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Reading Between and Across the Lines: a Response to Anne Taylor’s “What Is Cultural Sociological Debate? A Review of Lyn Spillman’s What Is Cultural Sociology? (2020, Cambridge: Polity Press)” 字里行间的阅读:对安妮·泰勒《什么是文化社会学辩论?》林恩·斯皮尔曼《什么是文化社会学》述评(2020年,剑桥:政治出版社)
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-25 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-022-09428-9
L. Spillman
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引用次数: 0
‘Dubai’ as a Place of Memory in Malayalam Cinema “迪拜”作为马拉雅拉姆电影的记忆之地
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-12 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-022-09422-1
Mohamed Shafeeq Karinkurayil
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引用次数: 4
Feeling It/Not Feeling It: Mood Stories as Accounts of Political Intuition 感觉它/不感觉它:情绪故事作为政治直觉的描述
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-05 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-022-09420-3
S. Coleman
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引用次数: 0
Personality Cult or a Mere Matter of Popularity? 个人崇拜还是仅仅是受欢迎的问题?
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-022-09423-0
Anne-Mette Holmgård Sundahl

This paper introduces a theoretical model for distinguishing between mere popularity and personality cults as there currently is an inflated use of the personality cult concept, especially in news media, attaching it to significantly different phenomena. The model is based on Weber's concept of charismatic authority and consists of three parameters, widespread symbolic elevation, resilience and religious parallels, covering a representational and social practice dimension. Both dimensions are needed to constitute a personality cult. Trump, Putin and Ardern are used as examples of the model's ability to distinguish between cult and non-cult phenomena. The comparison shows that only Trump and Putin have a cult on both dimensions. Mere popular politicians like Ardern are more comparable to celebrities as these do not have the same authority and power over the followers as leaders with a personality cult - despite potentially showing some cultlike tendencies on the representational dimension. Popular politicians are thus especially characterised by lacking the key social practice aspect of personality cults. As they might still exhibit some cultlike characteristics, the different phenomena are best perceived as being on a continuum ranging from mere admiration or popularity to a personality cult.

本文介绍了一种区分纯粹的人气和个人崇拜的理论模型,因为目前存在着对个人崇拜概念的夸大使用,尤其是在新闻媒体中,将其与明显不同的现象相提并论。该模型以韦伯的 "魅力权威 "概念为基础,包括三个参数,即广泛的象征性提升、复原力和宗教相似性,涵盖了代表性和社会实践两个维度。构成个人崇拜需要这两个维度。我们以特朗普、普京和阿德恩为例,说明该模型区分邪教和非邪教现象的能力。比较结果表明,只有特朗普和普京在两个维度上都具有邪教特征。像阿德恩这样的纯粹受欢迎的政治家更类似于名人,因为他们对追随者的权威和权力不如具有个人崇拜的领导人--尽管在代表性维度上可能表现出一些类似于邪教的倾向。因此,受欢迎的政治家尤其缺乏个人崇拜的关键社会实践方面。由于他们仍可能表现出一些类似邪教的特征,因此最好将不同的现象视为从单纯的崇拜或受欢迎到个人崇拜的连续统一体。
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引用次数: 0
Between Charity and Protest. The Politicisation of Refugee Support Volunteers 介于慈善和抗议之间。难民援助志愿者的政治化
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-19 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-022-09419-w
Pierre Monforte, Gaja Maestri
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引用次数: 5
Performances and Politics in Pakistan: a Case Study of a Micro Public Sphere 巴基斯坦的表演与政治:一个微观公共领域的个案研究
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-05 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-022-09418-x
Mehr Latif
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引用次数: 0
Public Intellectuals in Digital and Global Times: the Case of Project Syndicate. 数字与环球时代的公共知识分子:以辛迪加项目为例
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-022-09417-y
Mauro Basaure, Alfredo Joignant, Rachel Théodore

In this article, we present a conceptual model for the study of intellectual trajectories. The notion of trajectory combines the figure of the intellectuals, as actors, and the stages on which they act. With the help of this model, we seek particularly to study the figure of the global digital public intellectual and the global digital stage on which this figure operates. By studying the case of Project Syndicate (the most important global platform or stage for the circulation of ideas through opinion columns), we show empirically that this stage has particularities that make it a circuit for such circulation. The notion of circuit seems to us more appropriate than field to describe this type of global stage at a transnational scale, still characterized by a lower level of institutionalization.

