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China’s ‘Silky Involvement’ in the Eastern Mediterranean: A geopolitical upper hand for Greece and Cyprus? 中国在东地中海的“丝状介入”:希腊和塞浦路斯的地缘政治优势?
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-07 DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2129320
Hayriye Kahveci-Özgür, Jiuzhou Duan
ABSTRACT The paper argues that Chinese involvement in the Eastern Mediterranean is primarily motivated by increasing the country’s economic role within the region through Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The paper uses case study analysis methodology dwelling on the evolution and content of Chinese involvement in Greece and Cyprus. Primarily focusing of the nature of the Chinese investments in strategic sectors of the two cases in question the role that that China plays in Eastern Mediterranean is described as a ‘silky involvement’. China’s policy choices are also perceived to be an opportunity for Greece and Cyprus to combat the negative effects of 2007–2008 economic crises and to increase their geopolitical stronghold in the post-Cold War geopolitical environment of the Eastern Mediterranean.
本文认为,中国参与东地中海的主要动机是通过“一带一路”倡议(BRI)提高中国在该地区的经济地位。本文采用案例分析的方法,探讨了中国参与希腊和塞浦路斯事务的演变和内容。主要关注中国在两个案例中战略部门投资的性质,中国在东地中海所扮演的角色被描述为“丝绸般的参与”。中国的政策选择也被认为是希腊和塞浦路斯对抗2007-2008年经济危机负面影响的机会,并在冷战后的东地中海地缘政治环境中增加其地缘政治据点。
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引用次数: 1
The ethno-nationality of a modern saint: an interdisciplinary approach 现代圣人的民族-民族性:跨学科研究
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-04 DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2129328
A. Das
institutions and undermine democratic rule. Those left behind where the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and other Balkan countries who decided to take matters into their own hands and emigrate or protest. The third and final phase that Belloni introduces is marked by increased civic activism and citizen involvement. Titled ‘Tuzla, or the Local Turn’, after an industrial city that saw massive protests in 2014, it confronts the prevailing top-down dynamic of liberal peacebuilding that marked the two previous phases, through either imposition or cooperation. This phase coincides with the ‘local turn’ in peacebuilding literature. The focus is on dynamics between intervenors and intervened upon, including local resistance to international peacebuilding agendas. Belloni highlights the relevance of every-day experiences as opposed to the relevance of externally conceived institutional frameworks. The problem of agency and the interplay between international actors, local power structures, and citizens shape this phase. The local turn is rarely analysed in the Balkans as the plethora of academic literature on the region focuses on previous forms of international intervention. At the same time, citizens’ protests against local leaders do not feature prominently in international relations research, including peacebuilding. Belloni, however, demonstrates that the local turn in the Balkans is equally directed towards country elites as towards the results of international liberal intervention. Citizens’ demands for equality, inclusion and social justice do not always coincide with international state-building and European integration agendas. Facing corrupt local elites and resistant citizens, along with diminishing multilateral support for intervention, foreign actors including the European Union are recently being forced to reassess their strategies towards the Western Balkans in more pragmatic terms. The Balkans have been instrumental in shaping the academic literature on peacebuilding and are still relevant for this task. As Belloni traces the theoretical evolution of peacebuilding, he proficiently illustrates this through cases and developments in the Western Balkans. This book makes us appreciate how theory and practice are intertwined in a way that one informs the other. The insights into the complex interactions of international, local elites’ and citizens’ agendas that shape peacebuilding are equally applicable to other contexts of international intervention.
