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The Abe Assassination and Japan’s Nexus of Religion and Politics 安倍遇刺与日本的宗教与政治关系
IF 1.3 4区 历史学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1525/curh.2023.122.845.209
Levi McLaughlin
The shocking murder of Japan’s former Prime Minister of Japan Shinzō Abe by a gunman motivated by anger at the politician’s ties to the controversial Unification Church sparked a massive outcry that amplified long-standing anxieties about religion in Japan. This article surveys reasons for persistent tensions between a Japanese public that tends to reject self-identifying as religious and the influence of religion-affiliated organizations on Japanese politics. It also identifies Abe’s assassination in July 2022 and local-level elections in April 2023 as potential beginning and end points of the latest moral panic about religion in Japan’s public sphere.
日本前首相安倍(shinzo Abe)被一名枪手令人震惊地谋杀,凶手的动机是对这位政治家与有争议的统一教会(Unification Church)的关系感到愤怒,这引发了大规模的抗议,加剧了日本长期以来对宗教的担忧。这篇文章调查了日本公众(倾向于拒绝自我认定为宗教人士)和宗教附属组织对日本政治的影响之间持续紧张关系的原因。报告还指出,2022年7月安倍遇刺和2023年4月的地方选举,可能是日本公共领域对宗教的最新道德恐慌的起点和终点。
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引用次数: 0
Is ‘Economic Security’ Making the Asia-Pacific Safer? “经济安全”让亚太更安全?
IF 1.3 4区 历史学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1525/curh.2023.122.845.235
Kristin Vekasi
Trade agreements and production networks have made the Asia-Pacific an area of peaceful economic interdependence. An accelerating trend of protectionist measures in the name of economic security could pull the region apart.
贸易协定和生产网络使亚太地区成为一个和平的经济相互依存的地区。以经济安全为名的保护主义措施的加速趋势可能会使该地区分裂。
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引用次数: 0
Chinese Feminists Face Paradoxical State Policies 中国女权主义者面临矛盾的国家政策
IF 1.3 4区 历史学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1525/curh.2023.122.845.203
Yige Dong
Struggles for women’s rights, and the state’s responses, have shifted over the history of the People’s Republic of China. In an initial period of socialist state feminism, the Chinese Communist Party celebrated “women’s liberation” and offered child-friendly services to facilitate women’s entry into the workforce. During the era of post-socialist economic modernization, services were curtailed, shifting family responsibilities back to women and reinforcing patriarchal norms. Most recently, a form of made-in-China feminism has emerged, characterized by everyday resistance to prevailing gender expectations. Now, the state is suppressing feminist activists while adopting some of their proposals into law and policy.
争取妇女权利的斗争,以及国家的反应,在中华人民共和国的历史上发生了变化。在社会主义国家女权主义的初始阶段,中国共产党庆祝“妇女解放”,并提供儿童友好服务,以促进妇女进入劳动力市场。在后社会主义经济现代化时代,服务被削减,家庭责任转回到女性身上,强化了父权规范。最近,一种中国制造的女权主义出现了,其特点是对普遍存在的性别期望的日常抵制。现在,国家正在压制女权主义者,同时将他们的一些建议纳入法律和政策。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Sin City 中国的罪恶之城
IF 1.3 4区 历史学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1525/curh.2023.122.845.238
Catherine S. Chan
From the arrival of Portuguese colonialism to its present incarnation as the world’s biggest gambling center, Macau has long made the most of its liminal position at China’s edge.
从葡萄牙殖民主义到来到如今成为全球最大的博彩中心,澳门长期以来一直充分利用其在中国边缘的有限地位。
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引用次数: 0
The Tensions of the New Marcos Presidency 新马科斯总统任期的紧张局势
IF 1.3 4区 历史学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1525/curh.2023.122.845.224
Lisandro E. Claudio
In 2022, the presidential candidacy of Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., son of the late dictator, raised fears the Philippines would slide further toward illiberalism. Marcos vowed to follow the example of his populist predecessor, Rodrigo Duterte, enlisting Duterte’s daughter, Sara, as his running mate to create a powerful winning coalition. But Marcos was also the most socially liberal candidate. Since taking office, he has governed with relative moderation, repairing relations with the United States, pulling back on Duterte’s brutal drug war and persecution of critics, and restoring a sense of bureaucratic stability and normalcy.
2022年,已故独裁者的儿子小费迪南德·“奉奉”·马科斯(Ferdinand“Bongbong”Marcos Jr.)成为总统候选人,引发了人们对菲律宾将进一步滑向非自由主义的担忧。马科斯发誓要效仿他的民粹主义前任罗德里戈·杜特尔特(Rodrigo Duterte),让杜特尔特的女儿萨拉(Sara)作为自己的竞选伙伴,组建一个强大的必胜联盟。但马科斯也是社会上最自由的候选人。自上任以来,他以相对温和的方式执政,修复了与美国的关系,撤回了杜特尔特残酷的毒品战争和对批评者的迫害,恢复了官僚主义的稳定和常态感。
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引用次数: 1
Citadels of Crisis 危机的城堡
IF 1.3 4区 历史学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1525/curh.2023.122.844.163
E. Obadare
Once highly regarded as centers of excellence, Nigerian universities now uniformly occupy the basement of most global university rankings. At the same time, the nation’s academia is all but shorn of the social prestige that previously attached to it. This essay argues that neither the specific degradation of the professoriate, nor the broader crisis of higher education, can be understood without attention to the crisis of the postcolonial Nigerian state. Accordingly, restorative strategies must take into account the historicity of the crisis, and its insertion into a whirlpool of national, regional, and global forces.