在本文中,我们提出了一个研究知识分子轨迹的概念模型。轨迹的概念结合了作为行动者的知识分子形象和他们行动的舞台。在这一模型的帮助下,我们特别试图研究全球数字公共知识分子的形象以及这一形象所处的全球数字舞台。通过研究辛迪加项目(Project Syndicate,通过舆论专栏进行思想传播的最重要的全球平台或舞台)的案例,我们以实证的方式证明,这一舞台具有特殊性,使其成为思想传播的一个回路。在我们看来,"回路 "的概念比 "场域 "更适合描述这种跨国规模的全球舞台,其特点仍然是制度化程度较低。
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引用次数: 0
Using Online Social Networks to Acquire Political Information: the Politically Engaged Non-ideological Youth in Chile, 2017-2019. 使用在线社交网络获取政治信息:智利政治参与的非意识形态青年,2017-2019。
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-01 Epub Date: 2021-06-18 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-021-09407-6
Gonzalo Espinoza Bianchini, Patricio Navia, Camilla Ulriksen Lira

This paper assesses the impact of age and ideological identification on the left-right scale on the use of online social networks to acquire political information. Socio-demographic indicators and ideological identification have been found to impact democratic engagement and the access and use of social networks. In countries where the digital divide (access to the internet) and digital inequality (use of the internet) coexist, the impact of socio-demographic indicators is stronger, as those with fewer tools and resources have less access and make less use of social networks for democratic engagement. We postulate three hypotheses on the effect of socio-demographic determinants and ideological identification and test them using 6 national polls conducted between 2017 and 2019 in Chile, a middle-income country with high levels of inequality. Though socio-demographic variables and ideological identification impact the use of social networks to acquire political information, young people who do not identify on the ideological scale are as likely to use social networks to obtain political information as older people who identify on the left-right scale. As generational replacement kicks in, online democratic engagement will become more intense. Even the non-ideological youth is more politically engaged than the ideologically identified older age cohorts.

本文评估了左右尺度上的年龄和意识形态认同对在线社交网络获取政治信息的影响。研究发现,社会人口指标和意识形态认同会影响民主参与以及社交网络的获取和使用。在数字鸿沟(互联网接入)和数字不平等(互联网使用)并存的国家,社会人口指标的影响更大,因为工具和资源较少的人访问互联网的机会较少,也较少利用社交网络进行民主参与。我们对社会人口决定因素和意识形态认同的影响提出了三个假设,并利用2017年至2019年在智利(一个高度不平等的中等收入国家)进行的6次全国民意调查对它们进行了检验。虽然社会人口变量和意识形态认同会影响社会网络获取政治信息的使用,但没有意识形态认同的年轻人使用社会网络获取政治信息的可能性与左右认同的老年人一样大。随着代际更替的开始,网络上的民主参与将变得更加激烈。即使是非意识形态的年轻人也比意识形态认同的老年人更积极地参与政治。
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引用次数: 1
Feeling Black Feminism, Otherwise: a Review of Jennifer C. Nash's Black Feminism Reimagined: After Intersectionality (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2019). 感受黑人女权主义,否则:评詹妮弗-C-纳什(Jennifer C. Nash)的《重新想象的黑人女权主义》(Black Feminism Reimagined:After Intersectionality》(北卡罗来纳州达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2019 年)。
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-01 Epub Date: 2021-04-15 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-021-09400-z
SaraEllen Strongman
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引用次数: 0
How the Future Fell from Grace and How to Repair It. Changes in Time-Consciousness in the Late Twentieth and Early Twenty-first Century: a Response to Joe Davidson's "From the Future to the Past (and Back Again?): a Review of Aleida Assmann's Is Time Out of Joint? On the Rise and Fall of the Modern Time Regime (Ithaca: Cornell University Press and Cornell University Library, 2020)". 未来是如何陨落的以及如何修复?二十世纪末二十一世纪初时间意识的变化:回应乔-戴维森的 "从未来到过去(又回到过去?论现代时间制度的兴衰》(伊萨卡:康奈尔大学出版社和康奈尔大学图书馆,2020 年)的评论"。
IF 1.1 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-01 Epub Date: 2021-10-13 DOI: 10.1007/s10767-021-09413-8
Aleida Assmann
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引用次数: 0
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International Journal of Politics Culture and Society
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