The dismemberment of the Soviet Union prompted a very unstable decade of decline for Russia, and generated numerous conflicts in the post-Soviet space. Russia regained influence at global and, chiefly, regional level from 2000, after Vladimir Putin became president and the price of hydrocarbons rose. Arguably, energy policy played an essential role. The South Caucasus, where three secessionist conflicts took place, leading to Russian political, diplomatic and military intervention, was crucial for the Russian geo-energy interests. This article examines and discusses the impact of intervention on Russian geo-energy interests, in particular since Putin came to power. The working hypothesis proposes that Russia’s involvement in the three secessionist conflicts in the South Caucasus has considerably benefited the many Russian geo-energy interests.
{"title":"The Impact of Russian Intervention in Post-Soviet Secessionist Conflict in the South Caucasus on Russian Geo-energy Interests","authors":"José-Antonio Peña-Ramos","doi":"10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.464","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.464","url":null,"abstract":"The dismemberment of the Soviet Union prompted a very unstable decade of decline for Russia, and generated numerous conflicts in the post-Soviet space. Russia regained influence at global and, chiefly, regional level from 2000, after Vladimir Putin became president and the price of hydrocarbons rose. Arguably, energy policy played an essential role. The South Caucasus, where three secessionist conflicts took place, leading to Russian political, diplomatic and military intervention, was crucial for the Russian geo-energy interests. This article examines and discusses the impact of intervention on Russian geo-energy interests, in particular since Putin came to power. The working hypothesis proposes that Russia’s involvement in the three secessionist conflicts in the South Caucasus has considerably benefited the many Russian geo-energy interests.","PeriodicalId":45781,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Conflict and Violence","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2017-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.464","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44620362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains one of the most deeply entrenched in the world. While there is great knowledge about numerous individual factors contributing to this conflict’s persistence, much of the information is fragmented and segregated into different disciplines. This article seeks to integrate an array of literature using a dynamic systems perspective to examine how social – as opposed to political – forces contribute to ongoing tensions. The first part describes the dynamical systems perspective, focusing on how intractable conflicts emerge as a result of interlinking factors that anchor the social system in patterns that resist change. The second part explores the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in terms of specific social forces contributing to the conflict’s persistence. These include leadership issues, economic inequalities poverty, youth disenfranchisement, and population distribution. Then the contribution maps how the discussed social factors interrelate to reinforce the ongoing tensions and addresses how small-scale approaches may circumvent the volatile, entrenched patterns of hostility.
{"title":"Social Forces Sustaining the Israeli-Palestinian Tensions: A Dynamical Psychology Perspective","authors":"J. Michaels","doi":"10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.255","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.255","url":null,"abstract":"The Israeli-Palestinian conflict remains one of the most deeply entrenched in the world. While there is great knowledge about numerous individual factors contributing to this conflict’s persistence, much of the information is fragmented and segregated into different disciplines. This article seeks to integrate an array of literature using a dynamic systems perspective to examine how social – as opposed to political – forces contribute to ongoing tensions. The first part describes the dynamical systems perspective, focusing on how intractable conflicts emerge as a result of interlinking factors that anchor the social system in patterns that resist change. The second part explores the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in terms of specific social forces contributing to the conflict’s persistence. These include leadership issues, economic inequalities poverty, youth disenfranchisement, and population distribution. Then the contribution maps how the discussed social factors interrelate to reinforce the ongoing tensions and addresses how small-scale approaches may circumvent the volatile, entrenched patterns of hostility.","PeriodicalId":45781,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Conflict and Violence","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2017-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.255","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47240730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The international community has frequently introduced economic sanctions to curb the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, to which each target nation has reacted differently. This paper explores the reasons why each target of economic sanctions reacts differently by specif- ically building a model based on reference point effects, and by analyzing the cases of North Korea and Libya. According to the results, when the reference point level increases, as in the case of North Korea, the target resists more firmly; on the other hand, when the reference point decreases, like in the case of Libya, the target resists more subtly.