尼日利亚的大学曾经被视为卓越的中心,现在在大多数全球大学排名中都占据了底部。与此同时,这个国家的学术界几乎失去了以前所拥有的社会威望。本文认为,如果不关注后殖民时期尼日利亚国家的危机,无论是教授的具体退化,还是更广泛的高等教育危机,都无法理解。因此,恢复性战略必须考虑到危机的历史性,以及它对国家、地区和全球力量漩涡的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Who Owns ‘Black’? Decolonization and Its Aporias 谁拥有“黑色”?非殖民化及其问题
IF 1.3 4区 历史学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1525/curh.2023.122.844.193
Hlonipha Mokoena
In South Africa, where the current movement to decolonize universities and cultural institutions has drawn international attention, its arguments often clash with the historical realities of apartheid.
在南非,目前的大学和文化机构非殖民化运动引起了国际关注,其论点往往与种族隔离的历史现实相冲突。
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引用次数: 0
The Expansion of Women’s Rights in Africa 非洲妇女权利的扩大
IF 1.3 4区 历史学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1525/curh.2023.122.844.172
A. Tripp
Twenty years after the African Union adopted the Maputo Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa, constitutional and legislative provisions on women’s rights have proliferated across the continent. Sub-Saharan Africa has achieved some of the world’s highest rates of improvement in women’s economic empowerment. African women have also been at the forefront of global efforts to increase female representation in political and business leadership, peacebuilding, and other areas. But progress on women’s rights has been weaker in the domain of family law on issues including inheritance rights and reproductive freedom. Africa also ranks lowest in closing the gender gap in education, despite major gains at the primary school level.
非洲联盟通过《关于非洲妇女权利的马普托议定书》二十年后,有关妇女权利的宪法和立法规定在整个非洲大陆激增。撒哈拉以南非洲在妇女经济赋权方面取得了世界上最高的进步。非洲妇女也一直站在全球努力增加女性在政治和商业领导、建设和平和其他领域的代表性的最前沿。但在包括继承权和生育自由在内的家庭法领域,妇女权利方面的进展一直较弱。非洲在缩小教育方面的性别差距方面也排名最低,尽管在小学一级取得了重大进展。
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引用次数: 0
Namibia’s Intractable Land Question 纳米比亚棘手的土地问题
IF 1.3 4区 历史学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1525/curh.2023.122.844.167
Ellison Tjirera
German colonial rule, followed by South African occupation, left Namibia with lasting patterns of extreme inequality in land ownership. Reform plans issued in recent decades have yielded little relief for the landless majority, including urban dwellers. Despite the emergence of new social movements demanding change, political elites who have become large landowners show few signs of willingness to pursue transformative measures. A recent agreement with Germany to make amends for genocide has also failed to satisfy calls for land reparations.
德国的殖民统治,接着是南非的占领,给纳米比亚留下了土地所有权极端不平等的长期模式。近几十年发布的改革计划对包括城市居民在内的大多数无地人口几乎没有任何帮助。尽管出现了要求变革的新社会运动,但已经成为大地主的政治精英几乎没有表现出愿意采取变革措施的迹象。最近与德国达成的一项对种族灭绝进行赔偿的协议也未能满足土地赔偿的要求。
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引用次数: 0
External Relations and Local Agency in the Horn of Africa 非洲之角对外关系和地方机构
IF 1.3 4区 历史学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1525/curh.2023.122.844.185
Aleksi Ylönen
Strategic and security analysis of the Horn of Africa systematically portrays the roots of instability as external. However, the region’s stability or instability is largely determined by local actors and conditions. Local agency and context largely set the conditions for the involvement of external actors. This article discusses how state and nonstate actors have conducted their engagement with outside powers, especially the Gulf states, at a time of increasing rivalry for influence in the Horn of Africa, with examples ranging from Ethiopia to Somalia, and from Djibouti to Somaliland.
对非洲之角的战略和安全分析系统地将不稳定的根源描绘为外部因素。然而,该地区的稳定或不稳定在很大程度上取决于当地的行为者和条件。地方机构和背景在很大程度上为外部行动者的参与设定了条件。本文以埃塞俄比亚、索马里、吉布提、索马里兰等国为例,讨论了在非洲之角争夺影响力的竞争日益激烈之际,国家和非国家行为体是如何与外部势力,特别是海湾国家进行接触的。
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引用次数: 1
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