{"title":"Rape in War: Prosecuting the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and Boko Haram for Sexual Violence Against Women","authors":"D. Sverdlov","doi":"10.31228/osf.io/ew2uj","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31228/osf.io/ew2uj","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45714,"journal":{"name":"CORNELL INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69639890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The collapse of the Soviet Union led to profound changes in ethnicity and identity policies and practices in the newly independent countries, including Kazakhstan. The ethnically diverse population of Kazakhstan presented a particularly unique challenge for the new regime and its approaches to the identity-building policies. This paper focuses on the ethnic and identity-building policies of Kazakhstan and offers an overview of the legal framework regulating language use, education, media, citizenship, and official identity policy. The paper also focuses on the de-facto implementation of the officially stated policies and explores reasons behind inconsistencies and discrepancies between the declared policies and situation on the ground. Finally, this paper also looks at the societal reactions towards the official identity and language policies, expressed in the country’s public and media discourse. This paper argues that the post-independence Kazakhstan’s and identity-building process is affected by several important implications, including legacy of the Soviet nationality policy, significant amount of continuity with late-Soviet policies and practices, search for a new identity and the regime’s aim to prevent political confrontation along ethnic lines by assuring Kazakh hegemony while allowing nominal minority representation.
{"title":"Kazakhstan's National Identity - Building Policy: Soviet Legacy, State Efforts, and Societal Reactions","authors":"A. Burkhanov","doi":"10.31228/osf.io/2hfr6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31228/osf.io/2hfr6","url":null,"abstract":"The collapse of the Soviet Union led to profound changes in ethnicity and identity policies and practices in the newly independent countries, including Kazakhstan. The ethnically diverse population of Kazakhstan presented a particularly unique challenge for the new regime and its approaches to the identity-building policies. This paper focuses on the ethnic and identity-building policies of Kazakhstan and offers an overview of the legal framework regulating language use, education, media, citizenship, and official identity policy. The paper also focuses on the de-facto implementation of the officially stated policies and explores reasons behind inconsistencies and discrepancies between the declared policies and situation on the ground. Finally, this paper also looks at the societal reactions towards the official identity and language policies, expressed in the country’s public and media discourse. This paper argues that the post-independence Kazakhstan’s and identity-building process is affected by several important implications, including legacy of the Soviet nationality policy, significant amount of continuity with late-Soviet policies and practices, search for a new identity and the regime’s aim to prevent political confrontation along ethnic lines by assuring Kazakh hegemony while allowing nominal minority representation.","PeriodicalId":45714,"journal":{"name":"CORNELL INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69638616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
International Criminal Courts and Tribunals (“ICCTs”) have been established on a belying enforcement paradox between their significant mandate and their inherent lack of enforcement powers due to the absence of systemic law enforcement. This Article is premised on the idea that ICCTs fail to procure substantial results due to their delusive persistence in rejecting the factoring of politics in their operation. Thus, I suggest a perspective for arrest warrant enforcement that not only recognizes the relevance of politics but also capitalizes on it. I argue that by fully comprehending its enforcement tools and making use of its political role, the International Criminal Court (“ICC”) may increase its rates in the apprehension of suspects and secure higher levels of judicial enforcement. Based on different compliance theories, I argue that the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC (“OTP”) can improve compliance with ICC arrest warrants by making use of third states and non-state actors. In Part I, I address the way states and international actors may assist the OTP towards unwillingness to arrest states through inducements, reputational sanctions, and support for enforcement agencies. I propose that external pressure in the form of positive inducements (i.e., membership and development aid) or negative inducements (i.e., travel bans and asset freezes), as well as condemnation and reputational damage towards non-compliant states, are likely to increase compliance with arrest warrants. In Part II, I examine a strategy for the OTP towards states that are willing to arrest but are unable to do so. In these cases, the OTP would benefit from improving its institutional capacity to identify and use overlapping interests with activist states in the field of human rights and international justice through the establishment of a diplomatic arm within its Jurisdiction, Complementarity, and Cooperation Division. I unpack the question of what this engagement may look like by examining such a potential relationship between the United States and the ICC. Finally, in Part III, I focus on the instances where civil society
