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Mis/Understanding Jens Lyng: Revisiting the Racialised Studies of an Early Twentieth-Century Historian 错误/误解延斯-林:重温二十世纪早期历史学家的种族研究
IF 0.6 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1080/1031461x.2023.2287507
Mark Emmerson
The works of Danish-Australian historian Jens Sørensen Lyng (1868–1941) provide a problematic foundation for Australian migration studies. His 1927 magnum opus, Non-Britishers in Australia: Influen...
丹麦-澳大利亚历史学家延斯-索伦森-林(Jens Sørensen Lyng,1868-1941 年)的著作为澳大利亚移民研究提供了一个有问题的基础。他在 1927 年出版的巨著《澳大利亚的非英国人》(Non-Britishers in Australia:他在 1927 年出版的巨著《非英国人在澳大利亚:对澳大利亚的影响》(Non.
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引用次数: 0
Uninhabited Islands in the Bay of Bengal, Penang, Singapore and Botany Bay: What Did Terra Nullius Mean in British Colonial Thinking? 孟加拉湾、槟城、新加坡和植物湾的无人岛:英国殖民思想中的无主地意味着什么?
IF 0.6 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-20 DOI: 10.1080/1031461x.2023.2273482
Gareth Knapman
Enlightenment colonial actors never used the term ‘terra nullius’, they used the phrase ‘uninhabited land or island’. In the 1780s, uninhabited did not mean nobody lived there, but rather signified...
启蒙运动时期的殖民者从未使用过“无主地”这个词,他们使用的是“无人居住的土地或岛屿”。在18世纪80年代,无人居住并不意味着没有人住在那里,而是指……
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引用次数: 0
Australia’s Presidents? Herbert Hoover and Lyndon B. Johnson Remembered 澳大利亚的总统吗?我记得赫伯特·胡佛和林登·约翰逊
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/1031461x.2023.2262492
Dean J. Kotlowski
AbstractAmong US presidents, Herbert Hoover and Lyndon Johnson had the strongest ties to Australia. Hoover spent over a year in Australia as a mining engineer before launching a career in international business, food relief, and politics. In 1942, LBJ passed part of his pre-presidential career in Australia. Yet Johnson’s presidential tour in 1966, coupled with his return in 1967, generated massive enthusiasm and modest protests against the Vietnam War. President Johnson’s visits helped to solidify and celebrate US-Australian ties while encouraging Australian independence, even if during a war directed from Washington. While Hoover left his mark on Australia’s landscape in the mines he promoted and the sites that still stand, Australians found little appealing in the dour, Depression-era president who had come and gone without regarding their country as a friend or ally. Johnson thus became a consequential figure in Australia’s national history in ways Hoover never did. The author presented early versions of this article at the European Association for Studies of Australia conference in 2023 and at Bruce Hall, the Australian National University in 2022. For their comments and assistance, he thanks Frank Bongiorno, Will Christie, Damian Cole, Douglas Craig, Dean Fafoutis, Rae Frances, Katherine Jellison, Bruce Scates, Tim Rowse, and the journal’s anonymous referees. The author thanks the J. William Fulbright Foreign Scholarship Board and the Australian National University for supporting this research.No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Sydney Sun, 21 October 1966, 46.2 Adelaide Advertiser, 24 October 1966, 2.3 Australian Financial Review, 24 January 1973, 1; Brisbane Courier-Mail, 24 January 1973, 4.4 David Burner, Herbert Hoover: A Public Life (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978), 26.5 Dean Kotlowski, ‘Farewell to the Chief: Mourning and Memorializing Herbert Hoover’, in Mourning the Presidents: Loss and Legacy in American Culture, eds Lindsay Chervinsky and Matthew Costello (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2023), 183–4.6 Yass Tribune, 18 December 1967, 2.7 Sydney Morning Herald, 22 October 1966, 2.8 Launceston Examiner, 19 October 1966, 22.9 Queanbeyan Age, 21 October 1966, 1.10 Heather Henderson, Letters to My Daughter: Robert Menzies, Letters, 1955–1975 (Sydney: Murdoch Books, 2011), 230.11 Launceston Examiner, 23 December 1967, 1; Melbourne Sun, 23 December 1967, 4.12 Adelaide Advertiser, 24 January 1973, 5.13 Robert Gordon Menzies Oral History, 24 November 1969, 15, Lyndon B. Johnson Library (hereafter LBJL), Austin, Texas.14 Dorothy Auchterlonie, ‘The Second Coming’, Meanjin Quarterly (1967), downloaded from search.informit.org/doi/10.3316/informit.570026524535009. Western Sydney University (accessed 27 November 2022).15 David McLean, ‘Australia in the Cold War: A Historiographical Review’, International History Review 23, no. 2 (2001): 299–301.16 David Goodman, Gold Seeking: Victoria and Californi
