Pub Date : 2022-07-04DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2037860
D. Milovanović
ABSTRACT The analysis of the state of the economy of Bosnia and Herzegovina shows the need for continuous adjustment to economic trends of European Union members. According to these processes, an important step is the need for restructuring of companies in Bosnia and Herzegovina in line with the practice of companies in the European Union. The research analysis included 18,260 companies from the European Union, based on the type of restructuring and 1,270 companies from Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose types of restructuring were investigated. The macroeconomic approach and economic research of Bosnia and Herzegovina show the necessity and the need to restructure companies and align with the trend of changes which are an inevitable part of transition countries. The aim of the study is to research companies from Bosnia and Herzegovina, their most important problems, directions and tendencies in restructuring of domestic companies and give recommendations for a new model, strategic approach and economic policies for improving the results of the restructuring process.
{"title":"The Influence of Corporate Restructuring on the Economic Development of Bosnia and Herzegovina","authors":"D. Milovanović","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2022.2037860","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2022.2037860","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The analysis of the state of the economy of Bosnia and Herzegovina shows the need for continuous adjustment to economic trends of European Union members. According to these processes, an important step is the need for restructuring of companies in Bosnia and Herzegovina in line with the practice of companies in the European Union. The research analysis included 18,260 companies from the European Union, based on the type of restructuring and 1,270 companies from Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose types of restructuring were investigated. The macroeconomic approach and economic research of Bosnia and Herzegovina show the necessity and the need to restructure companies and align with the trend of changes which are an inevitable part of transition countries. The aim of the study is to research companies from Bosnia and Herzegovina, their most important problems, directions and tendencies in restructuring of domestic companies and give recommendations for a new model, strategic approach and economic policies for improving the results of the restructuring process.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"682 - 695"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47588702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-04DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2037857
Nadav Solomonovich
ABSTRACT This article analyses a series of 16 articles, published in the daily newspaper Yeni Sabah, between late April and mid-May 1940 under the title ‘Our big survey: Is it right for Turks to marry foreigners?’ This series of articles allow us to understand better the various opinions among the Turkish cultural elite regarding the larger question of ‘who is a Turk’, and especially regarding mixed children. This article argues that even when the state promoted a relatively progressive agenda for the benefit of women such as the right to marry foreigners, this right was criticized by members of the cultural elite who based their objection on what they perceived as a contradiction between this right and the Turkish homogenization project, based on dominant ideas of race, ethnicity, eugenics, gender, religion, and education.
{"title":"Marrying the Enemy? Turkish Nationalism, Citizenship, and the Public Debate over Mixed Marriages in the 1940s Turkish Press","authors":"Nadav Solomonovich","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2022.2037857","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2022.2037857","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses a series of 16 articles, published in the daily newspaper Yeni Sabah, between late April and mid-May 1940 under the title ‘Our big survey: Is it right for Turks to marry foreigners?’ This series of articles allow us to understand better the various opinions among the Turkish cultural elite regarding the larger question of ‘who is a Turk’, and especially regarding mixed children. This article argues that even when the state promoted a relatively progressive agenda for the benefit of women such as the right to marry foreigners, this right was criticized by members of the cultural elite who based their objection on what they perceived as a contradiction between this right and the Turkish homogenization project, based on dominant ideas of race, ethnicity, eugenics, gender, religion, and education.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"663 - 681"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45223962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-04DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2037861
Zeinab Ghasemi Tari
ABSTRACT Lebanon is believed to be the most religiously diverse country in the Middle East. Lebanese elites play a significant role as identity-makers and parts of regional alliances. The present paper examines Lebanese intellectual and political elites’ perceptions of Iran. To this aim, the author conducted fifteen semi-structured interviews with figures from Lebanese political parties with different political orientations and religious denominations. Using integrated threat theory to analyse the data, the author argues that the Lebanese elite’s view towards Iran illustrates various threat perceptions among members of different religious denominations in conjunction with their political affiliations. It will be discussed that Iran and Hezbollah have turned into an in-group for a particular, albeit a significant portion of the Shia community in Lebanon (mostly affiliated with Hezbollah) and an out-group for many in other religious and political denominations. Accordingly, Iran’s growing regional power is perceived as a realistic and symbolic threat by those who consider Iran (a Shi’ite entity and Hezbollah) the out-group.
