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Rape in War: Prosecuting the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and Boko Haram for Sexual Violence Against Women 战争中的强奸:起诉伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国和博科圣地对妇女实施性暴力
Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/ew2uj
D. Sverdlov
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引用次数: 12
Truth or Dare: A Framework for Analyzing Credibility in Children Seeking Asylum 真心话大冒险:儿童寻求庇护可信度分析框架
Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/t2dp4
Karen Elizabeth Smeda
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307 I. Assessing an Asylum Applicant’s Credibility in the United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 310 II. Applying the U.S. Asylum Structure to Children . . . . . . . . . . 314 III. Accounts Where Credibility Determinations Impacted Children Seeking Asylum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 318 IV. Lessons from the International Response to Children Seeking Asylum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 320 V. Proposed Reforms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323 VI. Legal Ramifications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 330
介绍307 I.评估庇护申请人在美国的可信度。310 II。将美国庇护结构应用于儿童。314 III.可信度决定影响寻求庇护儿童的账户。318 IV.国际社会对寻求庇护儿童的反应的经验教训。320 V.拟议改革。323六、法律分歧。327结论。330
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引用次数: 2
Frozen Conflicts and International Law 冻结冲突与国际法
Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/8jucd
T. Grant
Scholars (mostly in international relations and politics) and policymakers (in various countries) have referred to a series of conflicts in the space of the former USSR as “frozen conflicts.” Because some now speak of new “frozen conflicts” emerging, it is timely to ask what— if any— legal meaning this expression contains. Moreover, how we characterize these conflicts affects legal and other procedures the parties and others might apply to resolve them. Beyond the open questions of semantics and taxonomy, the so-called “frozen conflicts” merit attention because of their salience to the dispute settlement machinery that they so largely have frustrated. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 362 I. “Frozen Conflict”: Etymology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 363 A. State Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 364 B. International Organization Practice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 366 C. The Expression “Frozen Conflict” in Dispute Settlement Proceedings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 368 D. International Law Writers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 369 E. International Relations Writers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 373 II. Defining “Frozen Conflict” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 376 A. Four Conflicts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 377 1. Transnistria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 377 2. Nagorno-Karabakh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 380 3. South Ossetia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 383 4. Abkhazia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 386 B. Seven Characteristics of the Frozen Conflict . . . . . . . . . . . 390 1. Hostilities Between a State and Separatists . . . . . . . . . . . 391 2. Changes in Effective Control of Territory as a Result of Hostilities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391 3. Lines of Separation with Effective Stability . . . . . . . . . . . 391 4. Lines of Separation with (Qualified) Juridical Stability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393 5. Self-Determination Claims Associated with the Establishment of a Putative State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 394 6. Non-Recognition of the Putative State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395 7. Settlement Process (Sporadic and Inconclusive) . . . . . . . 396 C. Legal Problems Associated with “Frozen Conflicts” . . . . . 397