在美国总统中,赫伯特·胡佛和林登·约翰逊与澳大利亚的关系最为密切。胡佛在澳大利亚当了一年多的采矿工程师,之后开始了在国际商业、食品救济和政治领域的职业生涯。1942年,林登·约翰逊在澳大利亚度过了他总统生涯的一部分。然而,约翰逊1966年的总统之旅,以及1967年的回国,激起了巨大的热情和反对越南战争的温和抗议。约翰逊总统的访问有助于巩固和庆祝美澳关系,同时鼓励澳大利亚独立,即使是在华盛顿指挥的战争期间。虽然胡佛在澳大利亚的景观上留下了他的印记,比如他推广的矿山和仍然存在的遗址,但澳大利亚人觉得这位阴郁的大萧条时期的总统没有什么吸引力,他来了又走,没有把他们的国家视为朋友或盟友。因此,约翰逊成为了澳大利亚国家历史上举足轻重的人物,而胡佛从未做到这一点。作者在2023年的欧洲澳大利亚研究协会会议和2022年的澳大利亚国立大学布鲁斯霍尔会议上展示了本文的早期版本。对于他们的评论和帮助,他感谢Frank Bongiorno, Will Christie, Damian Cole, Douglas Craig, Dean Fafoutis, Rae Frances, Katherine Jellison, Bruce Scates, Tim Rowse和期刊的匿名审稿人。作者感谢J. William Fulbright外国奖学金委员会和澳大利亚国立大学对本研究的支持。作者没有报告潜在的利益冲突。注1《悉尼太阳报》,1966年10月21日;46.2《阿德莱德广告人》,1966年10月24日;2.3《澳大利亚金融评论》,1973年1月24日,1;布布班信使邮报,1973年1月24日,4.4 David Burner,赫伯特·胡佛:公共生活(纽约:Alfred A. Knopf, 1978), 26.5 Dean Kotlowski,“告别酋长:悼念和纪念赫伯特·胡佛”,《悼念总统:美国文化中的损失和遗产》,Lindsay Chervinsky和Matthew Costello编(夏洛特维尔:《亚斯论坛报》,1967年12月18日,《悉尼先驱晨报》,1966年10月22日,2.8《朗塞斯顿考官》,1966年10月19日,22.9《Queanbeyan Age》,1966年10月21日,1.10希瑟·亨德森,《给我女儿的信:罗伯特·孟席斯》,1955-1975年,《信件》(悉尼:默多克出版社,2011年),230.11《朗塞斯顿考官》,1967年12月23日,第1期;1967年12月23日,《墨尔本太阳报》;1973年1月24日,《阿德莱德广告人》;1969年11月24日,《罗伯特·戈登·门齐斯口述历史》;15,德克萨斯州奥斯汀林登·b·约翰逊图书馆(以下简称LBJL); 14多萝西·奥克特洛尼,《耶稣再临》,Meanjin季刊(1967),从search.informit.org/doi/10.3316/informit.570026524535009下载。西悉尼大学(就读于2022年11月27日)大卫·麦克莱恩,《冷战中的澳大利亚:史学评论》,《国际历史评论》第23期,第2期。大卫·古德曼:《淘金:19世纪50年代的维多利亚和加利福尼亚》(斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社,1994年);罗宾·阿彻:《为什么美国没有工党?》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2008);玛丽莲·莱克,进步的新世界:定居者殖民主义和跨太平洋交流如何塑造美国改革(剑桥,马萨诸塞州:哈佛大学出版社,2019);《非法之爱:美国和澳大利亚的跨种族性与婚姻》(林肯:内布拉斯加大学出版社,2015),第17页唯一的研究是Dean J. Kotlowski,“总统俱乐部重访:赫伯特·胡佛、林登·约翰逊、政治遗产和两党合作”,《历史学家》82,第2期。4(2020): 463-91.18保罗·斯特兰奇奥,“不稳定,1966-82”,在澳大利亚的剑桥历史,卷二,澳大利亚联邦,编辑艾莉森·巴什福德和斯图尔特·麦金泰尔(悉尼:剑桥大学出版社,2013),135-41.19彼得·爱德华兹,“澳大利亚和越南战争:50年”,2020年2月29日,战略家,https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/australia-and-the-vietnam-war-50-years-on/(访问2023年6月30日)。另见彼得·爱德华兹:《澳大利亚与越南战争》(悉尼:NewSouth Books, 2014);格雷戈里·彭伯顿,《一路:澳大利亚通往越南之路》(悉尼:Allen and Unwin出版社,1987),第20页Paul Ham,“名义上的盟友”,Griffith Review 48(2015年4月),https://www.griffithreview.com/articles/allies-name-alone/(2023年7月7日访问)。参见Paul Ham,越南——澳大利亚战争(悉尼:HarperCollins, 2007)马尔科姆·弗雷泽与凯恩·罗伯茨合著,《危险的盟友》(墨尔本:墨尔本大学出版社,2016年),111 - 50,283.22艾玛·肖蒂斯,《我们非凡的朋友:澳大利亚与美国的致命联盟》(悉尼:哈迪·格兰特出版社,2021年),232.23《墨尔本太阳报》,1973年1月24日,8.24肯尼斯·怀特,《胡佛:非凡时代的非凡人生》(纽约:克诺夫出版社,2017年),54-61;格伦·简松(与大卫·鲁尔森合著),《胡佛:一生》(纽约:新美国图书馆,2016),53-65.25页。 Kalgoorlie Miner, 1966年10月13日,2;霍巴特水星,1966年10月7日,4;《墨尔本先驱报》1966年10月7日第4期;布里斯班信使,1966年10月10日,2.74朗塞斯顿审查员,1966年10月7日,4.75奥尔伯里边境晨报,1966年10月15日,46.76同上,3;《悉尼先驱晨报》1966年10月14日,1.77《悉尼太阳报》1966年10月18日,第4期;《沃加·沃加日报》,1966年10月20日;《西澳大利亚》,1966年10月7日,第1期;卡尔古利矿工,1966年10月13日,2.79库马-莫纳罗快递,1966年10月12日,2.80悉尼每日电讯报,1966年10月19日,2.81澳大利亚人,1966年10月14日,8.82霍巴特信使,1966年10月17日,4.83朗赛斯顿观察家,1966年10月19日,1.84汤斯维尔每日公报,1966年10月10日,2.85霍巴特信使,1966年10月21日,5.86布里斯班信使,1966年10月19日,2.87同上,1966年10月10日,3;《时代》,1966年10月13日,1;《悉尼每日电讯报》1966年10月20日第53期;《阿德莱德广告人》1966年10月8日第2期;墨尔本先驱报,1966年10月18日,1;《悉尼先驱晨报》,1966年10月20日,1.88《沃加·沃加每日广告人》,1966年10月20日,2.89《伯德·约翰逊夫人的录音日记和注释记录》,1966年10月20日,《伯德·约翰逊夫人的白宫日记集》,LBJL.90《澳大利亚人报》,196
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引用次数: 0
Digital History 数字的历史
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/1031461x.2023.2267586
Mike Jones, Alana Piper
Digital history started to flourish in Australia and New Zealand in the 2000s and early 2010s. But some of this momentum has since been lost due to ageing technologies, a lack of supporting infrastructure, funding issues, discontinued projects, and limited teaching and training opportunities. This ‘state of the field’ article on digital history seeks to encourage greater reflexivity in the discipline by providing a detailed overview of the local context. It highlights some of the longstanding projects that continue to dominate the digital history landscape, while also exploring newly emerging innovations, opportunities and challenges. Examining such topics as infrastructure and tool development, digital archives and repositories, big history, public history, digital methods, and teaching, the authors conclude that additional investment is required to support progress in the field, and to ensure that past projects and data remain accessible into the future.
