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Critical Theory and Climate Change: Collective Subjectivity, Evolution and Modernity 批判理论与气候变化:集体主体性、演化与现代性
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-023-09462-1
José Maurício Domingues
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引用次数: 0
Prisons of Poverty and Politics: How Russian Human Rights Workers Embed Themselves in Middle Class Social Movements 贫穷与政治的监狱:俄罗斯人权工作者如何融入中产阶级社会运动
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-023-09460-3
Olga Zeveleva
Abstract Human rights NGOs contribute to the formation of norms and policies around penality, and inform social understandings of what constitutes acceptable punishment. This article turns to the symbolic group-making work of human rights workers as agents who work with prisoners, and who also construct the image of the prisoner for the rest of society. I zoom in on the case of prison NGO work in Russia, a non-democratic country, and answer two questions: first, how do prison NGOs construct the image of the prisoner, and articulate their relationship with their social base and their networks of civic engagement? Second, what organizational behaviors do these articulations encourage? Drawing on 18 semi-structured interviews and observation at prison NGOs based in Moscow, the study shows that Russian NGO workers often view themselves and act as members of a middle class social movement in Russia. While NGOs tend to focus on the most economically disadvantaged and socially isolated groups in their work, the prisoners they depict when addressing the public and the press tend to represent more educated groups with higher levels of symbolic capital (political prisoners, those convicted of economic crimes, and former state employees), reflecting a desire to put prison on the middle class agenda. At the same time, prison NGO employees employ a class lens in their work with prisoners, and determine how to help prisoners based on their assessment of how the socio-economic background of the prisoner intersects with ethnicity, religion, ability/disability, region where they are serving their sentence, and region where they are from. In other words, prison NGO workers view prisoners through the resources they can accumulate using the simultaneous, intersecting dimensions of their status and their relation to other groups both in prison and outside.
人权非政府组织有助于形成有关惩罚的规范和政策,并告知社会对什么是可接受的惩罚的理解。这篇文章转向了人权工作者作为与囚犯一起工作的代理人的象征性群体建构工作,他们也为社会其他人构建囚犯的形象。我聚焦于俄罗斯这个非民主国家的监狱NGO工作,并回答两个问题:第一,监狱NGO如何建构囚犯的形象,并阐明他们与社会基础和公民参与网络的关系?第二,这些表述鼓励了什么样的组织行为?根据对莫斯科监狱非政府组织的18次半结构化访谈和观察,该研究表明,俄罗斯非政府组织工作人员经常将自己视为俄罗斯中产阶级社会运动的成员。虽然非政府组织在工作中倾向于关注经济上最弱势和社会孤立的群体,但他们在向公众和媒体发表讲话时所描绘的囚犯往往代表着受教育程度更高、象征资本水平更高的群体(政治犯、被判经济罪的人、前政府雇员),这反映了一种将监狱纳入中产阶级议程的愿望。与此同时,监狱NGO的工作人员在与犯人打交道的过程中采用了阶级视角,根据犯人的社会经济背景与种族、宗教、能力/残疾、服刑地区、出生地等因素的交集来决定如何帮助犯人。换句话说,监狱NGO工作者通过他们可以积累的资源来看待囚犯,同时使用他们的地位和他们与监狱内外其他群体的关系的交叉维度。
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引用次数: 0
Masculinity, Citizenship, and Demography: the Rise of Populism 男子气概、公民身份和人口学:民粹主义的兴起
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-29 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-023-09459-w
B. Turner
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引用次数: 0
Culture of Meritocracy, Political Hegemony, and Singapore’s Development 精英文化、政治霸权与新加坡的发展
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-16 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-023-09458-x
Bryan Cheang, D. Choy
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引用次数: 1
Authorial Power, Authoritarianism, and Exiled Intellectuals: Syria and Turkey 威权、威权主义与流亡知识分子:叙利亚与土耳其
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-06 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-023-09455-0
Z. Al Azmeh, J. Dillabough
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引用次数: 0
Urban Transformation and Experiences of ‘Becoming Marginal’ in Russia 俄罗斯城市转型与“边缘化”经验
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-05 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-023-09457-y
Kirsti Stuvøy
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引用次数: 0
Alternative Epistemology in Far-Right Anti-Publics: A Qualitative Study of Australian Activists 极右翼反公众中的另类认识论——对澳大利亚活动家的定性研究
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-023-09456-z
M. Peucker, R. Spaaij
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引用次数: 0
The Hall-Colley Debate: a Stop on the Road to the 1619 Project 霍尔-科利辩论:通往1619计划的道路上的一站
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-15 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-023-09453-2
J. Welsh
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引用次数: 0
Conspiracy Narratives as a Type of Social Myth. 阴谋叙事是一种社会神话。
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-10 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-023-09454-1
Radek Chlup