{"title":"A House of Many Mansions: Perceptions of Lebanese Political and Intellectual Elites toward Iran","authors":"Zeinab Ghasemi Tari","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2022.2037861","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2022.2037861","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Lebanon is believed to be the most religiously diverse country in the Middle East. Lebanese elites play a significant role as identity-makers and parts of regional alliances. The present paper examines Lebanese intellectual and political elites’ perceptions of Iran. To this aim, the author conducted fifteen semi-structured interviews with figures from Lebanese political parties with different political orientations and religious denominations. Using integrated threat theory to analyse the data, the author argues that the Lebanese elite’s view towards Iran illustrates various threat perceptions among members of different religious denominations in conjunction with their political affiliations. It will be discussed that Iran and Hezbollah have turned into an in-group for a particular, albeit a significant portion of the Shia community in Lebanon (mostly affiliated with Hezbollah) and an out-group for many in other religious and political denominations. Accordingly, Iran’s growing regional power is perceived as a realistic and symbolic threat by those who consider Iran (a Shi’ite entity and Hezbollah) the out-group.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"715 - 732"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44637943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-14DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2084881
A. Cafruny, V. Fouskas, W. Mallinson, Andrey Voynitsky
ABSTRACT Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine has unleashed the largest and most lethal war on the European continent since 1945. Vladimir Putin and the Russian government bear most of the responsibility for the invasion and its terrible humanitarian consequences. However, explanations for the war deriving from Russian domestic political dynamics or Vladimir Putin’s imperial nostalgia do not provide a comprehensive understanding of the crisis that led to war. Situating the crisis and ensuing invasion within the broader historical context of post-Cold War relations, we argue that the war in Ukraine has two main sources. The first is the longstanding Anglo-American grand strategy of NATO consolidation as a vehicle for political and economic domination in Europe. The second is the grand strategy of Russia. Unable to accommodate itself on an equal basis in the new U.S.-led post-Cold War global capitalist order, Russia gradually adopted a geopolitical and nationalistic agenda of confrontation in response to NATO’s seemingly inexorable eastward advance, its increasing participation in ‘out of area’ activities, and the United States’ illegal invasions of Serbia, Iraq, and Libya. The collision of these grand strategies has triggered simultaneously a struggle for Ukrainian sovereignty and independence and a U.S.-Russia proxy war.
{"title":"Ukraine, Multipolarity and the Crisis of Grand Strategies","authors":"A. Cafruny, V. Fouskas, W. Mallinson, Andrey Voynitsky","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2022.2084881","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2022.2084881","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine has unleashed the largest and most lethal war on the European continent since 1945. Vladimir Putin and the Russian government bear most of the responsibility for the invasion and its terrible humanitarian consequences. However, explanations for the war deriving from Russian domestic political dynamics or Vladimir Putin’s imperial nostalgia do not provide a comprehensive understanding of the crisis that led to war. Situating the crisis and ensuing invasion within the broader historical context of post-Cold War relations, we argue that the war in Ukraine has two main sources. The first is the longstanding Anglo-American grand strategy of NATO consolidation as a vehicle for political and economic domination in Europe. The second is the grand strategy of Russia. Unable to accommodate itself on an equal basis in the new U.S.-led post-Cold War global capitalist order, Russia gradually adopted a geopolitical and nationalistic agenda of confrontation in response to NATO’s seemingly inexorable eastward advance, its increasing participation in ‘out of area’ activities, and the United States’ illegal invasions of Serbia, Iraq, and Libya. The collision of these grand strategies has triggered simultaneously a struggle for Ukrainian sovereignty and independence and a U.S.-Russia proxy war.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"1 - 21"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47798386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-09DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2037963
Armela Xhaho, A. Bailey, Erka Çaro
ABSTRACT This paper aims to explore the strategies Albanian migrant parents in Greece employ to reconcile their work and childcare responsibilities. The institutional context, the informal work setting, and the agency of the migrants all play crucial roles in their childcare arrangements. This research draws on 36 biographical interviews conducted during 2014–2016 with parents in Greece. Our findings suggest that migrants use different coping strategies to manage their work and care responsibilities. These strategies include mother-centred strategies or mothers making career sacrifices to meet their care responsibilities, shared parenting, relying on extended family and friends, delegating care to older children, leaving children to care for themselves, taking children to work, and transnational care practices. This study shows how care arrangement options were constrained and continuously shaped by migration, care, gender, and labour regimes.