2000年代和2010年代初,数字历史在澳大利亚和新西兰开始蓬勃发展。但是,由于技术老化、缺乏配套基础设施、资金问题、项目中断以及教学和培训机会有限,这种势头已经失去了一部分。这篇关于数字历史的“领域现状”文章旨在通过提供当地背景的详细概述来鼓励该学科的更大反思。它突出了一些长期项目,这些项目继续主导着数字历史景观,同时也探索了新兴的创新、机遇和挑战。研究了基础设施和工具开发、数字档案和存储库、大历史、公共历史、数字方法和教学等主题,作者得出结论,需要额外的投资来支持该领域的进步,并确保过去的项目和数据在未来仍然可以访问。
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引用次数: 0
‘Time Is Against Us’: Anti-Communism, Decolonisation, and Papua New Guinean Independence 《时间与我们为敌》:反共、非殖民化与巴布亚新几内亚独立
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.1080/1031461x.2023.2256740
Jon Piccini
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引用次数: 0
Criminal LawThen, Now, Tomorrow , Queen Elizabeth II Courts of Law, Brisbane, 2 January 2023 to 31 December 2024 刑法——过去、现在、明天,伊丽莎白二世女王法院,布里斯班,2023年1月2日至2024年12月31日
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/1031461x.2023.2256038
Bridget Andresen
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
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引用次数: 0
Art as a Source for the History of War: James McBey’s Long Patrol Images and Emotional Responses to the Sinai Campaign 艺术作为战争史的来源:詹姆斯·麦克贝的长期巡逻图像和对西奈战役的情感反应
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1080/1031461x.2023.2247006
Janet Butler
AbstractVisual sources, capturing aspects of life silenced or left untold in textual accounts, have the potential to offer new, historical understandings of the individual experience of war. During World War I, official war artist James McBey created a series of images of Australian soldiers – Cameliers – on reconnaissance in the Sinai Desert. This article reads a selection of those images, arguing that what they signified and the emotions they aroused can be retrieved historically by considering their multiple contexts. These include not only the social, political, and military environments, but also the cultural imaginaries which the artist shared with his audiences. AcknowledgementThe author thanks the anonymous reviewers and the AHS editors, and the members of Melbourne Lifewriters, as well as Bill Breen, Liz Dimock, Lucy Ellem, Richard Haese and especially Lee-Ann Monk, for their expert comments, and Annalisa Giudici for her sound guidance. Gratitude is also due to Griffin Coe and Ann Steed of Aberdeen Art Gallery, Sandra Still of Aberdeen City Council, and Barbara Kehler for the Estate of James McBey, for their great kindness and assistance with permissions, and with archival and curatorial assistance, along with Andrew Webb, Sophie Fisher and Jenny Wood (Imperial War Museum), Jade Murray (Australian War Memorial), Elizabeth Bray (British Museum) and Neil Hodge (University of California, Los Angeles Library Special Collections). Katie Eglinton kindly allowed access to family papers. The reproduction of McBey’s Long Patrol series was made possible by the generosity of Aberdeen City Council, and additionally, in the case of Tracks Discovered, the Imperial War Museum and Martin Kennedy, Creative Director of the Studio International Foundation.Notes1 H.S. Gullett, The Australian Imperial Force in Sinai and Palestine 1914–1918 (Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1937), 69.2 Pre-censorship caption to No. 57, A Long Patrol in the Desert of Sinai, list attached to letter, Major Foster to Ivor Nicholson, 4 November 1917, First World War Artist’s Archive (hereafter FWWAA) 83-3 James McBey 1917–28 Part 1, Imperial War Museum (hereafter IWM), London; James McBey Sketchbook-War, ABDAG003075.43, Aberdeen Art Gallery.3 The