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Plotting the Next "Revolution" in Choice of Law: A Proposed Approach 策划法律选择的下一次“革命”
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-19 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/zmne7
G. Simson
24 Cornell International Law Journal 279 (1991)
24《康奈尔国际法杂志》279(1991)
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引用次数: 0
The Choice-of-Law Revolution in the United States: Notes on Rereading von Mehren 美国法律革命的选择——重读冯的札记
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-19 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/s8npg
G. Simson
36 Cornell International Law Journal 125 (2003)
36《康奈尔国际法杂志》2003年第125期
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引用次数: 2
Sustainable Finance & China's Green Credit Reforms: A Test Case for Bank Monitoring of Environmental Risk 可持续金融与中国绿色信贷改革:银行环境风险监测的试验案例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-02-15 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3124304
Virginia E. Harper Ho
As financial institutions and policymakers worldwide are considering how to integrate sustainability considerations throughout financial systems, a critical question is whether banks can effectively assess and monitor borrowers’ environmental credit risk. China’s green credit reforms, part of sweeping “green finance” policies adopted by the Chinese government over the past decade, require banks to do exactly that. China’s green credit reforms offer an opportunity to test current theories of the role of creditors in corporate governance and the potential role of banks in driving sustainable finance across global capital markets.

This study uses data from the 21 Chinese banks that are at the forefront of China’s green finance initiatives, as well as insights from fieldwork conducted in 2016 and 2017, to examine banks’ ability to monitor and price environmental credit risk. This investigation shows that leading Chinese banks are strengthening their ability to integrate environmental criteria into credit risk assessment but that key barriers to efficient pricing and monitoring of environmental credit risk remain. This article concludes with lessons from the Chinese context for sustainable finance reform elsewhere.
随着全球金融机构和政策制定者正在考虑如何将可持续性考虑纳入整个金融体系,一个关键问题是银行能否有效评估和监测借款人的环境信贷风险。中国的绿色信贷改革是中国政府在过去十年采取的全面“绿色金融”政策的一部分,它要求银行做到这一点。中国的绿色信贷改革提供了一个机会,可以检验当前有关债权人在公司治理中作用的理论,以及银行在推动全球资本市场可持续金融方面的潜在作用。本研究利用中国绿色金融倡议前沿的21家中国银行的数据,以及2016年和2017年实地调查的见解,来检验银行监测和定价环境信贷风险的能力。这项调查显示,中国主要银行正在加强将环境标准纳入信贷风险评估的能力,但有效定价和监测环境信贷风险的主要障碍仍然存在。本文最后总结了中国可持续金融改革的经验教训。
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引用次数: 19
Legalized rent-seeking: Eminent domain in Kazakhstan 合法的寻租:哈萨克斯坦的土地征用权
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/2czfb
M. Hanson
Kazakhstan ranks consistently low on measures of property rights protection and the rule of law more generally.1 Echoing these evaluations, existing literature emphasizes the degree to which informal institutions shape property relations in personalist, authoritarian regimes, like Kazakhstan. The expectation is that formal institutions like law and courts fail to restrain or otherwise influence state agents’ rent-seeking behavior. In effect, they serve primarily as ornamentation. Regardless, these explanations fail to explain why both citizens and the State regularly turn to these institutions to settle property disputes. This Article focuses on conflicts over eminent domain and finds that in these cases the law provides lower and upper bounds for officials’ rent-seeking behavior. Within these limits, law combines with informal practices to determine legal outcomes. Although the law and courts sometimes provide citizens with opportunities for limited redress, they also help facilitate and legitimize officials’ use of eminent domain for personal enrichment.