{"title":"Why Targets of Economic Sanctions React Differently: Reference Point Effects on North Korea and Libya","authors":"Jiyoun Park","doi":"10.4119/UNIBI/ijcv.569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4119/UNIBI/ijcv.569","url":null,"abstract":"The international community has frequently introduced economic sanctions to curb the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, to which each target nation has reacted differently. This paper explores the reasons why each target of economic sanctions reacts differently by specif- ically building a model based on reference point effects, and by analyzing the cases of North Korea and Libya. According to the results, when the reference point level increases, as in the case of North Korea, the target resists more firmly; on the other hand, when the reference point decreases, like in the case of Libya, the target resists more subtly.","PeriodicalId":45781,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Conflict and Violence","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2017-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4119/UNIBI/ijcv.569","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46956064","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Innovation and Tradition","authors":"G. Bohner, R. Crutchfield, S. Messner, A. Zick","doi":"10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.617","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45781,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Conflict and Violence","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2017-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.617","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45481596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The process of (violent) radicalisation and subsequently joining of radical or violent extremist groups was studied using semi-structured interviews with (young) people who considered themselves as radicals or violent extremists in left-wing, right-wing or religious settings. The data was gathered in Belgium from March through November 2013. Though modest in number (12), the interviews tell us a lot about factors that play a role in (violent) radicalisation and the organisation of radical or violent extremist groups through online and offline recruitment and daily activities. The results of the interviews are linked to the existing theoretical frameworks on (violent) radicalisation, including factors underlying engagement and recruitment. They show that new social media are not as relevant as currently asserted, but that offline methods of recruitment are still uppermost. They also make clear that the content of the ideology is not the first impetus for searching, but that a general discontent with society comes first, a search for ways of dealing with this discontent, and an orientation associated with the search. This has implications for the way society should deal with young people and radical convictions and the alternatives that should be provided.
{"title":"Understanding how and why young people enter radical or violent extremist groups","authors":"Nele Schils, A. Verhage","doi":"10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.473","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.473","url":null,"abstract":"The process of (violent) radicalisation and subsequently joining of radical or violent extremist groups was studied using semi-structured interviews with (young) people who considered themselves as radicals or violent extremists in left-wing, right-wing or religious settings. The data was gathered in Belgium from March through November 2013. Though modest in number (12), the interviews tell us a lot about factors that play a role in (violent) radicalisation and the organisation of radical or violent extremist groups through online and offline recruitment and daily activities. The results of the interviews are linked to the existing theoretical frameworks on (violent) radicalisation, including factors underlying engagement and recruitment. They show that new social media are not as relevant as currently asserted, but that offline methods of recruitment are still uppermost. They also make clear that the content of the ideology is not the first impetus for searching, but that a general discontent with society comes first, a search for ways of dealing with this discontent, and an orientation associated with the search. This has implications for the way society should deal with young people and radical convictions and the alternatives that should be provided.","PeriodicalId":45781,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Conflict and Violence","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2017-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.473","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49476131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Conceptualised as theatre, this article examines 431 codified cases of torture in Papua during 1963-2010 as well as 214 testimonies of torture survivors, state actors and third parties in order to explore the interplay and dynamics of four interrelated elements: rationalities that underpin the web of power relations, techniques of domination, actors with their multiple and fluid identities as well as their motivational postures. Theatricality proffers a new analytical lens to examine half a century of state-sponsored brutality surrounded by virtually complete impunity and denials which leaves a little space to escape the theatre. It discloses ‘the art of government,’ the way the Indonesia state exhibits its sovereign power to govern Papua.