Bir el Murr-Moiya Harab Road. James McBey, Diary, 12 July 1917, ABDAG9037; War Office Geographical Section, General Staff, No.2427/Lieut.Pratt RGA/Egyptian Survey Department, Egypt: Great Bitter Lake: Africa 1:125,000 (sheet North H-36/I-III) [Cartographic material], Great Britain, War Office, 1912.4 The Cameliers carried supplies for five days, and the Long Patrol is usually framed as this length.5 John Horne, ‘End of a Paradigm? Cultural History and the Great War’, Past & Present 242, no. 1 (February 2019): 185.6 See Santanu Das, India, Empire, and First World War Culture: Writings, Images, and Songs (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018).7 Photographer Frank Hurley arrived in August 1917. Henry Gullett, the Official (Australian) War C
摘要视觉资源捕捉了在文本叙述中被沉默或未被提及的生活方面,有可能为战争的个人经历提供新的、历史的理解。第一次世界大战期间,官方战争艺术家詹姆斯·麦克贝创作了一系列澳大利亚士兵在西奈沙漠侦察的图像。本文选读了这些图像,认为它们所代表的意义和它们所唤起的情感可以通过考虑它们的多重背景来历史地检索。这不仅包括社会、政治和军事环境,还包括艺术家与观众分享的文化想象。作者感谢匿名审稿人和AHS编辑,以及墨尔本生活作家的成员,以及Bill Breen, Liz Dimock, Lucy Ellem, Richard Haese,特别是Lee-Ann Monk的专家意见,以及Annalisa Giudici的良好指导。也要感谢阿伯丁美术馆的格里芬·科和安·斯蒂德,阿伯丁市议会的桑德拉·斯蒂尔,詹姆斯·麦克贝遗产的芭芭拉·凯勒,感谢他们的好意和许可方面的帮助,以及档案和策展方面的帮助,还有安德鲁·韦伯、索菲·费舍尔和珍妮·伍德(帝国战争博物馆)、杰德·默里(澳大利亚战争纪念馆)、伊丽莎白·布雷(大英博物馆)和尼尔·霍奇(加州大学洛杉矶图书馆特别收藏)。凯蒂·埃格林顿好心地允许我看家庭文件。McBey的《Long Patrol》系列的复制得益于阿伯丁市议会的慷慨,此外,在《Tracks Discovered》的例子中,帝国战争博物馆和国际工作室基金会的创意总监Martin Kennedy也给予了支持。注1 H.S. Gullett,《西奈和巴勒斯坦的澳大利亚帝国军队1914-1918》(悉尼:Angus & Robertson, 1937), 69.2对第57号《西奈沙漠的漫长巡逻》的预审查说明,附在福斯特少校给伊沃·尼科尔森的信上的清单,1917年11月4日,第一次世界大战艺术家档案(以下简称FWWAA) 83-3詹姆斯·麦克比1917 - 28第一部分,帝国战争博物馆(以下简称IWM),伦敦;James McBey速写本-战争,ABDAG003075.43,阿伯丁美术馆。詹姆斯·麦克贝,日记,1917年7月12日,ABDAG9037;总参谋部陆军部地理科第2427号/中尉Pratt RGA/埃及测量部,埃及:Great Bitter Lake: Africa 1:12 .5 000 (sheet North H-36/I-III)[制图材料],大不列颠,陆军部,1912年4 .“骆驼队”运载补给5天,而“长巡逻队”通常被画成这个长度约翰·霍恩,《范式的终结?》《文化史与大战》,《过去与现在》第242期。1(2019年2月):185.6见桑塔努·达斯,印度,帝国和第一次世界大战文化:著作,图像和歌曲(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2018)摄影师弗兰克·赫尔利于1917年8月来到这里。官方(澳大利亚)战地记者亨利·古利特于1917年11月抵达。澳大利亚官方战争艺术家乔治·兰伯特直到1917年12月底才离开伦敦前往巴勒斯坦。奥利弗·霍格,给怀特的信,1917年1月17日,1DRL/0355,澳大利亚战争纪念馆(以下简称AWM)。对于在西线以外的战区感到被遗忘的盟军士兵,更普遍地,见J. Fantauzzo,其他战争:第一次世界大战在中东和马其顿的经验和记忆(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2020),特别是第4章;James E. Kitchen,《中东的大英帝国军队:1916 - 1918年西奈半岛和巴勒斯坦战役中的士气和军事身份》(伦敦:Bloomsbury出版社,2014),11.8艺术史学家Alexandra Walton对官方版画收藏的研究确实包括对McBey Long Patrol版画的收购。她顺带对蚀刻画作了敏锐的评论。同样,作家Alasdair Soussi在他最近的关于麦克贝的传记中,恰当地引用了麦克贝的朋友和艺术家同事Martin Hardie在1925年对麦克贝的三组铜版画的简短而敏感的反思。亚历山德拉·沃尔顿,“大胆的印象:帝国战争博物馆和澳大利亚战争纪念馆艺术家版画和版画收藏的比较分析”(博士论文,澳大利亚国立大学,2017);阿拉斯代尔·苏西,《影与光:詹姆斯·麦克比的非凡一生》(爱丁堡:苏格兰街出版社,2022年),120页;马丁·哈迪,《1925年目录简介》,载于《詹姆斯·麦克贝的蚀刻和干点》,马丁·哈迪和查尔斯·卡特编著(旧金山:艾伦·沃夫西美术出版社,1997年),x.9彼得·伯克,《目击:图像作为历史证据的使用》(伊萨卡,纽约:康奈尔大学出版社,2001)关于英国传统的风俗画,见尼古拉斯·特罗曼斯,“开罗和君士坦丁堡的风俗画和性别”,《东方的诱惑:英国东方主义绘画》,尼古拉斯·特罗曼斯等人编。 35詹姆斯·格雷格,《詹姆斯·麦克贝先生的绘画:西奈和巴勒斯坦》,《晨报》,1918年1月29日,FFWAA 468/10, IWM.36参见《国家战争绘画》,《星期六评论》,1920年1月3日,FWWAA新闻剪辑,IWM;莫尔文47-8;“一个真实的战争图片:在拉文蒂的肯辛顿”,泰晤士报,1916年5月20日,9,引用保罗·高夫,一个可怕的美丽:英国艺术家在第一次世界大战(布里斯托尔:桑索姆公司,2010年),20.37 TS(草案),“约克郡邮报”,1920年3月1日,剪,FWWAA 468/10(詹姆斯·麦克贝展览),IWM.38詹姆斯·麦克贝,“蚀刻版画:快速和死亡”,书商的杂志和印刷收藏家9,编号。27(1923年12月):98-9.39“James McBey先生的水彩画”,Queen, 1914年2月14日,ABDAG009098.51,与James McBey有关的剪报哈钦森,160;关于麦克贝作品中的“精神”,见马尔科姆·萨拉曼,《詹姆斯·麦克贝的蚀刻画》,哈迪和卡特,第16页;格雷格;McBey, ' Etchings ', 98.42参见Rosenwein and Cristiani, 103-4;Labanyi, 230;主啊,220。Rosenwein和Cristiani还借鉴了Margrit Pernau和Imke Rajamani的工作,“情感翻译:超越语言的概念历史”,《历史与理论》55期。1(2016): 46-65.43洛德还在画面中提到了看不见的敌人,增加了悬念和不祥感,模拟了男人们的日常经历。高夫对记者查尔斯·蒙塔古的文本的作用进行了观察,并将其添加到穆尔黑德·伯恩的西线绘画中。高夫,54.45马尔科姆·萨拉曼,《巴勒斯坦官方艺术家詹姆斯·麦克贝的画作》,299工作室(1918年2月):12;冲压,FWWAA 468/10468/10(詹姆斯·麦克贝展览),IWM;“麦克贝先生的官方工作”,阿伯丁杂志,1918年1月29日,印刷切割,FWWAA 468/10, IWM.46麦克贝,日记,1917年7月12日,8月2日;詹姆斯·麦克贝,速写本-巴勒斯坦1917(- 18?),ABDAG003064.47沃尔顿,100。这些画的照片也在阿伯丁美术馆的麦克贝的论文中。48哈迪,在哈迪和卡特,xi.49康斯坦斯·克拉森,最深的感觉:触摸的文化史(厄巴纳:伊利诺伊大学出版社,2012),29;参见,例如,詹姆斯·麦克贝,“一个艺术家的漫游”,1922年1月7
