻研究
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/09584935.2023.2207905
S. Sathianathan
communities and national (and, before that, colonialist and missionary) value systems. The main prisms through which Dasgupta elucidates ‘tribal’ identity as an open concept involving multiple perspectives and dynamic processes of ordering and reordering are the Oraons of Chhotanagpur and their influential participation in the infamous Tana Bhagat movement. Alongside the Santals, Mundas, Bhumij, and Hos, ‘the Oraons’ are one of the dominant ‘tribal’ communities in southern Jharkhand, whose stereotypical presence in the colonial imaginary gave way in the preIndependence period to a culture of Gandhian protest. This became operational via a new aesthetics of devotion (bhakti) and demanded a new politics of representation. It is the overtly ‘Oraon’ (or tribal) politics of presenting rights, demands and aspirations as Adivasi that sustains Dasgupta’s multifaceted enquiry. This signals a broader objective: to deconstruct, and thereby to present a nuanced and critical account of, the constituent cultural voices and social agents that combined in this historic shift, which has assumed post-Independence resonance for many contemporary Oraons. A prolonged assessment of the internal dynamics and changing ecology of the Oraons’ agrarian polities (the ‘tanas’), and associated protest and heritage movements, therefore ensues. The author’s standing as one of the earliest and most committed exponents of Adivasi Studies in India itself a multidisciplinary project that attempts to ensure within the context of Higher Education the kinds of mutual understanding and respect outlined above means that the book will interest historians of India’s indigenous and minority peoples, as well as sociologists and anthropologists involved in reassessing the significance of national, Gandhian, revolutionary, judicial and historiographic projects in regions like Jharkhand. It is very interesting that the Adivasi and overtly Oraon worlds that are under consideration here are animated by important non-Adivasi figures within India’s anthropological, legal and political history, namely Sarat Chandra Roy, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and K.S. Singh. The stories and identities that emerge are simultaneously ‘tribal’ and Indigenous, regional and national.
社区和国家(以及在此之前的殖民主义者和传教士)价值体系。达斯古普塔阐述“部落”身份是一个开放的概念,涉及多个视角和动态的排序和重新排序过程,主要的棱镜是乔塔纳格布尔的Oraons及其对臭名昭著的Tana Bhagat运动的影响。与Santals、Mundas、Bhumij和Hos一样,“Oraons”也是贾坎德邦南部占主导地位的“部落”社区之一,他们在殖民想象中的刻板形象在独立前被甘地抗议文化所取代。这是通过一种新的奉献美学(巴克蒂)开始运作的,并要求一个新的代表政治。正是以阿迪瓦西的身份公开表达权利、要求和愿望的“Oraon”(或部落)政治支撑了达斯古普塔的多方面调查。这标志着一个更广泛的目标:解构,从而对在这一历史性转变中结合在一起的组成文化声音和社会主体进行细致入微的批判性描述,这一转变在独立后引起了许多当代Oran的共鸣。因此,对奥兰人农业政治(“tanas”)的内部动态和不断变化的生态以及相关的抗议和遗产运动进行了长期评估。作者是印度阿迪瓦西研究最早、最坚定的倡导者之一,这是一个多学科项目,旨在确保在高等教育背景下实现上述相互理解和尊重,这意味着这本书将引起印度土著和少数民族历史学家的兴趣,以及参与重新评估贾坎德邦等地区国家、甘地、革命、司法和历史项目重要性的社会学家和人类学家。非常有趣的是,印度人类学、法律和政治史上的重要非阿迪瓦西人物,即Sarat Chandra Roy、Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi和K.s.Singh,为这里正在考虑的阿迪瓦西和公开的Oraon世界注入了活力。出现的故事和身份同时是“部落”和土著、地区和国家。
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引用次数: 0
Dirty politics and political care in local politics: gendered barriers to moral boundary crossing in Dehradun, India 肮脏政治与地方政治中的政治关怀:印度德拉敦道德边界跨越的性别障碍
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/09584935.2023.2206995
Tanya Jakimow
ABSTRACT ‘Politics is dirty’ is a truism, a taken-for-granted reality in much of the world, particularly in India. Its implications are likewise seen as inescapable. Scholarship examining women’s political underrepresentation often cites the ‘dirty’ nature of democratic politics as a key disincentive for women to participate. While not disputing that politics is, in some respects, ‘dirty’, I question the mechanisms through which it is said to hinder women’s political representation. Drawing upon ethnographic research with female party workers and elected municipal councillors in Dehradun, North India, I analyse how ‘dirty politics’ positions women as ‘out of place’ within the political realm. While both men and women engage in acts of political care, men can more easily transgress the boundaries between them, straddling both ‘dirty politics’ and a ‘politics of care’. This production of the ‘political’ as a realm unsuitable for women or mismatched with their activities, is one factor contributing to the underrepresentation of women in politics in South Asia, and beyond.
