Pub Date : 2023-07-06DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2023.2233276
Monika Gabriela Bartoszewicz, Kristýna Pavlíčková
{"title":"From East to East: Reconceptualization of NATO’s Eastern Flank Engagement in the Middle East","authors":"Monika Gabriela Bartoszewicz, Kristýna Pavlíčková","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2023.2233276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2023.2233276","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49280032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-05DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2023.2233278
Yiannos Katsourides
{"title":"Intra-Party Struggles and the Making of the Cypriot Left","authors":"Yiannos Katsourides","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2023.2233278","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2023.2233278","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46691608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-04DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2023.2233280
Ambreen Yousuf
{"title":"International Intervention and the Problems of Legitimacy: Encounters in Postwar Bosnia-Herzegovina","authors":"Ambreen Yousuf","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2023.2233280","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2023.2233280","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47897734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-04DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2023.2233287
F. Sinitsyn
{"title":"Political and Legal Problems of the Soviet–Yugoslav Military Co-Operation During the World War II: The Case of the 1st Yugoslav Rifle Brigade","authors":"F. Sinitsyn","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2023.2233287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2023.2233287","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46099752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-11DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2023.2197635
A. Cafruny, V. Fouskas
{"title":"Ukraine, Europe, and the re-routing of Globalization","authors":"A. Cafruny, V. Fouskas","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2023.2197635","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2023.2197635","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47469607","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-06DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2023.2167173
Galip Emre Yildirim
In Turkey, administrative decentralization is a political issue rather than a technical one. the central government follows up centralization policies associated with intensive administrative supervision with three mechanisms according to ‘who governs the muni-cipality’: The opposition municipalities, especially from the main opposition party, CHP (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) are systematically supervised by the inspectors of the Interior Ministry while appointed trustees (kayyım or kayyum) are given control in the municipalities governed by the pro-Kurdish party (HDP). To expand on these mechanisms, the empirical data in this study were drawn from fieldwork conducted in April 2015 in the Istanbul metropolitan municipality (IMM), two district municipalities, and the Istanbul gubernatorial (IG). This was important to show how the Municipal Act No. 6360 transformed the relationship between the gubernatorial and the metropolitan municipality, and how the metropolitan municipality exercises centralization over district municipalities, especially the ones governed by opposition parties. As a result, in a highly centralized public administration, municipalities do not yet have sufficient autonomous competence over public services. The absence of an institutionalized state structure represents the main reason for the administrative centralization. On this point, reasons for excessive centralization in Turkey were analyzed within the framework of state institutionalization. The institutionalization problems of the Turkish State represent the main reason for the failure of decentralization policies in the country.
在土耳其，行政权力下放是一个政治问题，而不是技术问题。中央政府遵循与强化行政监督相关的中央集权政策，根据“谁管理市镇”有三种机制：反对党市镇，特别是主要反对党，CHP（Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi）受到内政部检查员的系统监督，而任命的受托人（kayım或kayum）则被赋予对亲库尔德政党（HDP）管辖的市镇的控制权。为了扩展这些机制，本研究中的实证数据来自2015年4月在伊斯坦布尔大都会市（IMM）、两个区市和伊斯坦布尔州长（IG）进行的实地调查。这对于表明第6360号《市政法》如何改变州长和大都会市之间的关系，以及大都会市如何对地区市，特别是反对党统治的地区市实行中央集权至关重要。因此，在高度集中的公共行政中，市政当局对公共服务还没有足够的自治能力。制度化国家结构的缺失是行政集权的主要原因。在此基础上，从国家制度化的角度分析了土耳其过度集权的原因。土耳其国家的制度化问题是该国权力下放政策失败的主要原因。
{"title":"Why Decentralization Fails: A Case Study of Turkey","authors":"Galip Emre Yildirim","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2023.2167173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2023.2167173","url":null,"abstract":"In Turkey, administrative decentralization is a political issue rather than a technical one. the central government follows up centralization policies associated with intensive administrative supervision with three mechanisms according to ‘who governs the muni-cipality’: The opposition municipalities, especially from the main opposition party, CHP (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) are systematically supervised by the inspectors of the Interior Ministry while appointed trustees (kayyım or kayyum) are given control in the municipalities governed by the pro-Kurdish party (HDP). To expand on these mechanisms, the empirical data in this