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引用次数: 0
Navigating the Customs House, Then and Now: A Synthesis of British Colonial Collecting in Australia, 1788–1823 航行海关,过去和现在:1788-1823年英国在澳大利亚的殖民收藏综合
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1080/1031461x.2023.2255196
Daniel Simpson
AbstractAmid growing public and academic interest in the identification and return of Aboriginal objects acquired by Britain from Australia after 1788, enquiries into the disputed origins of the British Museum’s ‘Gweagal shield’ have highlighted the need for new and better forms of provenance research. This article explores a novel methodology and source of information: British Treasury and customs records detailing the descriptions, values, and duties paid upon a vast number of colonial collections of Aboriginal objects, human remains, and natural history specimens known to have disembarked in Britain between 1788 and 1823. By positing a new provenance for the ‘Gweagal shield’ – namely, that it may have accompanied Bennelong, Yemmerrawanne and Arthur Phillip on their passage to England in 1793 – the article explores the potential of such records for highlighting what, when, how, and from whom Australian collections arrived in Britain in this early and hitherto little-understood period. AcknowledgementI thank Dr Maria Nugent for her comments on early drafts; likewise, Professor Gaye Sculthorpe and Dr Paul Irish. I am also grateful to the staff of The National Archives, London for their assistance in procuring a large number of records.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Object Oc1978, Q.839, The British Museum.2 Nicholas Thomas, ‘A Case of Identity: The Artefacts of the 1770 Kamay (Botany Bay) Encounter’, Australian Historical Studies 49, no. 1 (February 2018): 4–27; Maria Nugent and Gaye Sculthorpe, ‘A Shield Loaded with History: Encounters, Objects and Exhibitions’, Australian Historical Studies 49, no. 1 (February 2018): 41.3 J.V.S. Megaw, ‘“There’s a Hole in my Shield … ”: A Textual Footnote’, Australian Archaeology 38, no. 1 (June 1994): 35–37.4 For a fuller account of past and present understandings of the role of taxation in the history of collecting, see Daniel Simpson, The Royal Navy in Indigenous Australia, 1795–1855: Maritime Encounters and British Museum Collections (Cham: Springer, 2021), 189–217.5 Ibid., 253.6 On the post-1823 decline in reliability and utility of customs records, see below and Simpson, The Royal Navy, 211–14.7 Richard Neville, A Rage for Curiosity: Visualising Australia 1788–1830 (Sydney: State Library of New South Wales, 1997).8 Neil Macgregor, A History of the World in 100 Objects (London: Penguin Books Ltd, 2010).9 Thomas, ‘A Case of Identity’.10 Nicholas Thomas, ‘Museum Collections in Transit: Towards a History of the Artefacts of the Endeavour Voyage’, in Material Culture in Transit: Theory and Practice, ed. Zainabu Jallo (Abingdon: Routledge, 2023).11 Ibid.12 Ibid.13 See, for example, Zoe Rimmer and Rebe Taylor, ‘An Analysis of the 2021 Apologies by the Royal Society of Tasmania and the Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery to the Tasmanian Aboriginal Community’, Australian Historical Studies 54, no. 1 (February 2023): 77–90.14 Chris Gosden and Frances Larson, Kn