{"title":"Torture as Theatre in Papua","authors":"Budi J. Hernawan","doi":"10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.416","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.416","url":null,"abstract":"Conceptualised as theatre, this article examines 431 codified cases of torture in Papua during 1963-2010 as well as 214 testimonies of torture survivors, state actors and third parties in order to explore the interplay and dynamics of four interrelated elements: rationalities that underpin the web of power relations, techniques of domination, actors with their multiple and fluid identities as well as their motivational postures. Theatricality proffers a new analytical lens to examine half a century of state-sponsored brutality surrounded by virtually complete impunity and denials which leaves a little space to escape the theatre. It discloses ‘the art of government,’ the way the Indonesia state exhibits its sovereign power to govern Papua.","PeriodicalId":45781,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Conflict and Violence","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2016-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70883895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
0 0 1 185 1059 USD 8 2 1242 14.0 Normal 0 false false false EN-US JA X-NONE /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Table Normal"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; mso-para-margin-top:0in; mso-para-margin-right:0in; mso-para-margin-bottom:10.0pt; mso-para-margin-left:0in; line-height:115%; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:11.0pt; font-family:Calibri; mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;} Violent conflicts have evolved significantly throughout time and have become more intricate and hard to define under traditional categories. Armed conflicts, genocide, and mass atrocities are no longer enough to classify new conflicts that emerge every day in different regions of the globe. Such is the case of Mexico, a country that after a series of conflicts over more than a hundred years, became relatively stable throughout the 20 th century; nonetheless, such apparent tranquillity became abruptly altered with a roughly 150% increase in intentional homicides starting in 2007, totalling more than 121,000 killings in the six-year period from 2007-2012, most of which were somehow linked to organised crime. The levels of violence, the nature of different groups involved, the advanced weaponry and the widespread of the conflict make the context difficult to be labelled through traditional concepts. As new approaches are considered for evolving developments, the situation in Mexico is described under an emerging classification, the “extremely violent societies.” This paper explores the country’s context to conclude its features meet indeed the characteristics of an extremely violent society as a tool for future policy shaping.
{"title":"Violent Mexico: The Mexican Case as an ‘Extremely Violent Society.’","authors":"Octavio Rodriguez","doi":"10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.395","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.395","url":null,"abstract":"0 0 1 185 1059 USD 8 2 1242 14.0 Normal 0 false false false EN-US JA X-NONE /* Style Definitions */ \u0000table.MsoNormalTable \u0000 {mso-style-name:\"Table Normal\"; \u0000 mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; \u0000 mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; \u0000 mso-style-noshow:yes; \u0000 mso-style-priority:99; \u0000 mso-style-parent:\"\"; \u0000 mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; \u0000 mso-para-margin-top:0in; \u0000 mso-para-margin-right:0in; \u0000 mso-para-margin-bottom:10.0pt; \u0000 mso-para-margin-left:0in; \u0000 line-height:115%; \u0000 mso-pagination:widow-orphan; \u0000 font-size:11.0pt; \u0000 font-family:Calibri; \u0000 mso-ascii-font-family:Calibri; \u0000 mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; \u0000 mso-hansi-font-family:Calibri; \u0000 mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;} \u0000 Violent conflicts have evolved significantly throughout time and have become more intricate and hard to define under traditional categories. Armed conflicts, genocide, and mass atrocities are no longer enough to classify new conflicts that emerge every day in different regions of the globe. Such is the case of Mexico, a country that after a series of conflicts over more than a hundred years, became relatively stable throughout the 20 th century; nonetheless, such apparent tranquillity became abruptly altered with a roughly 150% increase in intentional homicides starting in 2007, totalling more than 121,000 killings in the six-year period from 2007-2012, most of which were somehow linked to organised crime. The levels of violence, the nature of different groups involved, the advanced weaponry and the widespread of the conflict make the context difficult to be labelled through traditional concepts. As new approaches are considered for evolving developments, the situation in Mexico is described under an emerging classification, the “extremely violent societies.” This paper explores the country’s context to conclude its features meet indeed the characteristics of an extremely violent society as a tool for future policy shaping.","PeriodicalId":45781,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Conflict and Violence","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2016-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.395","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70883775","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The conflict in the CAR has been ignored largely by the international media until 2013. Media and global interest rose with the presidential coup by, and then presidential appointment of, the first Muslim leader of the CAR, Michel Djotodia. Subsequently violence in the country escalated and cited to be purely sectarian – between Muslim and Christian militia and civilians. The focus of the paper is confined to the CAR and the question posed is whether the Muslim versus Christian conflict differs from the other conflicts in the CAR? The method of structured and substantive content analysis used here is the narrative paradigm and the storytelling (data) extracted from the United Nations High Commission for Refugees brief notes and news series to reveal a relatively neutral account of events. This is used to create a linear timeframe to argue that the current hostilities are part of another cycle of violence that plagues the CAR. The study and findings are limited to the period 2001-2014 although the history of political leadership is referred to from the country’s ‘independence’ in 1960, using a narrative paradigm and coherence. The results confirm that apart from a linear path of conflict, reflected in the political leadership, there are accompanying cycles of violence, representative of identity that moves along the linear path. The readings reveal that the violence currently defined as sectarian religious conflict is the start of a new cycle in the linear path of political leadership.