学者(主要从事国际关系和政治)和政策制定者(各国)将前苏联时期的一系列冲突称为“冻结的冲突”。因为有些人现在谈到新的“冻结冲突”正在出现,所以现在应该问这个表达包含什么(如果有的话)法律含义。此外,我们如何描述这些冲突影响到当事方和其他人可能适用于解决这些冲突的法律程序和其他程序。除了语义和分类学的公开问题之外,所谓的“冻结冲突”值得关注,因为它们对争端解决机制的重要性,而它们在很大程度上让争端解决机制感到沮丧。介绍362 I.“冻结的冲突”:词源学。363 A.国家惯例。364 B.国际组织惯例。366 C.争议解决程序中的“冻结冲突”一词。368 D.国际法作家。369 E.国际关系作家。373 II。定义“冻结冲突”。376 A.四个冲突。3771。德涅斯特河左岸。377 2。纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫。380 3。南奥塞梯。3834。阿布哈兹。386 B.冻结冲突的七个特点。3901。国家与分离主义者之间的敌对行动。391 2。敌对行动导致领土有效控制的变化。3913。具有有效稳定性的分离线。3914。具有(合格)法律稳定性的分离线。3935。与建立推定国家有关的自决主张。394 6。不承认推定国。3957。结算过程(零星且不明确)。396 C.与“冻结的冲突”有关的法律问题。397
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引用次数: 12
Kazakhstan's National Identity - Building Policy: Soviet Legacy, State Efforts, and Societal Reactions 哈萨克斯坦的国家认同建设政策:苏联遗产、国家努力和社会反应
Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/2hfr6
A. Burkhanov
The collapse of the Soviet Union led to profound changes in ethnicity and identity policies and practices in the newly independent countries, including Kazakhstan. The ethnically diverse population of Kazakhstan presented a particularly unique challenge for the new regime and its approaches to the identity-building policies. This paper focuses on the ethnic and identity-building policies of Kazakhstan and offers an overview of the legal framework regulating language use, education, media, citizenship, and official identity policy. The paper also focuses on the de-facto implementation of the officially stated policies and explores reasons behind inconsistencies and discrepancies between the declared policies and situation on the ground. Finally, this paper also looks at the societal reactions towards the official identity and language policies, expressed in the country’s public and media discourse. This paper argues that the post-independence Kazakhstan’s and identity-building process is affected by several important implications, including legacy of the Soviet nationality policy, significant amount of continuity with late-Soviet policies and practices, search for a new identity and the regime’s aim to prevent political confrontation along ethnic lines by assuring Kazakh hegemony while allowing nominal minority representation.
苏联的解体导致包括哈萨克斯坦在内的新独立国家的种族和身份政策和做法发生了深刻的变化。哈萨克斯坦不同种族的人口对新政权及其对建立身份的政策的做法提出了特别独特的挑战。本文重点关注哈萨克斯坦的民族和身份认同政策,并概述了规范语言使用、教育、媒体、公民身份和官方身份政策的法律框架。本文还关注了官方政策的实际执行情况,并探讨了所宣布的政策与实际情况之间不一致和差异的原因。最后,本文也探讨了社会对官方身份和语言政策的反应,这些政策在国家的公众和媒体话语中表达出来。本文认为,独立后的哈萨克斯坦及其身份建构过程受到几个重要因素的影响,包括苏联民族政策的遗产、苏联后期政策和实践的大量连续性、对新身份的寻求以及政权的目标,即通过确保哈萨克霸权,同时允许名义上的少数民族代表,防止沿着民族界线的政治对抗。
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引用次数: 13
Mind the Gap: A Systematic Approach to the International Criminal Court's Arrest Warrants Enforcement Problem 注意差距:国际刑事法院逮捕令执行问题的系统研究
Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/7u2ea
Nadia Banteka
International Criminal Courts and Tribunals (“ICCTs”) have been established on a belying enforcement paradox between their significant mandate and their inherent lack of enforcement powers due to the absence of systemic law enforcement. This Article is premised on the idea that ICCTs fail to procure substantial results due to their delusive persistence in rejecting the factoring of politics in their operation. Thus, I suggest a perspective for arrest warrant enforcement that not only recognizes the relevance of politics but also capitalizes on it. I argue that by fully comprehending its enforcement tools and making use of its political role, the International Criminal Court (“ICC”) may increase its rates in the apprehension of suspects and secure higher levels of judicial enforcement. Based on different compliance theories, I argue that the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC (“OTP”) can improve compliance with ICC arrest warrants by making use of third states and non-state actors. In Part I, I address the way states and international actors may assist the OTP towards unwillingness to arrest states through inducements, reputational sanctions, and support for enforcement agencies. I propose that external pressure in the form of positive inducements (i.e., membership and development aid) or negative inducements (i.e., travel bans and asset freezes), as well as condemnation and reputational damage towards non-compliant states, are likely to increase compliance with arrest warrants. In Part II, I examine a strategy for the OTP towards states that are willing to arrest but are unable to do so. In these cases, the OTP would benefit from improving its institutional capacity to identify and use overlapping interests with activist states in the field of human rights and international justice through the establishment of a diplomatic arm within its Jurisdiction, Complementarity, and Cooperation Division. I unpack the question of what this engagement may look like by examining such a potential relationship between the United States and the ICC. Finally, in Part III, I focus on the instances where civil society