随着公众和学术界对鉴定和归还1788年后英国从澳大利亚获得的土著物品的兴趣日益浓厚,对大英博物馆“格威格尔盾牌”有争议的来源的调查凸显了对新的、更好的来源研究形式的需要。本文探索了一种新颖的方法和信息来源:英国财政部和海关记录,详细描述了1788年至1823年间登陆英国的大量殖民地收藏的土著物品、人类遗骸和自然历史标本的描述、价值和所支付的关税。通过假设“Gweagal盾牌”的新来源——也就是说,它可能伴随着Bennelong, Yemmerrawanne和Arthur Phillip在1793年前往英国——文章探索了这些记录的潜力,以突出在这个早期和迄今为止知之甚少的时期,澳大利亚收藏品是什么,什么时候,如何以及从谁那里到达英国的。感谢Maria Nugent博士对早期草稿的评论;同样,盖伊·斯卡索普教授和保罗·爱尔兰博士。我也要感谢伦敦国家档案馆的工作人员,他们帮助我获得了大量的记录。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。2 Nicholas Thomas,“身份的案例:1770年Kamay (Botany Bay)遭遇的人工制品”,《澳大利亚历史研究》49期,第839号。1(2018年2月):4-27;Maria Nugent和Gaye Sculthorpe,“装载着历史的盾牌:相遇、物品和展览”,《澳大利亚历史研究》第49期。1(2018年2月):41.3 J.V.S. Megaw,“在我的盾牌上有一个洞……”:一个文本脚注”,《澳大利亚考古》第38期,第4期。1(1994年6月):35-37.4关于税收在征收史上的作用的过去和现在的理解的更全面的说明,见丹尼尔·辛普森,澳大利亚土著的皇家海军,1795年至1855年:海上遭遇和大英博物馆收藏(Cham: Springer, 2021), 189-217.5同上,253.6关于1823年后海关记录可靠性和效用的下降,见下文和辛普森,皇家海军,211-14.7理查德·内威尔,好奇的怒火:7 .《可视化澳大利亚1788-1830》(悉尼:新南威尔士州立图书馆,1997年)9 .尼尔·麦格雷戈,《100件物品中的世界史》(伦敦:企鹅图书有限公司,2010)托马斯,《身份的案例》尼古拉斯·托马斯,《运输中的博物馆藏品:奋进号航行中文物的历史》,载于《运输中的物质文化:理论与实践》,Zainabu Jallo主编(阿宾登:劳特利奇出版社,2023年)例如,参见Zoe Rimmer和Rebe Taylor,“塔斯马尼亚皇家学会和塔斯马尼亚博物馆和美术馆对塔斯马尼亚土著社区的2021年道歉分析”,《澳大利亚历史研究》第54期。1(2023年2月):77-90.14克里斯·戈斯登和弗朗西斯·拉尔森,知道的事情:探索收藏在皮特河博物馆,1884年至1945年(牛津:牛津大学出版社,2007年)伊泽贝尔·麦克唐纳,“计算时间、人物和方式:通过藏品数据可视化大英博物馆的收购历史,1753-2019”,《收藏史杂志》第35期。2(2022年7月):4-5.16 CUST和T,国家档案馆[TNA].17《博物馆、无限和协议文化》(伦敦:劳特利奇出版社,2019),第26.18页。约翰·麦卡利尔,“收藏的烦恼”:威廉·亨利·哈维和英国19世纪世界自然历史收藏的实用性”,《英国科学史杂志》,第55期。1(2022年3月):91.19 Matthew Fishburn,“John Septimus Roe的私人博物馆,解散于1842年”,《自然历史档案》47,no. 19。1(2020年4月):166-82.20 John Septimus Roe致William Roe, 1821年6月6日,John Septimus Roe信件[以下简称JSRL], 05系列,新南威尔士州立图书馆[以下简称SLNSW].21参见辛普森,皇家海军,189-217.22威廉·欧文,“分别对东印度和中国主要产品征收关税的金额的说明;1812年1月5日止三年的年平均数”,载于论文等。(东印度公司),第四部分。,第十卷(伦敦:下议院,一八一二年至一八一三年)威廉·欧文,《已收关税的商品的归还》,根据《财政帐目》,第66卷。81822年,见《下议院文件》第12卷(伦敦:下议院,1823年)26 . 1823年,“新荷兰和南海群岛”被视为该记录集中的一个单一实体参见辛普森,皇家海军,191.27约翰·塞普提姆斯·罗伊致威廉·罗伊,1821年2月26日,JSRL,系列04,SLNSW.28约翰·塞普提姆斯·罗伊致威廉·罗伊,1821年6月6日,JSRL,系列05,SLNSW.29 CUST 37/51-2, TNA。 30财政委员会,“亚伯拉罕·贝尔关于以不合理的低价出售海关扣押的货物的附件备忘录报告”,1767年8月7日,T 1/459: 136-139, TNA.31伦敦海关,“根据陛下海关长官阁下的命令出售”,1809年12月9日,CUST 37/52: 18, TNA.32同上,19.33伦敦海关,“根据陛下海关长官阁下的命令出售”,1810年4月19日,CUST 37/51:35见辛普森,皇家海军,257.36 T和CUST, TNA.37丹尼尔·辛普森,“远征收藏:哈斯拉医院博物馆和公共知识的流通,1815-1855”,在移动博物馆,菲利克斯·德莱弗,马克·内斯bitt和卡罗琳·康沃尔(伦敦:伦敦大学学院出版社,2021),149-77.38 T 1, TNA.39 T 2, TNA.40 T 29, TNA.41 T 11, TNA.42 CUST 28, TNA.43参见,例如,约瑟夫·班克斯给国王陛下的财政大臣,1810年12月10日,T 1/1164, TNA.44 T 11/37, TNA.45威廉·尼特·查普曼给克里斯蒂娜·尼特·查普曼,1791年10月18日,威廉·尼特·查普曼信件,1974年,SLNSW.46参见伊丽莎白·埃利斯,稀有和好奇:州长麦考瑞藏宝箱的秘密历史(悉尼:新南威尔士州图书馆,2010年)布鲁斯·巴肯和安妮玛丽·麦克拉伦,《爱丁堡的海外启蒙:以医生、商人、自然历史学家和移民殖民者的身份为人类导航》,《思想史评论》第31期。4(2020年5月):627-49.48大卫·柯林斯,英国殖民地在新南威尔士州的帐户,卷2。(伦敦:T. Cadell和W. Davies, 1802), 320.49贾米森被认为是肯特公爵号货船上的一名乘客,当时这艘船正从里约热内卢出发。见Sibella Macarthur Onslow主编,Camden Macarthur的一些早期记录(悉尼:Angus & Robertson, 1914), 178;威廉·布洛克,《布洛克先生博物馆的同伴》(伦敦:亨利·雷奈尔出版社,1811年),7.50《物品VI 151》,民族学博物馆,柏林。51弓箭在整个托雷斯海峡使用。52 T 11/39, TNA.53 Collins,卷1。(1804)。本研究得到了澳大利亚研究理事会(资助号DP200102212)“动员土著物品:国际博物馆中的土著历史”项目的支持,该项目由Maria Nugent博士领导。
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引用次数: 0
Native Colonials: Violet Mace’s Australian Aboriginal-Inspired Pottery Designs 土著殖民地:紫罗兰梅斯的澳大利亚土著启发的陶器设计
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/1031461x.2023.2251989
Peter Hughes