{"title":"Political and Ethnic Identity in Violent Conflict: The Case of Central African Republic","authors":"W. Isaacs-Martin","doi":"10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.407","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.407","url":null,"abstract":"The conflict in the CAR has been ignored largely by the international media until 2013. Media and global interest rose with the presidential coup by, and then presidential appointment of, the first Muslim leader of the CAR, Michel Djotodia. Subsequently violence in the country escalated and cited to be purely sectarian – between Muslim and Christian militia and civilians. The focus of the paper is confined to the CAR and the question posed is whether the Muslim versus Christian conflict differs from the other conflicts in the CAR? The method of structured and substantive content analysis used here is the narrative paradigm and the storytelling (data) extracted from the United Nations High Commission for Refugees brief notes and news series to reveal a relatively neutral account of events. This is used to create a linear timeframe to argue that the current hostilities are part of another cycle of violence that plagues the CAR. The study and findings are limited to the period 2001-2014 although the history of political leadership is referred to from the country’s ‘independence’ in 1960, using a narrative paradigm and coherence. The results confirm that apart from a linear path of conflict, reflected in the political leadership, there are accompanying cycles of violence, representative of identity that moves along the linear path. The readings reveal that the violence currently defined as sectarian religious conflict is the start of a new cycle in the linear path of political leadership.","PeriodicalId":45781,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Conflict and Violence","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2016-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.407","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70883988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The revised integrated threat theory (Stephan and Renfro 2002) is tested as a framework for analyzing Islamophobic conspiracy stereotypes (Kofta and Sedek 2005) in Germany. Threats (symbolic and realistic) were analyzed as mediators between different antecedents (in-group identification, ambiguity intolerance, clash of civilizations) and the dependent variable, conspiracy stereotypes. Respondents from Berlin (N = 355) participated in an online survey (Summer 2014). First, the findings indicate that higher education and political orientation towards the left are negatively related to conspiracy stereotypes and threats. Furthermore, the findings of the structural equation model indicate partial mediation via symbolic threats for clash-of-civilizations intergroup conflict and education on conspiracy stereotypes. Full mediation is reported for in-group identification and ambiguity intolerance via symbolic threats. Despite any factual evidence for support, the idea of a secret "Islamization of Europe" is finding increasing support among different groups in Germany (Benz 2011; Shooman 2009; Shooman 2014). Anders Behring Breivik, who killed seventy-seven people on the 22 July 2011 massacre in Norway, was, beside other factors, motivated by the “belief in a Muslim conspiracy to take over Europe” (Fekete 2011).