制度和破坏民主统治。那些留在波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那、科索沃和其他巴尔干国家的公民,他们决定自己解决问题,移民或抗议。贝罗尼介绍的第三个也是最后一个阶段的特点是公民行动主义和公民参与的增加。标题为“图兹拉,或地方转向”,以2014年发生大规模抗议活动的工业城市命名,它通过强制或合作,对抗了标志着前两个阶段的普遍自上而下的自由主义和平建设动态。这一阶段与建设和平文学的“地方转向”相吻合。重点是干预者和被干预者之间的动态,包括当地对国际建设和平议程的抵制。贝罗尼强调了日常经验的相关性,而不是外部构思的制度框架的相关性。代理问题以及国际行动者、地方权力结构和公民之间的相互作用塑造了这一阶段。由于有关该地区的学术文献过多地关注于以前的国际干预形式,因此很少对巴尔干地区的局部转向进行分析。与此同时,公民对地方领导人的抗议在国际关系研究(包括建设和平)中并不突出。然而,贝罗尼表明,巴尔干地区的转向既指向国家精英,也指向国际自由主义干预的结果。公民对平等、包容和社会正义的要求并不总是与国际国家建设和欧洲一体化议程一致。面对腐败的当地精英和反抗的公民,以及对干预的多边支持的减少,包括欧盟在内的外国行动者最近被迫以更务实的方式重新评估他们对西巴尔干的战略。巴尔干国家在形成关于建设和平的学术文献方面发挥了重要作用,并且仍然与这项任务有关。在贝罗尼追溯和平建设理论演变的过程中,他通过西巴尔干地区的案例和发展熟练地说明了这一点。这本书使我们认识到理论和实践是如何以一种相互通知的方式交织在一起的。对塑造和平建设的国际、地方精英和公民议程的复杂相互作用的见解同样适用于国际干预的其他背景。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Belt and Road Initiative and South-South Cooperation 中国“一带一路”倡议倡议与南南合作
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2129321
Yahya Gülseven
ABSTRACT China often emphasizes the imperialist nature of the North-South development cooperation model and considers it a threat to the Global South. The Chinese administration has officially declared that its development aid falls into the South-South cooperation (SSC) category and is essentially different from North-South cooperation. As an international cooperation initiative proposed by China, The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is the most concrete example of China’s understanding and practice of SSC. This article critically examines whether and to what extent China’s South-South cooperation offers an alternative to North-South cooperation. Benefiting from examples of China’s aid practices in Egypt within the scope of the BRI, this study argues that China’s aid practices replicate the pattern of the North-South aid relations and the Western imperial practices.
摘要中国经常强调南北发展合作模式的帝国主义性质,认为这是对全球南方的威胁。中国政府已正式宣布,其发展援助属于南南合作范畴,与南北合作有本质区别。“一带一路”倡议倡议作为中国提出的国际合作倡议,是中国理解和实践南南合作最具体的例证。本文批判性地考察了中国的南南合作是否以及在多大程度上为南北合作提供了替代方案。本研究借鉴了“一带一路”倡议范围内中国在埃及的援助实践,认为中国的援助实践复制了南北援助关系和西方帝国主义的模式。
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引用次数: 3
Russia and China in the Eastern Mediterranean: On Parallel Tracks? 俄罗斯和中国在东地中海:平行发展?
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2129319
P. Shlykov, E. Koldunova
ABSTRACT With the advancement in 2013 of its Belt and Road Initiative, China emerged as a new player in many regions in which it had been absent. These regions included the Eastern Mediterranean, where Russia has long been present, although historically Russian engagement varied depending on the geopolitical situation and its military-strategic and economic capabilities. This article explores whether the Eastern Mediterranean is witnessing a Russo-Chinese alliance in the making, with Russian and Chinese interests intersecting, or whether they are still developing on parallel tracks in relative isolation from one another. Moreover, how are the Eastern Mediterranean countries reacting, and will a growing Russian and Chinese presence correspond with or run counter to these countries’ interests?
随着2013年“一带一路”倡议的推进,中国在许多曾经缺席的地区成为了一个新的参与者。这些地区包括俄罗斯长期存在的东地中海,尽管历史上俄罗斯的参与因地缘政治局势及其军事战略和经济能力而异。本文探讨了东地中海地区是否正在见证中俄联盟的形成,俄罗斯和中国的利益交叉,或者他们是否仍然在相对孤立的平行轨道上发展。此外,东地中海国家对此作何反应?俄罗斯和中国日益增长的存在是否符合或违背这些国家的利益?
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引用次数: 0
Greece’s Ostpolitik. Dealing With the ‘‘Devil’’ 希腊的东方政策。与“魔鬼”打交道
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2129326
N. Papanastasiou
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引用次数: 1
The rise and fall of peacebuilding in the Balkans 巴尔干半岛和平建设的兴衰
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2129327
Damir Kapidžić
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引用次数: 1
Night on Earth 地球上的夜晚
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2129325
Davide Rodogno, Jim Jarmusch
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引用次数: 0
China’s Seaport Investment in the Mediterranean Region and EU’s Interrogative Approach 中国在地中海地区的海港投资与欧盟的质疑态度
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2129323
Zhiqiang Zou, Ahmet Isik
ABSTRACT In the context of debates on the rise of China in the West, China’s seaport investment projects in the Mediterranean region have aroused concerns in the US and the EU given that they regard China as an emerging strategic and economic challenge. The EU has strategic doubts about the security, political, and economic implications of China’s seaport investments. The EU is concerned that Beijing’s investment has geopolitical and military purposes, which might undermine internal solidarity in the EU and subvert the existing shipping structure in Europe. This study attempts to discuss how does the EU perceives China’s seaport investment and reveal whether China is a status-quo competitor or a partner for the EU in the Mediterranean. The major finding indicates that the EU had the attitude of hedging China and the US influence plays a significant role on this issue. This study put forth a clear answer on China’s seaport investments’ ‘Dilemma’.