AbstractIn the first half of the twentieth century, many Australian artists, such as the Tasmanian ceramicist Violet Mace (1883–1968), sought to find a distinctly Australian visual expression. Although Modernist aesthetics challenged Mace and her contemporaries to explore abstraction, in order to convey Australia’s specificity she turned to Australian history. Initially, her imagery touched on frontier conflict and the motifs of nineteenth-century Aboriginal artists such as Tommy McCrae. After tracing the sources of Mace’s imagery, this article asks to what extent her representations de-historicised the frontier past and enabled contemporary viewers a comfortable distance from what many Australians now see as a story of violent conquest. Perhaps Mace’s imagery can be read as an episode in a national history of slowly growing appreciation of Australian Aboriginal culture, increasing discomfort with the story of racial and cultural inferiority, and willingness to acknowledge that Australia is the product of invasion. Notes1 This paper builds on a short article by the author on Mace’s work published in Art Monthly 307 (May 2018): 28–33. In the same year, Mace was the subject of an appendix to a catalogue published for an exhibition of Maude Poynter’s work, though neither the exhibition nor the catalogue included any of Mace’s work: Glenda King, Maude Poynter: Painter and Potter (Hobart: Australiana Society, 2018). The earlier literature on Mace is not extensive and mostly consists of brief historical accounts. These contain some valuable information but also factual errors, most frequently Mace’s birth year, usually cited as 1890 rather than 1883. These are: J. Bartram et al., Early Tasmanian Pottery 1920–1950, exhibition catalogue (Hobart: Tasmanian School of Art, TCAE, 1979); C. Ackland and C. Campbell, ‘Pioneer Craftswomen from the Bothwell Area’, Tasmanian Historical Research Association Papers and Proceedings, Hobart, June 1994, 85–8; G. King, ‘Violet Mace’ and ‘Studio Pottery in Tasmania’, in Australian Art Pottery 1900–1950, eds K. Fahey, J. Freeland, K. Free and A. Simpson (Sydney: Casuarina Press, 2004). Penny Edmonds differs in offering a close examination of Mace’s work and its sources in an account of Mace’s use of the Proclamation Board image, in P. Edmonds, ‘The Proclamation Cup: Tasmanian Potter Violet Mace and Colonial Quotations’, reCollections 5, no. 2 (October 2010).2 Nicolas Thomas, Possessions; Indigenous Art/Colonial Culture (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1999), 111–14.3 Margaret Preston’s work and writing on Australian Aboriginal art, modernity, modernism and the need for an Australian national culture has been the subject of enquiries by a number of authors, most extensively in H. McQueen, The Black Swan of Trespass: The Emergence of Modernist Painting in Australia to 1944 (Sydney: Alternative Publishing Cooperative Limited, 1979), and more recently in David Macarthur, ‘The Experience of Aboriginality in the Creation of the Ra