国际刑事法院和法庭(“国际刑事法庭”)的建立是基于一种看似矛盾的执行矛盾,即它们的重大任务和由于缺乏系统执法而固有地缺乏执行权力。本文的前提是,信息通信技术之所以未能取得实质性成果,是因为它们自欺欺人地坚持拒绝在运作中考虑政治因素。因此,我提出了一种逮捕令执行的观点,即不仅认识到政治的相关性,而且要利用它。我认为,通过充分了解其执法工具和利用其政治作用,国际刑事法院(“国际刑事法院”)可以提高其逮捕嫌疑犯的比率,并确保更高水平的司法执行。基于不同的合规理论,我认为国际刑事法院检察官办公室(“OTP”)可以通过利用第三国和非国家行为体来改善对国际刑事法院逮捕令的遵守。在第一部分中,我讨论了国家和国际行为体如何通过引诱、名誉制裁和支持执法机构来帮助OTP不愿逮捕国家。我建议,以积极诱因(即成员资格和发展援助)或消极诱因(即旅行禁令和资产冻结)的形式施加的外部压力,以及对不遵守规定的国家的谴责和名誉损害,可能会增加对逮捕令的遵守。在第二部分中,我研究了OTP对那些愿意逮捕但无法这样做的国家的策略。在这些情况下,通过在其管辖权、互补性和合作司内设立一个外交部门,OTP将受益于提高其机构能力,以确定和利用与人权和国际司法领域活跃国家的重叠利益。我通过研究美国与国际刑事法院之间的这种潜在关系,来解开这种接触可能是什么样子的问题。最后,在第三部分中,我重点讨论了公民社会
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引用次数: 1
LGBT Rights are Human Rights: Conditioning Foreign Direct Investments on Domestic Policy Reform 同性恋权利是人权:以国内政策改革为条件的外国直接投资
Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/awhxu
Dara P. Brown
I. The History and Evolution of International LGBT Rights . . 615 R A. Universal Declaration of Human Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 615 R 1. UDHR LGBT Rights Provision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 616 R B. ICCPR . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 617 R 1. ICCPR LGBT Rights Provisions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 618 R C. The European Convention of Human Rights . . . . . . . . . . . 618 R 1. The European Convention LGBT Rights Provisions . . . . 619 R D. LGBT Rights Violations in Need of Protection . . . . . . . . . . 620 R 1. Non-Discrimination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 620 R 2. Privacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 620 R 3. Marriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 621 R II. Evaluating the Effectiveness of Conditioning Domestic Investments: United States and HB2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 622 R A. History of the HB2 Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 623 R B. Impact of the Law’s Passage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 624 R III. Evaluating the Effectiveness of Conditioning FDI in a Developing State: South Africa and the Sullivan Principles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 627 R A. What is Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 627 R B. The History and Impact of the Sullivan Principles . . . . . . 628 R C. Application of the Sullivan Principles Today . . . . . . . . . . . 630 R D. LGBT Inclusion and Economic Development Intersect . . 632 R IV. Codes of Conduct-Organization for Economic CoOperation and Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 633 R A. Institutional Codes of Conduct— The OECD. . . . . . . . . . . . 633 R B. OECD Guideline Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 636 R
一、国际LGBT权利的历史与演变。615 R.A.《世界人权宣言》。615 R 1。UDHR LGBT权利条款。616 R.B.ICCPR。617 R 1。《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》关于男女同性恋、双性恋和变性者权利的规定。618 R.C.《欧洲人权公约》。618 R 1。《欧洲公约》LGBT权利条款。619 R.D.需要保护的LGBT权利侵犯。620 R 1。非歧视。620 R 2。隐私620 R 3。结婚621 R II。国内投资条件的有效性评估:美国和HB2。622 R.A.HB2法律的历史。623 R.B.法律通过的影响。624 R III.评估发展中国家限制外国直接投资的有效性:南非和沙利文原则。627 R A.什么是外国直接投资。627 R.B.沙利文原则的历史和影响。628 R.C.今天沙利文原理的应用。630 R D.LGBT包容与经济发展交叉。632 R IV经济合作与发展组织行为准则。633 R.A.机构行为准则——经合组织。633 R B.经合组织指南建议。636 R
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引用次数: 1
A Global Body and a Global Problem: The Curious Case of the G-20 and Securities Regulation 一个全球性的机构和一个全球性的问题:20国集团和证券监管的奇怪案例
Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/ubnqe
Tamilla Nurizada