It has long been recognized that conspiracy narratives may be seen as a special kind of myth. In most cases, however, this is taken as a sign of their irrational and unsubstantiated nature. I argue that mythical modes of reasoning are actually far more pervasive in modern political and cultural discourse than we commonly admit and that the difference between mainstream discourse and conspiracy narratives is not one between "rational" and "mythical" thought but rather one between different types of mythical thinking. The specific nature of conspiracy myths is best understood in relation to two other types of social myths: political myths and fictional myths. Conspiracy myths are a hybrid of these two genres: like fictional myths, they make use of imaginative elements, but like political myths, they are understood as having a relatively straightforward relation to reality and not just a metaphorical one. They are essentially anti-systemic, and their chief ethos is that of distrust. Nevertheless, the degree to which they reject the system varies, and it is thus useful to distinguish between weaker and stronger conspiracy myths. While the latter reject the system altogether and are incompatible with political myths, the former are capable of co-operating with them.

人们早就认识到,阴谋论可能被视为一种特殊的神话。然而,在大多数情况下,这被视为其非理性和未经证实的性质的标志。我认为,神话推理模式实际上在现代政治和文化话语中比我们通常承认的要普遍得多,主流话语和阴谋叙事之间的区别不是“理性”和“神话”思想之间的区别,而是不同类型的神话思维之间的区别。阴谋神话的具体性质最好结合另外两种类型的社会神话来理解:政治神话和虚构神话。阴谋神话是这两种类型的混合体:与虚构神话一样,它们利用了想象力,但与政治神话一样,他们被理解为与现实有着相对直接的关系,而不仅仅是隐喻性的关系。他们本质上是反系统的,他们的主要精神是不信任。然而,他们拒绝该系统的程度各不相同,因此区分较弱和较强的阴谋神话是有用的。虽然后者完全拒绝这一制度,与政治神话不相容,但前者有能力与他们合作。
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引用次数: 0
Struggles Against Mining in Brazil: Framing Disputes and Tensions in Civil Society. 巴西反对采矿的斗争:界定民间社会的争端和紧张局势。
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-023-09451-4
Filipe M Motta

This paper seeks to characterise the relationship between civil society and mining in Minas Gerais, Brazil, between 2000 and 2020 by observing the actions of three different groups in resisting the expansion of mining. The analysis points to the existence of a plurality of forms of engagement, organisation and ways of establishing relations between civil society and the state and the market. It also reveals tension between different ways of framing the mining problem by civil society, of posing this problem publicly and establishing ways to confront it. Three sets of actors are identified: (i) environmental NGOs, who are market-oriented; (ii) groups with looser ties who are more radical; and (iii) social movements aligned with the identities of a state-orientated traditional left. My analysis suggests that the divergence in framing the context by these three different groups hinders the construction of a substantive public debate on the mining issue in Brazil. The article is divided into three parts. First, it briefly outlines the process of mining expansion in Brazil, starting in the mid-2000s, highlighting its economic impact. Second, it considers the relationship between civil society articulation and deliberation. Third, it characterises the constitution of these different civil society groups who have established interactions with market and state actors that fostered this expansion.

本文试图通过观察三个不同群体在抵制采矿扩张方面的行动,来描述2000年至2020年间巴西米纳斯吉拉斯民间社会与采矿业之间的关系。分析指出,民间社会与国家和市场之间存在多种形式的参与、组织和建立关系的方式。它还揭示了民间社会界定采矿问题的不同方式、公开提出这一问题和确定应对这一问题的方法之间的紧张关系;(ii)关系松散、更激进的群体;以及(iii)与以国家为导向的传统左派身份相一致的社会运动。我的分析表明,这三个不同群体在界定背景方面的分歧阻碍了在巴西就采矿问题进行实质性公开辩论。文章分为三个部分。首先,它简要概述了巴西从2000年代中期开始的矿业扩张过程,强调了其经济影响。其次,它考虑了民间社会表达和审议之间的关系。第三,它描述了这些不同的民间社会团体的组成,他们与市场和国家行为者建立了互动,促进了这种扩张。
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引用次数: 1
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International Journal of Politics Culture and Society
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