study were drawn from fieldwork conducted in April 2015 in the Istanbul metropolitan municipality (IMM), two district municipalities, and the Istanbul gubernatorial (IG). This was important to show how the Municipal Act No. 6360 transformed the relationship between the gubernatorial and the metropolitan municipality, and how the metropolitan municipality exercises centralization over district municipalities, especially the ones governed by opposition parties. As a result, in a highly centralized public administration, municipalities do not yet have sufficient autonomous competence over public services. The absence of an institutionalized state structure represents the main reason for the administrative centralization. On this point, reasons for excessive centralization in Turkey were analyzed within the framework of state institutionalization. The institutionalization problems of the Turkish State represent the main reason for the failure of decentralization policies in the country.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"850 - 870"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49307548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-06DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2023.2167354
Klearchos A. Kyriakides
Bearing in mind the geostrategic ramifications of Brexit, this review offers a critical assessment of a significant new book with one primary purpose—to analyse the negotiations over the two areas of the Crown Colony of Cyprus, which, upon the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus on 16 August 1960, were retained by the United Kingdom and renamed as the Sovereign Base Areas of Akrotiri and Dhekelia. This review explains why the book is a welcome addition to the existing academic literature. The review also provides certain pieces of constructive criticism largely centred on issues that are unexplored in the book. As such, the review seeks to place the narrow subject matter of the book into a much wider historical and legal context. For example, the review touches on the largely hushed-up geostrategic interests served by those involved in the negotiations. The review depicts the principal outcome of those negotiations as ‘the camouflaged partition’ of the Island of Cyprus on 16 August 1960. The review ends by suggesting that there is a causal link between the negotiations explored in the new book and the conspicuous post-Brexit role of RAF Akrotiri in supporting the UK's strategy towards Russia and Ukraine.
{"title":"‘A Longdrawn-Out Game of Chess’ and the Camouflaged Partition of the Island of Cyprus that followed on 16 August 1960: A Review of Achilles C. Emilianides, <i>A</i> <i>Longdrawn-Out Game of Chess: The Secret Negotiations About the British Bases (1959–1960)</i> (Nicosia: Hippasus Communications & Publishing Ltd., October 2021)","authors":"Klearchos A. Kyriakides","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2023.2167354","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2023.2167354","url":null,"abstract":"Bearing in mind the geostrategic ramifications of Brexit, this review offers a critical assessment of a significant new book with one primary purpose—to analyse the negotiations over the two areas of the Crown Colony of Cyprus, which, upon the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus on 16 August 1960, were retained by the United Kingdom and renamed as the Sovereign Base Areas of Akrotiri and Dhekelia. This review explains why the book is a welcome addition to the existing academic literature. The review also provides certain pieces of constructive criticism largely centred on issues that are unexplored in the book. As such, the review seeks to place the narrow subject matter of the book into a much wider historical and legal context. For example, the review touches on the largely hushed-up geostrategic interests served by those involved in the negotiations. The review depicts the principal outcome of those negotiations as ‘the camouflaged partition’ of the Island of Cyprus on 16 August 1960. The review ends by suggesting that there is a causal link between the negotiations explored in the new book and the conspicuous post-Brexit role of RAF Akrotiri in supporting the UK's strategy towards Russia and Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136372331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2023.2167162
Mirjana Dokmanović, Neven Cvetićanin
ABSTRACT The article assesses the effects of the current global geopolitical recomposition on Serbia, especially in the light of the multidimensional consequences of the current war in Ukraine. The effects of the dominant policies of the main external factors—i.e., the United States, the European Union, Russia, and China—have been analysed from a geopolitical perspective, with the argument put forward being that, following the war in Ukraine, Serbia will find itself on the western side of a New Iron Curtain, which will fall across Europe from the Baltic to the Black Sea as the main geopolitical consequence of current conflict in Ukraine. The aim of the article is to contribute to the existing scholarship in the field by the exploring issues yet to come into the focus of geopolitical analysis in the Serbian context: ‘green’ initiatives, energy and climate change, and COVID-19 vaccines. All these have become extensions of the geopolitics and geo-economics of the key global powers in their efforts to position themselves as best they can in developing a multipolar world.