“政治是肮脏的”是老生常谈,在世界很多地方,尤其是在印度,这是理所当然的现实。它的影响同样被认为是不可避免的。研究女性政治代表性不足的学者经常指出,民主政治的“肮脏”本质是阻碍女性参与政治的关键因素。虽然我不否认政治在某些方面是“肮脏的”,但我质疑政治阻碍女性政治代表的机制。根据对印度北部德拉敦(Dehradun)女性政党工作人员和当选市政议员的人种学研究,我分析了“肮脏政治”如何将女性置于政治领域“格格不入”的位置。虽然男性和女性都参与政治关怀的行为,但男性更容易跨越他们之间的界限,跨越“肮脏的政治”和“关心的政治”。这种将“政治”作为一个不适合女性或与其活动不匹配的领域的生产,是导致南亚及其他地区女性在政治中代表性不足的一个因素。
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引用次数: 0
Books Available for Review 可供评论的书籍
3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/09584935.2023.2207912
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引用次数: 0
Bottom-up imaginaries: examining discursive construction of social media roles and affordances in India 自下而上的想象:审视印度社会媒体角色和支持的话语建构
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/09584935.2023.2206996
K. Bhatia
ABSTRACT In this article, I analyze discourses around the introduction of Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Code – new changes in laws regulating new media companies in India, and how these discourses inform the imaginations about the rights and duties of corporations and citizens in the country. I argue that though these guidelines were brought into effect through legal and juridical channels, they were reified through state-led and user-generated political discourse, constituting bottom-up imaginaries about the governance of social media platforms. To comprehensively analyze the impact of the guidelines regulating social media companies, this article argues for the need to examine the interlinkages between online discourse and policy regulations at three levels of operation: (a) the government’s imagination for the country’s digital future, (b) quotidian online discourse reifying the politics of regulation and (c) the dominant imagination of social media as socio-political actors responsible for upholding democracy, the freedom of speech of users, and dissent. Based on the findings and analysis, I argue that the regulation of social media platforms in India demonstrates reconfiguring relationships between social media companies, emerging forms of nationalism, and the government’s expectations of compliance from social media companies.
在本文中,我分析了围绕《中介准则》和《数字媒体准则》的引入的话语——印度监管新媒体公司的法律的新变化,以及这些话语如何影响人们对印度企业和公民权利和义务的想象。我认为,虽然这些指导方针是通过法律和司法渠道实施的,但它们是通过国家主导和用户生成的政治话语具体化的,构成了对社交媒体平台治理的自下而上的想象。为了全面分析规范社交媒体公司的指导方针的影响,本文认为有必要在三个操作层面检查在线话语与政策法规之间的相互联系:(a)政府对国家数字未来的想象,(b)日常在线话语将监管政治具体化,以及(c)社交媒体作为负责维护民主、用户言论自由和持不同政见者的社会政治行动者的主导想象。根据调查结果和分析,我认为印度对社交媒体平台的监管表明了社交媒体公司之间关系的重新配置,新兴的民族主义形式,以及政府对社交媒体公司合规的期望。
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引用次数: 0
Alien at birth: Chinese migrants in post-colonial Assam (1947-1962) 出生时的外国人:后殖民时期阿萨姆邦的中国移民(1947-1962)
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/09584935.2023.2203900
Papari Saikia
ABSTRACT This article investigates the relationship of a migrant community with the state in a borderland. The relationship between the Indian state and Chinese-origin migrants in post-colonial Assam can be characterised by two themes: control and resilience. On the one hand, the state tried to control the community through strict bureaucratic procedures. On the other hand, the Chinese community showed resilience by adhering to or negotiating with the control mechanisms. This article also seeks to understand the nationality and citizenship issues of community members, in particular the second and third generations of migrants. In this article, I argue that ambiguities of citizenship status, and the state’s reluctance or negligence in resolving their citizenship issues, had grave consequences for the community as they had to struggle for their fundamental rights. This issue of ambiguous citizenship caused severe unrest in the region in the later decades, which could also have been avoided.
摘要本文考察了边疆地区移民社区与国家的关系。印度政府与后殖民地阿萨姆邦华裔移民之间的关系可以由两个主题来表征:控制和韧性。一方面,国家试图通过严格的官僚程序来控制社区。另一方面,华人社区通过坚持或与控制机制谈判表现出了韧性。本文还试图了解社区成员,特别是第二代和第三代移民的国籍和公民身份问题。在这篇文章中,我认为公民身份的模糊性,以及国家在解决公民身份问题时的不情愿或疏忽,对社区产生了严重后果,因为他们必须为自己的基本权利而斗争。这种公民身份模糊的问题在后来的几十年里在该地区引发了严重的动荡,而这也是本可以避免的。
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引用次数: 0
Painting stories: lives and legacies from an Indian crafts village 绘画故事:来自印度工艺村的生活和遗产
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/09584935.2023.2207903
S. K. Ananda Krishnan
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引用次数: 0
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Contemporary South Asia
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