修订后的综合威胁理论(Stephan and Renfro 2002)在德国作为分析伊斯兰恐惧症阴谋刻板印象(Kofta and Sedek 2005)的框架进行了测试。威胁(象征性的和现实的)作为不同前因(群体内认同、歧义不容忍、文明冲突)和因变量阴谋刻板印象之间的中介进行了分析。来自柏林的受访者(N = 355)参加了一项在线调查(2014年夏季)。首先，研究结果表明，高等教育和政治倾向左倾与阴谋刻板印象和威胁呈负相关。此外，结构方程模型的研究结果表明，符号威胁对文明冲突、群体间冲突和阴谋刻板印象教育起到了部分调解作用。据报道，通过象征性威胁对群体内识别和歧义不容忍进行了全面调解。尽管有任何事实证据支持，秘密“欧洲伊斯兰化”的想法在德国的不同群体中得到越来越多的支持(Benz 2011;Shooman 2009;Shooman 2014)。安德斯·贝林·布雷维克在2011年7月22日的挪威大屠杀中杀害了77人，除其他因素外，他的动机是“相信穆斯林阴谋接管欧洲”(Fekete 2011)。
{"title":"The Secret Islamization of Europe Exploring the Integrated Threat Theory: Predicting Islamophobic Conspiracy Stereotypes","authors":"F. Uenal","doi":"10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.499","url":null,"abstract":"The revised integrated threat theory (Stephan and Renfro 2002) is tested as a framework for analyzing Islamophobic conspiracy stereotypes (Kofta and Sedek 2005) in Germany. Threats (symbolic and realistic) were analyzed as mediators between different antecedents (in-group identification, ambiguity intolerance, clash of civilizations) and the dependent variable, conspiracy stereotypes. Respondents from Berlin (N = 355) participated in an online survey (Summer 2014). First, the findings indicate that higher education and political orientation towards the left are negatively related to conspiracy stereotypes and threats. Furthermore, the findings of the structural equation model indicate partial mediation via symbolic threats for clash-of-civilizations intergroup conflict and education on conspiracy stereotypes. Full mediation is reported for in-group identification and ambiguity intolerance via symbolic threats. Despite any factual evidence for support, the idea of a secret \"Islamization of Europe\" is finding increasing support among different groups in Germany (Benz 2011; Shooman 2009; Shooman 2014). Anders Behring Breivik, who killed seventy-seven people on the 22 July 2011 massacre in Norway, was, beside other factors, motivated by the “belief in a Muslim conspiracy to take over Europe” (Fekete 2011).","PeriodicalId":45781,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Conflict and Violence","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2016-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.499","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70884994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The worrisome panorama of increasing homicide rates in Venezuela requires to review critically the different theoretical approaches that explain the roots of violent crime in Latin American urban conglomerates. Such paradigms, based on the relationship among violence and inequality, exclusion, and social marginalization, seem to be inaccurate to comprehend the scope and dimensions of the problem in contemporary Venezuela. An alternative approach suggests to review the socio-political causes of violence in polarized societies, such as it is observable in the selected case during the Hugo Chavez's government (1999-2013). The research focuses on the city of Caracas, as epicenter of the political life of the country, and where the highest levels of socio-economic segregation, urban poverty, and violent crime are observable. A historical, theoretical, and empirical analysis is presented to describe the process of transformation of Caracas in an extremely violent city; to further delve into the explanations of the origins and causes of urban violence in Venezuela, from a combined approach which links violent crime with inequality and social exclusion, and with political legitimacy and social polarization during the Bolivarian Revolution times.
{"title":"Violent Caracas. A Socio-economic and Political Approach to Understand Urban Violence in Contemporary Venezuela","authors":"Stiven Tremaria Adan","doi":"10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.393","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4119/UNIBI/IJCV.393","url":null,"abstract":"The worrisome panorama of increasing homicide rates in Venezuela requires to review critically the different theoretical approaches that explain the roots of violent crime in Latin American urban conglomerates. Such paradigms, based on the relationship among violence and inequality, exclusion, and social marginalization, seem to be inaccurate to comprehend the scope and dimensions of the problem in contemporary Venezuela. An alternative approach suggests to review the socio-political causes of violence in polarized societies, such as it is observable in the selected case during the Hugo Chavez's government (1999-2013). The research focuses on the city of Caracas, as epicenter of the political life of the country, and where the highest levels of socio-economic segregation, urban poverty, and violent crime are observable. A historical, theoretical, and empirical analysis is presented to describe the process of transformation of Caracas in an extremely violent city; to further delve into the explanations of the origins and causes of urban violence in Venezuela, from a combined approach which links violent crime with inequality and social exclusion, and with political legitimacy and social polarization during the Bolivarian Revolution times.","PeriodicalId":45781,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Conflict and Violence","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2016-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70883626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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