{"title":"Serbia in Light of the Global Recomposition","authors":"Mirjana Dokmanović, Neven Cvetićanin","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2023.2167162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2023.2167162","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article assesses the effects of the current global geopolitical recomposition on Serbia, especially in the light of the multidimensional consequences of the current war in Ukraine. The effects of the dominant policies of the main external factors—i.e., the United States, the European Union, Russia, and China—have been analysed from a geopolitical perspective, with the argument put forward being that, following the war in Ukraine, Serbia will find itself on the western side of a New Iron Curtain, which will fall across Europe from the Baltic to the Black Sea as the main geopolitical consequence of current conflict in Ukraine. The aim of the article is to contribute to the existing scholarship in the field by the exploring issues yet to come into the focus of geopolitical analysis in the Serbian context: ‘green’ initiatives, energy and climate change, and COVID-19 vaccines. All these have become extensions of the geopolitics and geo-economics of the key global powers in their efforts to position themselves as best they can in developing a multipolar world.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"586 - 603"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44792012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-28DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2023.2167178
Panayiotis Papadopoulos
ABSTRACT Cyprus’ recent past is composed of elements that make it a lethal cocktail: colonialism, the struggle for independence, geography, ethnic composition, political and ideological differences among the indigenous population, inter and intra-communal conflict, all gravely affected by regional and international politics. Its immediate geographic area, i.e., the Middle East, along with Asia, acquired another dimension within the new climate of a global confrontation of the two superpowers since 1945 with many unforeseen and devastating consequences. Turkey’s invasion in July 1974 and the forcible partition that resulted have created a deadlock on the ground that still persists. The inability to come up with a just and viable solution, due to the unwillingness of the occupying power to yield, have led many voices advocating a clean solution instead, the euphemism for the creation of two independent states in the island. Employing history as guidance for similar circumstances, mutatis mutandis, the article seeks to demonstrate how such talk is not only dangerous, but pernicious as well, grossly unjust to the Cypriot people. The not-too distant past and its offspring, i.e., partition, which was implemented in the Middle East and Asia, still haunt memory and serve as warning against adopting similar practices in Cyprus.
{"title":"Cyprus: Korea by Transposition?","authors":"Panayiotis Papadopoulos","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2023.2167178","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2023.2167178","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Cyprus’ recent past is composed of elements that make it a lethal cocktail: colonialism, the struggle for independence, geography, ethnic composition, political and ideological differences among the indigenous population, inter and intra-communal conflict, all gravely affected by regional and international politics. Its immediate geographic area, i.e., the Middle East, along with Asia, acquired another dimension within the new climate of a global confrontation of the two superpowers since 1945 with many unforeseen and devastating consequences. Turkey’s invasion in July 1974 and the forcible partition that resulted have created a deadlock on the ground that still persists. The inability to come up with a just and viable solution, due to the unwillingness of the occupying power to yield, have led many voices advocating a clean solution instead, the euphemism for the creation of two independent states in the island. Employing history as guidance for similar circumstances, mutatis mutandis, the article seeks to demonstrate how such talk is not only dangerous, but pernicious as well, grossly unjust to the Cypriot people. The not-too distant past and its offspring, i.e., partition, which was implemented in the Middle East and Asia, still haunt memory and serve as warning against adopting similar practices in Cyprus.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"737 - 777"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47498831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-28DOI: 10.1080/19448953.2023.2167349
Michael Kaeding, Marko Milenković
ABSTRACT Decentralized EU agencies have played an important role in the Union’s institutional landscape over the last three decades. Various engagement logics and types of cooperation have previously been investigated for the European Economic Area and EU Eastern Partnership countries, but not for the five countries that received EU candidate status by 2021—Turkey and four Western Balkans countries—Montenegro, Serbia, Albania, and Northern Macedonia. Covering the period between 1999 and 2021 analysis found that 23 out of 34 agencies observed had some type of engagement with these candidates, while serving both EU’s broader foreign policy interests and advancing the sector-specific alignment of candidates. This also suggests that it is possible to frame these engagements as a form of external EU differentiation.
{"title":"Candidate Countries’ Engagement with European Union Agencies – Alternative Modes of EU Integration?","authors":"Michael Kaeding, Marko Milenković","doi":"10.1080/19448953.2023.2167349","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2023.2167349","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Decentralized EU agencies have played an important role in the Union’s institutional landscape over the last three decades. Various engagement logics and types of cooperation have previously been investigated for the European Economic Area and EU Eastern Partnership countries, but not for the five countries that received EU candidate status by 2021—Turkey and four Western Balkans countries—Montenegro, Serbia, Albania, and Northern Macedonia. Covering the period between 1999 and 2021 analysis found that 23 out of 34 agencies observed had some type of engagement with these candidates, while serving both EU’s broader foreign policy interests and advancing the sector-specific alignment of candidates. This also suggests that it is possible to frame these engagements as a form of external EU differentiation.","PeriodicalId":45789,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"1002 - 1019"},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46847656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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