{"title":"Who Takes Care of the Children? Albanian Migrant Parents’ Strategies for Combining Work and Childcare in Greece","authors":"Armela Xhaho, A. Bailey, Erka Çaro","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2022.2037963","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2022.2037963","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper aims to explore the strategies Albanian migrant parents in Greece employ to reconcile their work and childcare responsibilities. The institutional context, the informal work setting, and the agency of the migrants all play crucial roles in their childcare arrangements. This research draws on 36 biographical interviews conducted during 2014–2016 with parents in Greece. Our findings suggest that migrants use different coping strategies to manage their work and care responsibilities. These strategies include mother-centred strategies or mothers making career sacrifices to meet their care responsibilities, shared parenting, relying on extended family and friends, delegating care to older children, leaving children to care for themselves, taking children to work, and transnational care practices. This study shows how care arrangement options were constrained and continuously shaped by migration, care, gender, and labour regimes.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"815 - 835"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47742679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-17DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2037858
A. Tozoğlu
ABSTRACT This article examines the social and architectural context of an extensive building campaign in Turkey in the early twentieth century. The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), one of the Second Constitutional Period’s prominent political and cultural actors (1908–18), commissioned club and school buildings for social outreach operations. Influenced by their European counterparts, the Committee’s protagonists believed that a social revolution could be accomplished by employing the education of the masses. Moreover, education was also essential to create a national identity for an Empire in a struggle. In this context, many clubs (for adults) and schools (for the youngsters) mushroomed in many cities simultaneously. Accordingly, the architecture of new club and school buildings reflected societal concerns and provided remarkable examples of their kinds. The education of the masses and the use of social propaganda by state agents in Republican Turkey have been scrutinized so far. Still the origins of the social engineering projects should be examined to contextualize Republican period developments. Thus, this article examines the building and impact of the clubs and schools of the CUP in the provinces and constitutes a contextual frame for their formative role in Turkish modernization.
{"title":"Educating Masses: The Committee of Union and Progress Clubs and Schools in the Late Ottoman Empire","authors":"A. Tozoğlu","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2022.2037858","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2022.2037858","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines the social and architectural context of an extensive building campaign in Turkey in the early twentieth century. The Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), one of the Second Constitutional Period’s prominent political and cultural actors (1908–18), commissioned club and school buildings for social outreach operations. Influenced by their European counterparts, the Committee’s protagonists believed that a social revolution could be accomplished by employing the education of the masses. Moreover, education was also essential to create a national identity for an Empire in a struggle. In this context, many clubs (for adults) and schools (for the youngsters) mushroomed in many cities simultaneously. Accordingly, the architecture of new club and school buildings reflected societal concerns and provided remarkable examples of their kinds. The education of the masses and the use of social propaganda by state agents in Republican Turkey have been scrutinized so far. Still the origins of the social engineering projects should be examined to contextualize Republican period developments. Thus, this article examines the building and impact of the clubs and schools of the CUP in the provinces and constitutes a contextual frame for their formative role in Turkish modernization.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"614 - 639"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49616207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-14DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2037965
Murat Coşkun
ABSTRACT Democratic reform processes of candidate countries of the EU have been widely explained from a rationalist external incentives perspective. So, until recently, Turkey had been seen as a textbook example of how effective a conditionality strategy could be. However, Turkish responses to EU conditionality have displayed significant fluctuations over time, even under the same government. This article will argue that the current literature on the Europeanization of candidate countries suffers from an overriding focus on the external impact of the EU upon Turkey and its democratization process. In response, this article instead focuses on the role of political parties as active agents of change by evaluating the validity of these claims in light of a qualitative analysis of Turkish democratization since 2005. Building on the emerging literature that focuses on domestic factors in Turkey’s de-Europeanization, this article contributes to this literature by presenting these domestic factors in the theoretical framework of constructivism. It argues that EU demands do not represent inherent costs or benefits. Instead, their perception as costs or benefits matter in the context of Turkish politics. This means that outcomes are contingent on the nature of contestation and power balance among competing parties in Turkey.