摘要在西方关于中国崛起的争论中,中国在地中海地区的海港投资项目引起了美国和欧盟的担忧,因为他们认为中国是一个新兴的战略和经济挑战。欧盟对中国海港投资的安全、政治和经济影响存在战略疑虑。欧盟担心,北京的投资具有地缘政治和军事目的,这可能会破坏欧盟内部团结,颠覆欧洲现有的航运结构。本研究试图探讨欧盟如何看待中国的海港投资,并揭示中国是欧盟在地中海的现状竞争对手还是合作伙伴。这一重大发现表明,欧盟对中国采取了对冲态度,而美国的影响在这一问题上发挥了重要作用。本研究对中国港口投资的“困境”给出了明确的答案。
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引用次数: 1
Between Europe and Asia: Narrow Spaces for Strategic Hedging in New Europe 欧亚之间:新欧洲战略对冲的狭窄空间
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-27 DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2129324
Wenlong Song
ABSTRACT Since the end of the Cold War, the former Soviet states of Europe, located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, have been the site of a political game between the great powers, gradually developing a left-right strategy. This paper constructs the explanatory theory of hedging strategy and argues that post-socialist European countries, collectively referred to as ‘New Europe’, have navigated a middle way between balance and followup strategies called compound hedging. Starting at the regional scale, this paper discusses three issues, i.e., whether the new Europe has adopted a hedging strategy, why they adopt a hedging strategy, and the policy performance and effectiveness of hedging in the security and economic fields. Specifically, New Europe has implemented diversified fuzzy strategies amidst the transatlantic alliances and Eurasian powers, avoided security risks from Russia through cooperation with NATO, and balanced interest risks caused by European Union pressure through contacts with the United States, Russia, China and other countries. Although New Europe has realized certain practical strategic effects, it still faces difficulties (e.g., structural pressure changes, divergences between old and New Europe, and a lack of hedging capacities and motivations), and its policy space remains narrow and uncertain.
摘要冷战结束以来,地处欧亚交汇点的前苏联欧洲国家一直是大国政治博弈的场所,逐渐形成了左右战略。本文构建了对冲策略的解释理论,并认为后社会主义欧洲国家,统称为“新欧洲”,已经在平衡和后续策略之间找到了一条中间道路,称为复合对冲。本文从区域尺度出发,讨论了三个问题,即新欧洲是否采取了对冲策略,为什么采取对冲策略,以及对冲在安全和经济领域的政策表现和有效性。具体而言,新欧洲在跨大西洋联盟和欧亚大国中实施了多样化的模糊战略,通过与北约的合作避免了来自俄罗斯的安全风险,并通过与美国、俄罗斯、中国等国的接触平衡了欧盟压力带来的利益风险。尽管新欧洲已经实现了一定的实际战略效果,但仍面临困难(如结构压力变化、新旧欧洲分歧、缺乏对冲能力和动机),政策空间仍然狭窄且不确定。
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引用次数: 1
Soft Power and SPPD in China Iran Relationship 中伊关系中的软实力与SPPD
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-03 DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2022.2037959
Roie Yellinek
ABSTRACT In an effort to support its economic growth that has become dependent on external factors, China has been ramping up its use of Soft Power Pipelines Diffusion. Due to Iran’s strategic location, rich oil and natural gas reserves and joint opposition to the US hegemony, China has been employing different instruments of Soft Power to gain influence in that country. This article will review and analyse the main expressions of China’s Soft Power pipelines in Iran and examine how they are perceived by the Iranian public. The findings of this study show that while some Iranians view Chinese influence as generally positive, others are more apprehensive and suspicious in their approach, but overall the Iranian know that they need China as an alliance.
为了支持依赖外部因素的经济增长,中国一直在加大软实力管道扩散的使用。由于伊朗的战略位置、丰富的石油和天然气储量以及共同反对美国霸权,中国一直在使用不同的软实力手段来获得在该国的影响力。本文将回顾和分析中国软实力管道在伊朗的主要表现形式,并研究伊朗公众如何看待它们。这项研究的结果表明,虽然一些伊朗人认为中国的影响总体上是积极的,但其他人对中国的做法更加担忧和怀疑,但总体而言,伊朗人知道他们需要中国作为一个联盟。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies
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