哈萨克斯坦在产权保护和法治方面的总体排名一直较低。1与这些评价相呼应,现有文献强调了非正式制度在多大程度上塑造了像哈萨克斯坦这样的个人专制政权的财产关系。人们的期望是,像法律和法院这样的正式机构无法约束或以其他方式影响国家代理人的寻租行为。实际上,它们主要用作装饰。无论如何,这些解释并不能解释为什么公民和国家都经常求助于这些机构来解决财产纠纷。本文着重研究了土地征用权的冲突,发现在这些情况下,法律为官员的寻租行为提供了下限和上限。在这些限制范围内,法律与非正式做法相结合,以确定法律结果。尽管法律和法院有时为公民提供有限补救的机会,但它们也有助于为官员利用征用权谋取私利提供便利并使其合法化。
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引用次数: 3
Objective or Perception-Based: A Debate on the Ideal Measure of Corruption 客观还是感知:关于腐败理想衡量标准的争论
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-01 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/276uf
Riccardo Pelizzo, Omer F. Baris, S. Janenova
In Kazakhstan, several institutions have developed new measures of corruption. This Article addresses the doubts that empirical analyses have raised as to whether and to what extent existing measures of corruption provide valid and reliable estimates of corruption levels in Kazakhstan. Domestic institutions decided to develop the new measures after exploring reasons international measures seemed to be failing to provide a proper assessment of corruption in the country, with the hope that they could generate better estimates of corruption levels across different regions, sectors, and time.
在哈萨克斯坦,一些机构已经制定了新的腐败措施。本文解决了实证分析提出的疑问,即现有的腐败措施是否以及在多大程度上提供了对哈萨克斯坦腐败程度的有效和可靠的估计。国内机构在探索了国际措施似乎无法对该国的腐败进行适当评估的原因后,决定制定新的措施,希望它们能够更好地估计不同地区、部门和时间的腐败程度。
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引用次数: 10
Interpersonal Human Rights 人际人权
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-09-17 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3038380
Hanoch Dagan, Avihay Dorfman
Our increasingly globalized environment, typified by the significant role of transnational interactions, raises urgent concerns about the commission of grave transnational wrongs. Two main legal strategies—belonging, respectively, to public and private international law—offer important directions for addressing these urgent concerns. One strategy extends state obligations under human rights law to some nonstate actors; the other adapts traditional private international law doctrines, notably its public policy exception. Both strategies make important advances, yet both face significant difficulties, which are all fundamentally rooted in what we call “the missing link of privity,” namely: identifying the reason for imposing the burden of plaintiffs’ vertical rights on putative defendants. In this Essay we argue that the moral underpinnings of private law provide the relational key to this missing link. We claim that private law’s normative DNA is premised on a profound commitment to reciprocal respect to self-determination and substantive equality. Because this commitment is the jus gentium of our private laws, it can and should be understood as a manifestation of our interpersonal human rights, which should function both as a premise for criticizing domestic rules and as the foundation of aggrieved parties’ standing vis-a-vis those who wronged them.
我们日益全球化的环境,以跨国互动的重要作用为代表,引起了人们对犯下严重跨国错误的紧迫关切。两种主要的法律战略——分别属于国际公法和国际私法——为解决这些紧迫问题提供了重要方向。一种战略是将人权法规定的国家义务扩大到一些非国家行为者;另一种适用于传统的国际私法理论,特别是其公共政策例外。这两种策略都取得了重要进展,但都面临着重大困难,这些困难都从根本上植根于我们所说的“缺乏相互关系的环节”,即:确定将原告的垂直权利负担强加给推定被告的原因。在这篇文章中,我们认为私法的道德基础为这一缺失环节提供了关系钥匙。我们声称,私法的规范DNA是以对相互尊重自决和实质平等的深刻承诺为前提的。由于这一承诺是我国私法的属国法,因此它可以而且应该被理解为我国人际人权的一种表现,这既应该作为批评国内规则的前提,也应该作为受害方与冤枉他们的人站在一起的基础。
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引用次数: 3
Islamic Law, International Relations, and Human Rights: Challenge and Response 伊斯兰法、国际关系与人权:挑战与回应
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-05-15 DOI: 10.4324/9781315251790-11
A. An-Na’im
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引用次数: 19
Comity and International Courts and Tribunals 国际法院和法庭
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-24 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/9djt2
T. Schultz, N. Ridi