在20世纪上半叶,许多澳大利亚艺术家,如塔斯马尼亚陶艺家维奥莱特·梅斯(1883-1968),试图找到一种独特的澳大利亚视觉表达。尽管现代主义美学要求梅斯和她的同时代人探索抽象,但为了传达澳大利亚的特殊性,她转向了澳大利亚的历史。最初,她的图像触及边境冲突和19世纪土著艺术家的主题,如汤米麦克雷。在追溯了梅斯的图像来源之后,本文提出了一个问题:她的表现在多大程度上去历史化了过去的边疆,使当代观众与许多澳大利亚人现在认为的暴力征服故事保持了舒适的距离。或许梅斯的形象可以被解读为澳大利亚民族历史上的一段插曲:人们对澳大利亚土著文化的欣赏在缓慢增长,对种族和文化自卑的故事越来越感到不安,并愿意承认澳大利亚是入侵的产物。注1本文基于作者在《艺术月刊》(2018年5月)第307期28-33页发表的一篇关于梅斯作品的短文。同年,梅斯成为莫德·波因特作品展览目录附录的主题,尽管展览和目录都没有包括梅斯的任何作品:格伦达·金,莫德·波因特:画家和波特(霍巴特:澳大利亚协会,2018)。关于梅斯的早期文献并不广泛,大多由简短的历史叙述组成。其中包含一些有价值的信息,但也有事实错误,最常见的是梅斯的出生年份,通常被引用为1890年而不是1883年。这些是:J.巴特拉姆等人,早期塔斯马尼亚陶器1920-1950,展览目录(霍巴特:塔斯马尼亚艺术学院,TCAE, 1979);C. Ackland和C. Campbell,“来自Bothwell地区的先锋工匠”,塔斯马尼亚历史研究协会论文和会议记录,霍巴特,1994年6月,85-8;G. King,“紫罗兰梅斯”和“塔斯马尼亚的工作室陶器”,《澳大利亚艺术陶器1900-1950》,编辑K. Fahey, J. Freeland, K. Free和A. Simpson(悉尼:木麻黄出版社,2004)。彭妮·埃德蒙兹(Penny Edmonds)在P.埃德蒙兹的《公告杯:塔斯马尼亚波特·紫罗兰·梅斯和殖民地语录》(回忆录5,no. 5)中,对梅斯的作品及其来源进行了细致的研究,并描述了梅斯对公告板图像的使用。2 .(2010年10月尼古拉斯·托马斯《财产》;玛格丽特·普雷斯顿(Margaret Preston)关于澳大利亚土著艺术、现代性、现代主义和澳大利亚民族文化需求的作品和写作一直是许多作者研究的主题,其中最广泛的是H.麦昆(H. McQueen)的《非法侵入的黑天鹅:到1944年澳大利亚现代主义绘画的出现》(悉尼:另类出版合作有限公司,1979年),最近在大卫·麦克阿瑟,“在激进的新创造的原住民的经验”,在现代主义世界,编辑斯蒂芬·罗斯和Allana C.林格伦(伦敦:劳特利奇,2015年),227-34;安·斯蒂芬斯,《黑人与现代主义者:不只是黑与白》,载于《环太平洋现代主义》,玛丽·安·吉利斯、海伦·斯剑和史蒂文·姚编(多伦多:多伦多大学出版社,2009年),151-70.4玛格丽特·普雷斯顿,《工艺美术:土著艺术的巧妙应用》,《家园》5号,第151-70.4页。5(1924年12月1日):30-1.5维奥莱特·梅斯写给人类学馆长格雷姆·劳埃德·普雷蒂,1968年6月10日,AA199,南澳大利亚博物馆档案馆。梅斯和波因特有一个共同的曾祖父乔治·梅雷迪斯(1777-1856)。波因特是他的第一任妻子莎拉·韦斯特尔·希克斯(1782-1820)和梅斯的第二任妻子玛丽·安妮·埃文斯(1795-1842)的后裔Preston,“工艺美术”,31.8 McQueen, 151-2.9 Mitchell Rolls,“绘画的梦想白色”,在真实的东西,澳大利亚文化史24(2006):3-28.10“工艺美术协会”,悉尼先驱晨报,1929年7月25日,5,http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article28049374(访问2017年10月9日)Preston,“工艺美术”,31.12“女性的兴趣”,The Daily News (Perth), 1933年2月1日,9(家庭版),http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article83916304(2017年10月6日访问)。13“The Society of Arts and Crafts”,悉尼邮报,1927年10月26日,29,http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article158297780(2017年10月17日访问)这个早期壶的下落不明,2016年TMAG捐赠的五个杯子是梅斯“澳大利亚土著”主题作品中已知最早的现存例子。15“土著绘画”,澳大利亚,1927年7月2日,69,http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article140798226(2018年4月13日访问)例如:1926年5月20日《亚拉腊广告人报》的“地方和一般新闻”,第2版http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article75030153(2019年11月11日访问);“一个土著的葬礼”,Albury Banner and Wodonga Express, 1901年11月8日,29,http://nla.gov.au/nla。 17 . news-article128568125(2019年11月11日访问)18安德鲁·塞耶斯,19世纪的土著艺术家(墨尔本:牛津大学出版社,1996年),38-41.19西尔维亚·克莱纳特,“解构“装饰”:欧洲-美国艺术传统对土著艺术和工艺接受的影响”,在社会工艺:观点选集,编辑诺里斯·约阿努(Fremantle:弗里曼特尔艺术中心出版社,1992),121-2.20塞耶斯,46-8.21紫罗兰梅斯到格雷姆劳埃德漂亮,1968年6月10日。梅斯提到,她收集了大量关于澳大利亚土著人及其艺术的书籍和其他材料:“在寻找合适的材料时,我对土著人本身产生了兴趣,并有许多关于这些非常有趣的人的书籍和小册子。Ian Harmstorf,《Basedow, Herbert(1881-1933)》,澳大利亚传记词典,澳大利亚国立大学国家传记中心,1979年首次出版,http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/basedow-herbert-5151/text8633(2018年1月8日访问)。23“世界书评”,《水星报》(霍巴特),1925年3月21日,15,http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article23805346(2018年1月8日访问)赫伯特·巴塞多,《澳大利亚土著》(阿德莱德:普利斯和儿子们,1925年),330.25同上,172.26同上,320.27普雷斯顿可能在她的回忆中感到困惑,因为斯泰德是一位博物学家,在这个主题上没有被列为出版人。她可能想到的是G.霍恩和G.艾斯顿的《澳大利亚中部的野蛮生活》(伦敦:麦克米伦出版社,1924年)。玛格丽特·普雷斯顿写给维奥莱特·梅斯的信,1934年8月4日,塔斯马尼亚州立图书馆,写给和来自不同人士的信件,笔记和相关文件,主要与梅雷迪思家族的历史有关,1819年1月17日至1959年7月31日,NS123/1/93.28莫里斯·希尔德,“阿尔布
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引用次数: 0
Cruel Care: A History of Children at Our Borders Cruel Care: A History of Children at Our Borders By Jordana Silverstein. Melbourne: Monash University Publishing, 2023. Pp. 320. A$34.99paper. 《残酷的关怀:我们边境儿童的历史》乔丹娜·西尔弗斯坦著。墨尔本:莫纳什大学出版社,2023。320页。34.99澳元。
3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/1031461x.2023.2261589
Jayne Persian
"Cruel Care: A History of Children at Our Borders." Australian Historical Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
《残酷的关怀:我们边境儿童的历史》澳大利亚历史研究,印前(印前),1-2页
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引用次数: 0
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AUSTRALIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES
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