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Group-based Compunction and Anger: Their Antecedents and Consequences in Relation to Colonial Conflicts 群体内疚与愤怒:与殖民冲突相关的前因后果
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-01 DOI: 10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.340
Ana Figueiredo, B. Doosje, J. Valentim
Group-based emotions can be experienced by group members for the past misdeeds of their ingroup towards an outgroup.. The present study examines distinct antecedents and consequences of group-based compunction and anger in two countries with a history of colonization (Portugal, N = 280 and the Netherlands, N = 184). While previous research has focused mainly on ingroup-focused antecedents of group-based emotions, such as ingroup identification and perceptions of responsibility, our research also analyzed outgroup-focused variables, such as outgroup identification and meta-perceptions. Multiple group structural equation modeling showed that group-based compunction and group-based anger have similar antecedents (exonerating cognitions, collectivism, outgroup identification and meta-perceptions). Furthermore, the results showed that the two emotions have distinct but related consequences for the improvement of intergroup relations (compensation, subjective importance of discussing the past and forgiveness assignment).
群体情感可以被群体成员体验到,因为他们的内部群体过去对外部群体的错误行为。本研究考察了两个有殖民历史的国家(葡萄牙,N = 280,荷兰,N = 184)群体内疚和愤怒的不同前因和后果。以往的研究主要集中在群体情感的内群体关注前因,如内群体认同和责任感知,而我们的研究也分析了外群体关注变量,如外群体认同和元感知。多群体结构方程模型表明,群体内疚和群体愤怒具有相似的前因(免责认知、集体主义、外群体认同和元知觉)。此外,研究结果表明,这两种情绪对群体间关系的改善(补偿、讨论过去的主观重要性和宽恕任务)有不同但相关的影响。
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引用次数: 1
“Go Back and Tell Them Who the Real Men Are!” Gendering Our Understanding of Kibera’s Post-election Violence “回去告诉他们谁才是真正的男人!”基贝拉选举后暴力的性别化理解
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-01 DOI: 10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.480
C. Kihato
Using a gendered analysis, this article examines the post election violence (PEV) in Kibera, Kenya, between December 2007 and February 2008. Through indepth interviews with Kibera residents, the article interrogates how gender influenced violent mobilizations in Kenya’s most notorious slum. Most scholarly analyses have tended to understand the post-election violence as a result of politicized ethnic identities, class, and local socio-economic dynamics. Implicitly or explicitly, these frameworks assume that women are victims of violence while men are its perpetrators, and ignore the ways in which gender, which cuts across these categories, produces and shapes conflict. Kibera’s conflict is often ascribed to the mobilization of disaffected male youths by political “Big Men.” But the research findings show how men, who would ordinarily not go to war, are obliged to fight to “save face” in their communities and how women become integral to the production of violent exclusionary mobilizations. Significantly, notions of masculinity and femininity modified the character of Kibera’s conflict. Acts of gender-based violence, gang rapes, and forced circumcisions became intensely entwined with ethno-political performances to annihilate opposing groups. The battle for political power was also a battle of masculinities.
本文运用性别分析,检视2007年12月至2008年2月间,肯亚基贝拉(Kibera)选举后暴力事件。通过对基贝拉(Kibera)居民的深度访谈,文章探讨了性别如何影响肯尼亚最臭名昭著的贫民窟的暴力动员。大多数学术分析倾向于将选举后的暴力行为理解为政治化的种族认同、阶级和当地社会经济动态的结果。这些框架或隐或明地假定妇女是暴力的受害者,而男子是暴力的肇事者,而忽略了跨越这些类别的性别是如何产生和塑造冲突的。基贝拉的冲突通常被归咎于政治“大人物”对心怀不满的男性青年的动员。但研究结果显示,通常不会参加战争的男性如何被迫在社区中“挽回面子”,以及女性如何成为暴力排他性动员的组成部分。值得注意的是,男性气质和女性气质的概念改变了基贝拉冲突的特征。基于性别的暴力行为、轮奸和强制包皮环切与种族政治表演紧密地交织在一起,以消灭敌对群体。政治权力之争也是一场男子气概之争。
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引用次数: 16
“The Country that Doesn’t Want to Heal Itself”: The Burden of History, Affect and Women’s Memories in Post-Dictatorial Argentina 《不想自愈的国家》:后独裁时期阿根廷的历史负担、影响和女性记忆
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2014-08-18 DOI: 10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.343
Jill Stockwell
I draw on first-hand oral testimonies taken from two groups of Argentine women who represent two antithetical versions of the recent Argentinine past: those affected by military repression and those affected by armed guerrilla violence. I contend that we need to look beyond political and ideological contestations and engage in a deeper analysis of how memorial cultures are formed and sustained. I argue that we cannot account for the politics of memory in modern-day Argentina without acknowledging and exploring the role played by individual emotions and affects in generating and shaping collective emotions and affects. In direct contrast to the nominally objective and universalist sensibility that traditionally has driven transitional justice endeavours, I look at how affective memories of trauma are a potentially disruptive power within the reconciliation paradigm, and thus need to be taken into account.