{"title":"Mind the Gap: A Systematic Approach to the International Criminal Court's Arrest Warrants Enforcement Problem","authors":"Nadia Banteka","doi":"10.31228/osf.io/7u2ea","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31228/osf.io/7u2ea","url":null,"abstract":"International Criminal Courts and Tribunals (“ICCTs”) have been established on a belying enforcement paradox between their significant mandate and their inherent lack of enforcement powers due to the absence of systemic law enforcement. This Article is premised on the idea that ICCTs fail to procure substantial results due to their delusive persistence in rejecting the factoring of politics in their operation. Thus, I suggest a perspective for arrest warrant enforcement that not only recognizes the relevance of politics but also capitalizes on it. I argue that by fully comprehending its enforcement tools and making use of its political role, the International Criminal Court (“ICC”) may increase its rates in the apprehension of suspects and secure higher levels of judicial enforcement. Based on different compliance theories, I argue that the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC (“OTP”) can improve compliance with ICC arrest warrants by making use of third states and non-state actors. In Part I, I address the way states and international actors may assist the OTP towards unwillingness to arrest states through inducements, reputational sanctions, and support for enforcement agencies. I propose that external pressure in the form of positive inducements (i.e., membership and development aid) or negative inducements (i.e., travel bans and asset freezes), as well as condemnation and reputational damage towards non-compliant states, are likely to increase compliance with arrest warrants. In Part II, I examine a strategy for the OTP towards states that are willing to arrest but are unable to do so. In these cases, the OTP would benefit from improving its institutional capacity to identify and use overlapping interests with activist states in the field of human rights and international justice through the establishment of a diplomatic arm within its Jurisdiction, Complementarity, and Cooperation Division. I unpack the question of what this engagement may look like by examining such a potential relationship between the United States and the ICC. Finally, in Part III, I focus on the instances where civil society","PeriodicalId":45714,"journal":{"name":"CORNELL INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69639860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I. The History and Evolution of International LGBT Rights . . 615 R A. Universal Declaration of Human Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 615 R 1. UDHR LGBT Rights Provision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 616 R B. ICCPR . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 617 R 1. ICCPR LGBT Rights Provisions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 618 R C. The European Convention of Human Rights . . . . . . . . . . . 618 R 1. The European Convention LGBT Rights Provisions . . . . 619 R D. LGBT Rights Violations in Need of Protection . . . . . . . . . . 620 R 1. Non-Discrimination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 620 R 2. Privacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 620 R 3. Marriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 621 R II. Evaluating the Effectiveness of Conditioning Domestic Investments: United States and HB2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 622 R A. History of the HB2 Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 623 R B. Impact of the Law’s Passage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 624 R III. Evaluating the Effectiveness of Conditioning FDI in a Developing State: South Africa and the Sullivan Principles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 627 R A. What is Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 627 R B. The History and Impact of the Sullivan Principles . . . . . . 628 R C. Application of the Sullivan Principles Today . . . . . . . . . . . 630 R D. LGBT Inclusion and Economic Development Intersect . . 632 R IV. Codes of Conduct-Organization for Economic CoOperation and Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 633 R A. Institutional Codes of Conduct— The OECD. . . . . . . . . . . . 633 R B. OECD Guideline Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 636 R
一、国际LGBT权利的历史与演变。615 R.A.《世界人权宣言》。615 R 1。UDHR LGBT权利条款。616 R.B.ICCPR。617 R 1。《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》关于男女同性恋、双性恋和变性者权利的规定。618 R.C.《欧洲人权公约》。618 R 1。《欧洲公约》LGBT权利条款。619 R.D.需要保护的LGBT权利侵犯。620 R 1。非歧视。620 R 2。隐私620 R 3。结婚621 R II。国内投资条件的有效性评估：美国和HB2。622 R.A.HB2法律的历史。623 R.B.法律通过的影响。624 R III.评估发展中国家限制外国直接投资的有效性：南非和沙利文原则。627 R A.什么是外国直接投资。627 R.B.沙利文原则的历史和影响。628 R.C.今天沙利文原理的应用。630 R D.LGBT包容与经济发展交叉。632 R IV经济合作与发展组织行为准则。633 R.A.机构行为准则——经合组织。633 R B.经合组织指南建议。636 R
{"title":"LGBT Rights are Human Rights: Conditioning Foreign Direct Investments on Domestic Policy Reform","authors":"Dara P. Brown","doi":"10.31228/osf.io/awhxu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31228/osf.io/awhxu","url":null,"abstract":"I. The History and Evolution of International LGBT Rights . . 615 R A. Universal Declaration of Human Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 615 R 1. UDHR LGBT Rights Provision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 616 R B. ICCPR . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 617 R 1. ICCPR LGBT Rights Provisions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 618 R C. The European Convention of Human Rights . . . . . . . . . . . 618 R 1. The European Convention LGBT Rights Provisions . . . . 619 R D. LGBT Rights Violations in Need of Protection . . . . . . . . . . 620 R 1. Non-Discrimination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 620 R 2. Privacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 620 R 3. Marriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 621 R II. Evaluating the Effectiveness of Conditioning Domestic Investments: United States and HB2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 622 R A. History of the HB2 Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 623 R B. Impact of the Law’s Passage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 624 R III. Evaluating the Effectiveness of Conditioning FDI in a Developing State: South Africa and the Sullivan Principles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 627 R A. What is Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 627 R B. The History and Impact of the Sullivan Principles . . . . . . 628 R C. Application of the Sullivan Principles Today . . . . . . . . . . . 630 R D. LGBT Inclusion and Economic Development Intersect . . 632 R IV. Codes of Conduct-Organization for Economic CoOperation and Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 633 R A. Institutional Codes of Conduct— The OECD. . . . . . . . . . . . 633 R B. OECD Guideline Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 636 R","PeriodicalId":45714,"journal":{"name":"CORNELL INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69639655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