This study seeks to clarify the importance, current and potential, of the use of comity by international courts and tribunals. Our findings support the idea that comity might be an emerging principle of procedural law, though agreement on its exact meaning— or unequivocal choices among its many connotations— still tends to be uncommon. We submit that, as long as other solutions are not in place, the principle can be successfully employed to assist international courts and tribunals in mediating jurisdictional conflicts between themselves by balancing coordination efforts and the demands of justice in the individual cases. Comity may serve as a meta-principle of coordination between international judicial bodies, to be employed in the pursuit of the common interest to an efficient and fair system of international dispute settlement. There are strong reasons militating in favour of this proposition: international tribunals, by and large, possess the powers necessary to exercise it; international judges and arbitrators know how to use it; and its long history of applications at the domestic level suggests that it can be employed successfully for a variety of purposes. We also submit the hunch that comity may most likely be employed as a central principle for further aspects of the coordination of international adjudication, for instance informing the sound use of analogical reasoning and precedent-borrowing process. Further study will be required to assess the potential of comity in this context. We have, so far, restricted ourselves to a simpler and more crucial task, seeking to resituate the principle of comity as one on which to rely for the resolution of different types of conflicts between international jurisdictions, and to question the traditional assumption that it is just an unhelpful complication: its history and rediscovery suggest otherwise.
本研究旨在阐明国际法院和法庭使用礼让的重要性、目前的重要性和潜在的重要性。我们的研究结果支持礼让可能是一项新兴的程序法原则的观点,尽管对其确切含义达成一致——或者在其众多含义中做出明确选择——仍然很少见。我们认为,只要没有其他解决方案,就可以成功地利用这一原则,通过平衡协调努力和个别案件中的司法要求,协助国际法院和法庭调解它们之间的管辖权冲突。一致性可以作为国际司法机构之间协调的元原则,用于追求有效和公平的国际争端解决制度的共同利益。有充分的理由支持这一主张:国际法庭大体上拥有行使这一主张所必需的权力;国际法官和仲裁员知道如何使用它;其在国内的长期应用表明,它可以成功地用于各种目的。我们还认为,礼让很可能被用作国际裁决协调的进一步方面的中心原则,例如为合理使用类比推理和先例借用程序提供信息。需要进一步研究,以评估礼让在这方面的潜力。到目前为止,我们把自己限制在一项更简单、更关键的任务上,试图推翻礼让原则,将其作为解决国际法域之间不同类型冲突的依据,并质疑传统的假设,即礼让只是一种无益的复杂情况:其历史和重新发现表明情况并非如此。
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引用次数: 11
Treaty of Tordesillas Syndrome: Sovereignty Ad Absurdum and the South China Sea Arbitration 托德西拉斯综合症条约:主权的荒诞与南海仲裁
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-01-09 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/hy2nr
Christopher R. Rossi
The South China Sea is the fifth largest body of water in the world. It accounts for five trillion dollars in annual commercial activity involving a third of maritime traffic worldwide. China claims wide-ranging sovereign rights over upwards of ninety percent of this Sea via a controversial U-shaped line. Its claim upsets regional stability and portends a coming conflict with the United States, the world’s supreme maritime power, over the application of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). China claims its sovereign authority predates UNCLOS by millennia; critics date China’s claim to 1947. Already described as the most important ruling in the modern history of the international law of the sea, a Tribunal of the Permanent Court of Arbitration handed down a sweeping rebuke of China’s contentions in the July 2016 Award in the South China Sea Arbitration (Philippines v. China), setting up a confrontation between emergent China and established United States. This Article discusses that Award in light of the fundamental tension within the liberal model of freedom of the seas -- the unreconciled tension involving ownership interests over resources of the sea (dominium) and the decision-making power to rule over the seas (imperium). While scholarly attention dissects the Tribunal’s discussion of historical and factual circumstances (effectivites) that aggregate against China’s sovereignty claims, this Article notes deeper problems, too: Ambiguities in UNCLOS have allowed powerful states to historically territorialize wide swaths of the dwindling global commons, all within the compliant liberal framework. Such claims are reminiscent of the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494), where Spain and Portugal divided up ownership of the world. The territorializing instinct of the Treaty of Tordesillas serves as a syndromic indicator of a recurring problem involving the sea and its increasingly scarce resources. It sets up a major challenge for international law as between superpower interests in the South China Sea, and, more generally, over disputes involving the global commons and spatial regimes on the emerging frontier of technological capability.