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 643 R I. Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 646 R II. Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 647 R A. The G-20 and the Local Currency Bond Market Initiative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 647 R B. The Financial Stability Forum/Financial Stability Board, the G-20 and Securities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 649 R C. The G-20 and IOSCO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 651 R D. The G-20 and Cross-Border Securities Investments . . . . . 655 R E. Credit Default Swaps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 656 R F. Crowdfunding and Securities Regulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 658 R G. What Can Be Improved about the G-20’s Work and the Achievements of the G-20 in Securities Regulation . . . . . 659 R Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 662 R
介绍643 R I.背景。646 R II。分析647 R.A.二十国集团和本币债券市场倡议。647 R.B.金融稳定论坛/金融稳定委员会、20国集团和证券。649 R.C.G-20和IOSCO。651 R.D.二十国集团和跨境证券投资。655 R.E.信用违约掉期。656 R.F.众筹和证券监管。658 R G.二十国集团的工作和二十国集团在证券监管方面的成就可以改进什么。659 R结论。662 R
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引用次数: 0
Between Convictions and Reconciliations: Processing Criminal Cases in Kazakhstani Courts 在定罪与和解之间:哈萨克斯坦法院处理刑事案件
Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/yh7fb
Alexei Trochev
The criminal justice system in Kazakhstan is full of contradictions: Soviet-era accusatorial bias in pre-trial detention and sentencing goes hand in hand with the pro-defendant bias in closing criminal cases. This paradoxical co-existence of seemingly contradictory biases fits well within the informal power map of the criminal justice system. The major reform—reducing prison population to decrease recidivism and minimize international shaming—was coupled with the more recent drives for closing cases on the basis of reconciliation, the total registration of crimes, and zero tolerance approach to combating crime have been achieved only through the change of the incentive structure in the criminal justice system. The post-Soviet innovation of closing criminal cases of public prosecution based on the reconciliation with the victim of crime has proliferated in Kazakhstan because this matched both the incentives of the key actors in the criminal justice system and demands from private actors who are involved in criminal proceedings. In contrast, other types of public participation, such as jury trials, which implement the right to a fair trial, give teeth to adversarial proceedings, and cultivate judicial independence—requirements of the Constitution of Kazakhstan—have rarely been used because they disrupt existing power relationships within the law-enforcement system.
哈萨克斯坦的刑事司法系统充满了矛盾:苏联时代在审前拘留和量刑方面的控诉偏见与结案时的亲被告偏见齐头并进。这种看似矛盾的偏见的矛盾共存非常适合刑事司法系统的非正式权力地图。主要的改革——减少监狱人口以减少累犯和最大限度地减少国际耻辱——与最近在和解的基础上结案的努力、犯罪的全部登记和打击犯罪的零容忍方法相结合,只有通过改变刑事司法系统的激励结构才能实现。苏联解体后,在与犯罪受害者和解的基础上结案公诉刑事案件的创新在哈萨克斯坦大量出现,因为这既符合刑事司法系统中关键行为者的动机,也符合参与刑事诉讼的私人行为者的要求。相比之下,其他类型的公众参与,如陪审团审判,实现了公平审判的权利,使对抗式诉讼生效,并培养了司法独立——这是哈萨克斯坦宪法的要求——很少被使用,因为它们破坏了执法系统内现有的权力关系。
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引用次数: 5
Four Unconstitutional Constitutions and their Democratic Foundations 四部违宪宪法及其民主基础
Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2016-10-28 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/v9tz4
Richard N. Albert
The present fascination with the global phenomenon of an unconstitutional constitutional amendment has left open the question whether a constitution can be unconstitutional. Invalidating a single amendment for violating the architectural core of a constitution is an extraordinary action, but it is occurring with increasing frequency around the world. But to call an entire constitution unconstitutional, however, seems different in both kind and degree. In this Article, I illustrate and evaluate four different conceptions of an unconstitutional constitution. Each conception draws from a different constitution currently in force around the world, specifically the Constitutions of Canada, Mexico, South Africa and the United States. What unites all four conceptions of an unconstitutional constitution is that each instantiation, despite its unconstitutionality in different senses of the concept, nonetheless traces its roots to democratic foundations. The strength of these foundations, however, varies as to each.