我引用了两组阿根廷妇女的第一手口述证词,她们代表了阿根廷近期历史的两个对立版本:那些受到军事镇压影响的妇女和那些受到武装游击队暴力影响的妇女。我认为,我们需要超越政治和意识形态的争论,更深入地分析纪念文化是如何形成和维持的。我认为,如果不承认和探索个人情绪和影响在产生和塑造集体情绪和影响方面所起的作用,我们就无法解释当代阿根廷的记忆政治。与传统上推动过渡正义努力的名义上的客观和普遍主义敏感性形成鲜明对比的是,我研究了创伤的情感记忆如何在和解范式中成为一种潜在的破坏性力量,因此需要加以考虑。
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引用次数: 7
Personhood, Violence, and the Moral Work of Memory in Contemporary Rwanda 当代卢旺达的人格、暴力和记忆的道德工作
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2014-08-18 DOI: 10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.344
Laura Eramian
Why do Rwandan genocide survivors informally remember not only the kin they lost in the 1994 genocide, but also losses suffered by friends and acquaintances? Drawing on one year of ethnographic fieldwork in the Rwandan university town of Butare, I argue that survivors are at pains to reconstitute their personhood in the absence of relations, and informal memory practices are a form of moral work by which they struggle to do so. I show that survivors maintain limited exchange relations with the dead by thinking of them regularly in return for protection and guidance, and that they use their knowledge of others’ losses to stake moral claims to still being “of” Butare. I theorise these narratives using anthropological perspectives on the constitution of personhood through memory and social relationships. The moral demands of remembering the dead give rise to complex predicaments with which survivors of violence must contend as they navigate what it means to dwell in a present that is marred by the absence of significant others.
为什么卢旺达种族灭绝的幸存者不仅非正式地记得他们在1994年种族灭绝中失去的亲人,而且还记得朋友和熟人遭受的损失?我在卢旺达大学城布塔雷(Butare)进行了一年的人种学田野调查,我认为,幸存者在没有关系的情况下,努力重建自己的人格,而非正式的记忆练习是一种道德工作,他们通过这种工作努力做到这一点。我指出,幸存者与死者保持着有限的交流关系,他们经常想到死者,以换取他们的保护和指导,他们利用自己对他人损失的了解,在道德上宣称自己仍然“属于”布塔雷。我用人类学的观点通过记忆和社会关系来建构人格,将这些叙述理论化。缅怀死者的道德要求给暴力事件的幸存者带来了复杂的困境,他们必须应对,因为他们生活在一个被重要的人缺席所破坏的当下意味着什么。
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引用次数: 5
From a Duty to Remember to an Obligation to Memory? Memory as Reparation in the Jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights 从记忆的责任到记忆的义务?美洲人权法院法理学中的记忆作为赔偿
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2014-08-07 DOI: 10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.350
M. Campisi
Commemorations and reparations are central elements of the transitional justice agenda. The inclusion of memory-related measures among the steps that states are expected to take along the transitional process has been progressively translated from the transitional justice domain to the language of international law. Judicial and quasi-judicial human rights instances have required states to make and undertake memorials, commemorations and public acts of remembrance, both as an instrument of reparation for the individual victim and as a mechanism to warn against the repetition of the same abuses in the future. As a result of this trend, memory-related measures have progressively become part of the state obligation to provide reparations to victims. The inclusion of memory-related measures in the scope of the international obligation to repair, however, raises some thorny issues. This review of the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in relation to memory-related orders and analysis of the case of the memorial El Ojo que Llora in Peru critically assesses the emerging trend of using memory-related initiatives as measures of reparation determined by judicial organs.