介绍643 R I.背景。646 R II。分析647 R.A.二十国集团和本币债券市场倡议。647 R.B.金融稳定论坛/金融稳定委员会、20国集团和证券。649 R.C.G-20和IOSCO。651 R.D.二十国集团和跨境证券投资。655 R.E.信用违约掉期。656 R.F.众筹和证券监管。658 R G.二十国集团的工作和二十国集团在证券监管方面的成就可以改进什么。659 R结论。662 R
{"title":"A Global Body and a Global Problem: The Curious Case of the G-20 and Securities Regulation","authors":"Tamilla Nurizada","doi":"10.31228/osf.io/ubnqe","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31228/osf.io/ubnqe","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 643 R I. Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 646 R II. Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 647 R A. The G-20 and the Local Currency Bond Market Initiative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 647 R B. The Financial Stability Forum/Financial Stability Board, the G-20 and Securities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 649 R C. The G-20 and IOSCO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 651 R D. The G-20 and Cross-Border Securities Investments . . . . . 655 R E. Credit Default Swaps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 656 R F. Crowdfunding and Securities Regulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 658 R G. What Can Be Improved about the G-20’s Work and the Achievements of the G-20 in Securities Regulation . . . . . 659 R Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 662 R","PeriodicalId":45714,"journal":{"name":"CORNELL INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69640819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The criminal justice system in Kazakhstan is full of contradictions: Soviet-era accusatorial bias in pre-trial detention and sentencing goes hand in hand with the pro-defendant bias in closing criminal cases. This paradoxical co-existence of seemingly contradictory biases fits well within the informal power map of the criminal justice system. The major reform—reducing prison population to decrease recidivism and minimize international shaming—was coupled with the more recent drives for closing cases on the basis of reconciliation, the total registration of crimes, and zero tolerance approach to combating crime have been achieved only through the change of the incentive structure in the criminal justice system. The post-Soviet innovation of closing criminal cases of public prosecution based on the reconciliation with the victim of crime has proliferated in Kazakhstan because this matched both the incentives of the key actors in the criminal justice system and demands from private actors who are involved in criminal proceedings. In contrast, other types of public participation, such as jury trials, which implement the right to a fair trial, give teeth to adversarial proceedings, and cultivate judicial independence—requirements of the Constitution of Kazakhstan—have rarely been used because they disrupt existing power relationships within the law-enforcement system.
{"title":"Between Convictions and Reconciliations: Processing Criminal Cases in Kazakhstani Courts","authors":"Alexei Trochev","doi":"10.31228/osf.io/yh7fb","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31228/osf.io/yh7fb","url":null,"abstract":"The criminal justice system in Kazakhstan is full of contradictions: Soviet-era accusatorial bias in pre-trial detention and sentencing goes hand in hand with the pro-defendant bias in closing criminal cases. This paradoxical co-existence of seemingly contradictory biases fits well within the informal power map of the criminal justice system. The major reform—reducing prison population to decrease recidivism and minimize international shaming—was coupled with the more recent drives for closing cases on the basis of reconciliation, the total registration of crimes, and zero tolerance approach to combating crime have been achieved only through the change of the incentive structure in the criminal justice system. The post-Soviet innovation of closing criminal cases of public prosecution based on the reconciliation with the victim of crime has proliferated in Kazakhstan because this matched both the incentives of the key actors in the criminal justice system and demands from private actors who are involved in criminal proceedings. In contrast, other types of public participation, such as jury trials, which implement the right to a fair trial, give teeth to adversarial proceedings, and cultivate judicial independence—requirements of the Constitution of Kazakhstan—have rarely been used because they disrupt existing power relationships within the law-enforcement system.","PeriodicalId":45714,"journal":{"name":"CORNELL INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69641265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present fascination with the global phenomenon of an unconstitutional constitutional amendment has left open the question whether a constitution can be unconstitutional. Invalidating a single amendment for violating the architectural core of a constitution is an extraordinary action, but it is occurring with increasing frequency around the world. But to call an entire constitution unconstitutional, however, seems different in both kind and degree. In this Article, I illustrate and evaluate four different conceptions of an unconstitutional constitution. Each conception draws from a different constitution currently in force around the world, specifically the Constitutions of Canada, Mexico, South Africa and the United States. What unites all four conceptions of an unconstitutional constitution is that each instantiation, despite its unconstitutionality in different senses of the concept, nonetheless traces its roots to democratic foundations. The strength of these foundations, however, varies as to each.