目前对违宪宪法修正案这一全球现象的迷恋,留下了宪法是否违宪的问题。以违反宪法架构核心为由使单一修正案无效是一种非同寻常的行为,但这种情况在世界各地发生的频率越来越高。然而,将整个宪法称为违宪,似乎在种类和程度上都有所不同。在这篇文章中,我阐述并评价了宪法违宪的四种不同概念。每一种概念都来自世界各地现行的不同宪法,特别是加拿大、墨西哥、南非和美国的宪法。将违宪宪法的所有四个概念统一起来的是,尽管每个实例在不同意义上都是违宪的,但它们的根源都可以追溯到民主基础。然而,这些基础的强度各不相同。
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引用次数: 4
Constitutional Design Without Constitutional Moments: Lessons from Religiously Divided Societies 没有宪法时刻的宪法设计:来自宗教分裂社会的教训
Q4 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2016-07-21 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2812662
Asli U. Bali, Hanna Lerner
High stakes constitution-writing exercises have burst into the headlines in recent years from Iraq and Afghanistan to Egypt and Tunisia. In some cases, heated debates have given way to conflict and even violence as transitioning societies struggle to resolve fundamental conflicts over identity. The challenges of constitution-making are more acute in societies that are marked by deep religious divisions, as is the case in many Muslim-majority countries that are currently undergoing political transitions. In this Article, we examine a distinctive feature of the current wave of new constitutional exercises: the challenge of constitution-drafting under conditions of deep disagreement over the state’s religious or secular identity.The Article offers three major contributions. First, we provide a detailed qualitative examination and comparison of constitution-making in the seven relatively understudied cases of Egypt, Indonesia, India, Israel, Lebanon, Tunisia and Turkey. Second, our examination of these cases informs a critical assessment of some common assumptions in the literature that are drawn from well-studied, Western cases of constitution-drafting like those of the United States and France. We argue that an understanding of constitution-drafting as higher-order law-making that is designed to resolve questions of identity and entrench a foundational definition of “we the people” is inapposite at best and, at worst, may exacerbate conflict in religiously-divided countries. Thirdly, we develop a framework that expands the range of constitution-drafting tools and strategies discussed in the comparative law literature by identifying novel design features drawn from the qualitative cases and their potential merits.
近年来,从伊拉克、阿富汗到埃及和突尼斯,高风险的宪法起草工作频频登上新闻头条。在某些情况下,随着转型社会努力解决关于身份的根本冲突,激烈的辩论已经让位于冲突甚至暴力。在以深刻的宗教分歧为特征的社会中,制宪的挑战更为严峻,就像许多目前正在经历政治转型的穆斯林占多数的国家一样。在本文中,我们研究了当前新宪法实践浪潮的一个显著特征:在国家宗教或世俗认同存在深刻分歧的情况下,宪法起草面临的挑战。这篇文章提供了三个主要贡献。首先,我们对埃及、印度尼西亚、印度、以色列、黎巴嫩、突尼斯和土耳其这七个研究相对不足的国家的宪法制定进行了详细的定性检查和比较。其次,我们对这些案例的研究对文献中一些常见的假设进行了批判性的评估,这些假设来自于经过充分研究的西方宪法起草案例,如美国和法国的宪法起草案例。我们认为,将宪法起草理解为旨在解决身份问题和巩固“我们人民”基本定义的高级立法,往好了说是不恰当的,往坏了说,可能会加剧宗教分裂国家的冲突。第三,我们开发了一个框架,通过识别从定性案例中提取的新颖设计特征及其潜在优点,扩大了比较法文献中讨论的宪法起草工具和策略的范围。
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引用次数: 10
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CORNELL INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL
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