纪念和赔偿是过渡时期司法议程的核心内容。将与记忆有关的措施列入各国在过渡进程中应采取的步骤,已逐步从过渡司法领域转化为国际法的语言。司法和准司法的人权实例要求各国建立和开展纪念、纪念和公开纪念活动,这既是对个别受害者的一种赔偿手段,也是一种防止今后再次发生同样侵权行为的警告机制。由于这一趋势,与记忆有关的措施已逐渐成为向受害者提供赔偿的国家义务的一部分。然而,将与记忆有关的措施纳入国际修复义务的范围,引发了一些棘手的问题。本报告审查了美洲人权法院在与记忆有关的命令方面的判例,并分析了秘鲁El Ojo que Llora纪念案,批判性地评估了利用与记忆有关的倡议作为司法机关确定的赔偿措施的新趋势。
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引用次数: 8
Postwar Violence in Guatemala: A Mirror of the Relationship between Youth and Adult Society 战后危地马拉的暴力:青年与成人社会关系的一面镜子
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2014-08-07 DOI: 10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.285
Sabine Kurtenbach
Postwar societies are high-risk contexts for youth participation in violence. However, there is great variation between and within postwar societies. The variation of youth participation in postwar violence can best be understood by focusing on the consequences of war and war termination on youth socialization and transitions into adulthood. Socialization and transitions into adulthood stand at the center of the interaction between youth and adult society and help to explain the variation in youth violence in contexts of high structural risk.
战后社会是青年参与暴力的高风险环境。然而,战后社会之间和内部存在很大差异。通过关注战争和战争结束对青年社会化和向成年过渡的影响,可以最好地理解青年参与战后暴力的变化。社会化和向成年的过渡是青年与成人社会相互作用的核心,有助于解释在结构风险高的情况下青年暴力的差异。
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引用次数: 8
Introduction: Violence, Justice, and the Work of Memory 简介:暴力、正义和记忆的工作
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2014-05-25 DOI: 10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.426
K. Neumann, D. Anderson
The search for historical justice has become one of the defining features of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. So has the consensus about the need to remember the violence of past injustices and its victims. The search for justice is closely related to a focus on remembrance: the striving for justice relies on memories of injustices, and the public remembering of past wrongs is increasingly considered one crucial means of redressing such wrongs. This focus section brings together authors from a variety of disciplinary backgrounds in the humanities and social sciences, ranging from anthropology to law, and from cultural studies to political science. Focusing on post-conflict societies in Africa (Morocco, Rwanda), Asia (Nepal), Latin America (Argentina, Peru, Uruguay) and the Pacific (Solomon Islands), the papers explore aspects of the work of memory in attempts to redress past wrongs and make the present inhabitable. This introduction also extends some of the themes that connect the seven individual papers.
对历史正义的追求已经成为二十世纪末和二十一世纪初的决定性特征之一。人们一致认为,有必要记住过去的不公正暴力及其受害者。对正义的追求与对记忆的关注密切相关:对正义的追求依赖于对不公正的记忆,而公众对过去错误的记忆越来越被认为是纠正这些错误的关键手段。这个重点部分汇集了作者从各种学科背景的人文和社会科学,从人类学到法律,从文化研究到政治学。这些论文聚焦于非洲(摩洛哥、卢旺达)、亚洲(尼泊尔)、拉丁美洲(阿根廷、秘鲁、乌拉圭)和太平洋(所罗门群岛)的冲突后社会,探讨了记忆工作的各个方面,试图纠正过去的错误,使现在适合居住。这个介绍也延伸了一些主题,连接七个单独的论文。
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引用次数: 5
Beliefs About the Strauss-Kahn Case in France and Germany: Political Orientation and Sexual Aggression Myths as Local Versus Global Predictors 关于施特劳斯-卡恩案在法国和德国的信念:政治倾向和性侵犯神话作为地方与全球预测
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2014-05-25 DOI: 10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.375
S. Helmke, P. Kobusch, Jonas H. Rees, T. Meyer, G. Bohner
In May 2011, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, head of the International Monetary Fund and a prominent member of the French Socialist Party, was charged with attempted rape. Extensive media coverage led people across the globe to speculate about intentions and responsibilities. While the case was pending, we conducted two parallel Internet surveys, with French and German participants (N= 1,314). We examined how strongly exoneration of the alleged perpetrator depended on acceptance of modern myths about sexual aggression (AMMSA) and identity attributes that are temporarily salient as a function of local context (gender, political left-right orientation, nationality). AMMSA was a global predictor of exonerating the alleged perpetrator across national sub-samples, whereas the predictive power of gender and left-right orientation varied locally: For French respondents, left-wing political attitudes predicted exoneration of the alleged perpetrator, whereas only for German respondents, being male predicted exoneration. We conclude that the interplay of global (sexual aggression myths) and local (social identification) factors affects the lay assessment of ambiguous cases of sexual violence.