{"title":"Turkey’s Journey from Democratization to De-democratization: External Democracy Promotion versus Domestic Political Competition","authors":"Murat Coşkun","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2022.2037965","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2022.2037965","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Democratic reform processes of candidate countries of the EU have been widely explained from a rationalist external incentives perspective. So, until recently, Turkey had been seen as a textbook example of how effective a conditionality strategy could be. However, Turkish responses to EU conditionality have displayed significant fluctuations over time, even under the same government. This article will argue that the current literature on the Europeanization of candidate countries suffers from an overriding focus on the external impact of the EU upon Turkey and its democratization process. In response, this article instead focuses on the role of political parties as active agents of change by evaluating the validity of these claims in light of a qualitative analysis of Turkish democratization since 2005. Building on the emerging literature that focuses on domestic factors in Turkey’s de-Europeanization, this article contributes to this literature by presenting these domestic factors in the theoretical framework of constructivism. It argues that EU demands do not represent inherent costs or benefits. Instead, their perception as costs or benefits matter in the context of Turkish politics. This means that outcomes are contingent on the nature of contestation and power balance among competing parties in Turkey.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"879 - 895"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47294770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-14DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2037862
R. Ibrahimov, Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu
ABSTRACT The article aims to demonstrate main causes of the Second Karabakh War by considering power and proximity factors as triggering elements. It depicts the positions of Armenia and Azerbaijan on shifted economic and military development within three-decades. It also asserts that the failed negotiation process played a crucial role in the war occurrence as the protracted conflict generates escalation risk. Given the structural attributes, it emphasizes importance revisionist and status quo-based policy-making processes of the parties. Arguing that alteration of power parity might bring a devastative war, this article offers that both sides can utilize opportunities for regional balance on the way to a peace settlement.
{"title":"Causes of the Second Karabakh War: Analysis of the Positions and the Strength and Weakness of Armenia and Azerbaijan","authors":"R. Ibrahimov, Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2022.2037862","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2022.2037862","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article aims to demonstrate main causes of the Second Karabakh War by considering power and proximity factors as triggering elements. It depicts the positions of Armenia and Azerbaijan on shifted economic and military development within three-decades. It also asserts that the failed negotiation process played a crucial role in the war occurrence as the protracted conflict generates escalation risk. Given the structural attributes, it emphasizes importance revisionist and status quo-based policy-making processes of the parties. Arguing that alteration of power parity might bring a devastative war, this article offers that both sides can utilize opportunities for regional balance on the way to a peace settlement.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"595 - 613"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42247670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-13DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2037856
Utku Yapici
ABSTRACT Throughout its history, the term ‘Soviet Diaspora’ has been used to describe different groups of people in different contexts and the use of the term ‘Soviet Diaspora’ has always been controversial. By December 1991, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) ceased to exist but the use of the term ‘Soviet Diaspora’ has continued in several contexts. This article tries to analyse different uses of the term ‘Soviet Diaspora’ historically and answer the question of whether there is a living and ideologically Sovieticized ‘Soviet Diaspora’ or not.
{"title":"Chto Takoe Sovetskaya Diaspora? Is There a Living and Ideologically Sovieticized ‘Soviet Diaspora’?","authors":"Utku Yapici","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2022.2037856","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2022.2037856","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Throughout its history, the term ‘Soviet Diaspora’ has been used to describe different groups of people in different contexts and the use of the term ‘Soviet Diaspora’ has always been controversial. By December 1991, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) ceased to exist but the use of the term ‘Soviet Diaspora’ has continued in several contexts. This article tries to analyse different uses of the term ‘Soviet Diaspora’ historically and answer the question of whether there is a living and ideologically Sovieticized ‘Soviet Diaspora’ or not.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"640 - 662"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48932895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-12DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2037859
Nuray Aridici
ABSTRACT Since 2011, almost four million refugees were welcomed in Turkey. This paper aims to explore how these people are included/excluded from the society through the construction of the self/the other. The paper argues that studying the media representations of these refugees in Turkish print media reveal the wider politics of nationalism in the country. To study the wider politics of nationalism, I collected newspaper articles from pro-government and anti-government papers from 2014 to 2018. This data not only reveals the inclusion/exclusion of these people from the definitions of ‘nation’ but also reveals the tension between AKP and Kemalist ideologies in Turkey. The paper discusses these discourses through ‘secular’ and ‘humanitarian’ nationalisms.
{"title":"Constructing the ‘National Ideal’: The ‘Inclusive’ and ‘Exclusive’ Representations of Syrian Refugees in Turkish Print Media","authors":"Nuray Aridici","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2022.2037859","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2022.2037859","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since 2011, almost four million refugees were welcomed in Turkey. This paper aims to explore how these people are included/excluded from the society through the construction of the self/the other. The paper argues that studying the media representations of these refugees in Turkish print media reveal the wider politics of nationalism in the country. To study the wider politics of nationalism, I collected newspaper articles from pro-government and anti-government papers from 2014 to 2018. This data not only reveals the inclusion/exclusion of these people from the definitions of ‘nation’ but also reveals the tension between AKP and Kemalist ideologies in Turkey. The paper discusses these discourses through ‘secular’ and ‘humanitarian’ nationalisms.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"696 - 714"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44443469","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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