{"title":"Four Unconstitutional Constitutions and their Democratic Foundations","authors":"Richard N. Albert","doi":"10.31228/osf.io/v9tz4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31228/osf.io/v9tz4","url":null,"abstract":"The present fascination with the global phenomenon of an unconstitutional constitutional amendment has left open the question whether a constitution can be unconstitutional. Invalidating a single amendment for violating the architectural core of a constitution is an extraordinary action, but it is occurring with increasing frequency around the world. But to call an entire constitution unconstitutional, however, seems different in both kind and degree. In this Article, I illustrate and evaluate four different conceptions of an unconstitutional constitution. Each conception draws from a different constitution currently in force around the world, specifically the Constitutions of Canada, Mexico, South Africa and the United States. What unites all four conceptions of an unconstitutional constitution is that each instantiation, despite its unconstitutionality in different senses of the concept, nonetheless traces its roots to democratic foundations. The strength of these foundations, however, varies as to each.","PeriodicalId":45714,"journal":{"name":"CORNELL INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69640779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
High stakes constitution-writing exercises have burst into the headlines in recent years from Iraq and Afghanistan to Egypt and Tunisia. In some cases, heated debates have given way to conflict and even violence as transitioning societies struggle to resolve fundamental conflicts over identity. The challenges of constitution-making are more acute in societies that are marked by deep religious divisions, as is the case in many Muslim-majority countries that are currently undergoing political transitions. In this Article, we examine a distinctive feature of the current wave of new constitutional exercises: the challenge of constitution-drafting under conditions of deep disagreement over the state’s religious or secular identity.The Article offers three major contributions. First, we provide a detailed qualitative examination and comparison of constitution-making in the seven relatively understudied cases of Egypt, Indonesia, India, Israel, Lebanon, Tunisia and Turkey. Second, our examination of these cases informs a critical assessment of some common assumptions in the literature that are drawn from well-studied, Western cases of constitution-drafting like those of the United States and France. We argue that an understanding of constitution-drafting as higher-order law-making that is designed to resolve questions of identity and entrench a foundational definition of “we the people” is inapposite at best and, at worst, may exacerbate conflict in religiously-divided countries. Thirdly, we develop a framework that expands the range of constitution-drafting tools and strategies discussed in the comparative law literature by identifying novel design features drawn from the qualitative cases and their potential merits.
{"title":"Constitutional Design Without Constitutional Moments: Lessons from Religiously Divided Societies","authors":"Asli U. Bali, Hanna Lerner","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2812662","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2812662","url":null,"abstract":"High stakes constitution-writing exercises have burst into the headlines in recent years from Iraq and Afghanistan to Egypt and Tunisia. In some cases, heated debates have given way to conflict and even violence as transitioning societies struggle to resolve fundamental conflicts over identity. The challenges of constitution-making are more acute in societies that are marked by deep religious divisions, as is the case in many Muslim-majority countries that are currently undergoing political transitions. In this Article, we examine a distinctive feature of the current wave of new constitutional exercises: the challenge of constitution-drafting under conditions of deep disagreement over the state’s religious or secular identity.The Article offers three major contributions. First, we provide a detailed qualitative examination and comparison of constitution-making in the seven relatively understudied cases of Egypt, Indonesia, India, Israel, Lebanon, Tunisia and Turkey. Second, our examination of these cases informs a critical assessment of some common assumptions in the literature that are drawn from well-studied, Western cases of constitution-drafting like those of the United States and France. We argue that an understanding of constitution-drafting as higher-order law-making that is designed to resolve questions of identity and entrench a foundational definition of “we the people” is inapposite at best and, at worst, may exacerbate conflict in religiously-divided countries. Thirdly, we develop a framework that expands the range of constitution-drafting tools and strategies discussed in the comparative law literature by identifying novel design features drawn from the qualitative cases and their potential merits.","PeriodicalId":45714,"journal":{"name":"CORNELL INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68344129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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