南中国海是世界第五大水体。它每年的商业活动达5万亿美元,占全球海上交通的三分之一。中国通过一条有争议的U型线声称对南海90%以上的海域拥有广泛的主权。它的主张扰乱了地区稳定,并预示着与世界最大海洋大国美国在适用《联合国海洋法公约》(UNCLOS)问题上即将爆发冲突。中国声称其主权权威早于《联合国海洋法公约》几千年;批评者将中国的主张追溯到1947年。常设仲裁法院的一个法庭已经被描述为现代国际海洋法史上最重要的裁决,在2016年7月的南海仲裁裁决(菲律宾诉中国)中,对中国的主张进行了全面谴责,在新兴的中国和老牌的美国之间引发了对抗。这篇文章根据自由海洋自由模式中的根本紧张关系——涉及海洋资源所有权利益(支配权)和统治海洋的决策权(统治权)的不可调和的紧张关系——讨论了该裁决。虽然学术界的关注剖析了法庭对历史和事实情况(有效期)的讨论,这些情况对中国的主权主张不利,但这篇文章也指出了更深层次的问题:《联合国海洋法公约》中的歧义使强国在历史上可以在合规的自由主义框架内对日益减少的全球公域进行大片领土扩张。这样的主张让人想起了1494年的《托尔德西拉斯条约》,当时西班牙和葡萄牙瓜分了世界的所有权。《托德西拉斯条约》的属地化本能是一个综合征指标,表明海洋及其日益稀缺的资源问题一再出现。它对国际法提出了一个重大挑战,即在南中国海的超级大国利益之间,以及更广泛地说,在涉及全球公域和新兴技术能力前沿空间制度的争端之间。
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引用次数: 3
Consumer Financial Protection and Human Rights 消费者金融保护与人权
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-01-01 DOI: 10.31228/osf.io/3gvbc
Chrystin D. Ondersma
This summer the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau proposed a rule that would restrict the use of mandatory arbitration clauses in consumer financial credit contracts. With the administration and Congress seemingly eager to pull back on consumer financial regulations, it is crucial to examine the rights at stake. Many financial institutions have agreed to protect and promote human rights, so pressure from consumers, human rights organizations, and consumer protection advocates may succeed even though Congress has declined to promulgate the CFPB’s proposed rule. This Article argues that the existing binding, mandatory arbitration system in consumer credit contracts is inconsistent with human rights principles, including property rights, rights to be free from discrimination, and due process rights. This Article then evaluates the CFPB’s rule from a human rights standpoint, and explores the CFPB’s role in mitigating human rights concerns triggered by arbitration clauses in consumer credit contracts.
今年夏天,美国消费者金融保护局(Consumer Financial Protection Bureau)提出了一项规定,将限制在消费者金融信贷合同中使用强制性仲裁条款。鉴于政府和国会似乎急于放松对消费者金融的监管,审视受到威胁的权利至关重要。许多金融机构已经同意保护和促进人权,因此,即使国会拒绝颁布CFPB的拟议规则,来自消费者、人权组织和消费者保护倡导者的压力也可能成功。本文认为,现行消费信贷合同中具有约束力的强制性仲裁制度不符合人权原则,包括财产权、不受歧视的权利和正当程序权利。然后,本文从人权的角度对CFPB的规则进行了评价,并探讨了CFPB在缓解消费者信贷合同中仲裁条款引发的人权问题方面的作用。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
CORNELL INTERNATIONAL LAW JOURNAL
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