2011年5月,国际货币基金组织(imf)总裁、法国社会党(Socialist Party)知名成员多米尼克•斯特劳斯-卡恩(Dominique Strauss-Kahn)被控强奸未遂。媒体的广泛报道让全球的人们开始猜测他们的意图和责任。在案件审理期间,我们对法国和德国的参与者进行了两次平行的互联网调查(N= 1,314)。我们研究了被指控的犯罪者的免责在多大程度上取决于对性侵犯现代神话(AMMSA)的接受程度,以及作为当地背景(性别、政治左右倾向、国籍)的暂时突出的身份属性。AMMSA在国家子样本中可以预测被指控的犯罪者是否会被免罪,而性别和左右倾向的预测能力在地方上是不同的:对于法国受访者来说,左翼政治态度可以预测被指控的犯罪者是否会被免罪,而只有对于德国受访者来说,男性可以预测被指控的犯罪者是否会被免罪。我们的结论是,全球因素(性侵犯神话)和当地因素(社会认同)的相互作用影响了模糊性暴力案件的客观评估。
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引用次数: 7
Rewriting the World: Gendered violence, the political imagination and memoirs from the Years of Lead in Morocco 重写世界:性别暴力、政治想象和摩洛哥铅时代的回忆录
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2014-04-16 DOI: 10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.351
L. Menin
Prison literature (litterature carcerale or adab al-sujun) has shed light on censured dimensions of Moroccan postcolonial history. By sharing their personal memories, former political prisoners have triggered a debate on state violence under Hassan II (1961–1999). This exploration of the gendered and relational dimensions of violence and testimony draws on the published memoirs and interviews of Nour-Eddine Saoudi and Fatna El Bouih, two former Marxist-Leninist political prisoners. Specifically, it identifies the means by which Saoudi and El Bouih theorised their personal experience to denounce the system of repression in Morocco. Their testimonies illustrate the role of memory as a transformative site of agency and political imagination, exhibiting hope for a different future by encouraging Moroccans to engage with their dark past.
监狱文学(文学carcerale或adab al-sujun)揭示了摩洛哥后殖民历史中受谴责的方面。通过分享他们的个人记忆,前政治犯引发了一场关于哈桑二世(1961-1999)统治下国家暴力的辩论。本书对暴力和证词的性别和关系层面的探索,借鉴了两位前马列主义政治犯努尔-埃德丁·沙乌迪和法特纳·布伊赫已出版的回忆录和访谈。具体来说,它确定了Saoudi和El Bouih将其个人经验理论化以谴责摩洛哥镇压制度的手段。他们的证词说明了记忆作为代理和政治想象的变革场所的作用,通过鼓励摩洛哥人参与他们黑暗的过去,展示了对不同未来的希望。
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引用次数: 15
Discourse and Practice of Violence in the Italian Extreme Right: Frames, Symbols, and Identity-Building in CasaPound Italia 意大利极右翼的暴力话语与实践:《CasaPound Italia》的框架、符号与身份建构
IF 1.9 4区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2014-04-16 DOI: 10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.339
Pietro Castelli Gattinara, Caterina Froio
An investigation of the neo-Fascist organization CasaPound Italia, focusing on how political violence is framed in its public discourse, and on the role it plays as a constitutive element of the group’s collective identity. Starting from the conceptualization of violence in Italian Fascism, we focus on CasaPound’s practices, discourse, and ideology. The analysis combines findings from nineteen in-depth interviews with CasaPound members and participant observation at protest events and activities. This paper disentangles CasaPound’s relationship with political violence, differentiating its discursive, aesthetic, and identity-building dimensions. Although in the external discourse of the group, violent activities are only accepted as a tool of self-determination and self-defence, we find that a cult of violence inspired by traditional Fascism emerges from the semiotic repertoire mobilized by CasaPound, and is reiterated by means of experiences of collective socialization based on violence.
对新法西斯组织CasaPound Italia的调查,重点关注政治暴力是如何在其公共话语中被构建的,以及它作为该组织集体身份的构成要素所扮演的角色。我们从意大利法西斯主义中的暴力概念出发,聚焦于CasaPound的实践、话语和意识形态。该分析结合了对CasaPound成员的19次深度访谈和对抗议事件和活动的参与者观察的结果。本文梳理了《CasaPound》与政治暴力的关系,区分了其话语、美学和身份建构维度。尽管在群体的外部话语中,暴力活动只被接受为一种自决和自卫的工具,但我们发现,受传统法西斯主义启发的暴力崇拜从CasaPound动员的符号学库中浮现出来,并通过基于暴力的集体社会化经验得到重申。
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引用次数: 30
期刊
International Journal of Conflict and Violence
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